Non-democratic Contexts Research Articles

Sources of Legitimacy in Participatory Budgeting: A Scoping Review

This article conducts a scoping review to explore the key determinants of political legitimacy in participatory budgeting. The scoping review employs a comprehensive search of Scopus to select relevant studies. Three main sources of legitimacy emerge from this analysis: (1) institutions, (2) citizen participation, and (3) deliberation. The findings reveal that participatory budgeting can significantly affect political legitimacy through these mechanisms. In addition, the study highlights the relevance of legitimacy, as it relates to participatory budgeting, in both democratic and non-democratic contexts, with particular attention to participatory budgeting practices in China.

Shocks to the System: Electoral Manipulation, Protests and the Evolution of Political Trust in Russia

Abstract How do electoral manipulation and resulting anti-fraud protests influence political trust in non-democratic contexts? I leverage the plausibly exogenous variation in the timing of a series of original surveys fielded on nationally representative samples in Russia to understand the impact of political shocks – particularly allegations of electoral fraud and post-election protests – on the evolution of trust in political institutions and individuals. This study demonstrates that allegations of excessive, blatant electoral fraud decrease trust in the autocrat. However, trust rebounds following attendant post-election protests. Finally, I examine the conditional impacts of fraud and protest on trust, finding that updating occurs primarily among those with weak political affiliation.

Citizen liabilities for state-perpetrated injustices in non-democracies: toward a new authorisation account

ABSTRACT When states perpetrate injustices, do their individual citizens develop liabilities to repair such wrongdoings? Most existing accounts of citizens’ liabilities for state-perpetrated injustices, whilst applicable across certain democratic contexts, struggle to provide robust accounts of the grounds and nature of liabilities for citizens in non-democratic contexts. This problematically leaves a lacuna when it comes to the responsibilities and appropriate responses of citizens in these states. This article advances a distinctive two-pronged authorisation-based account applicable to non-democracies. Objective authorisers are individuals who derive presumptive benefits, are comparably better-off under, and can reliably influence the decision-making processes over the injustice perpetrated by the state. Subjective authorisers are citizens who autonomously endorse their state as credible interpreters and upholders of their aims in relation to the injustices in question. Both objective and subjective authorisers of the state in relation to particular injustices perpetrated, are liable to compensate, actively oppose, and commemorate the victims of state-perpetrated injustices. This account will be shown to be empirically applicable to a large number of minimally decent non-democratic states, where the political elite enjoy moderate popular support over their incorporation and reflection of citizen interests and preferences in their governance, despite the absence of formal democratic electoral mechanisms. This authorisation-based view differs from existing accounts oriented around complicity and participatory intentions, in better accounting for non-participants who are nevertheless intuitively liable for the actions of their authorised state, as well as circumventing structural shortcomings affecting complicity-centric accounts.

Civil society organizations as policy entrepreneurs: the practices of problem definition in the case of Myitsone Dam suspension of Myanmar

ABSTRACT The study explores the role of civil society organizations in Myanmar as policy entrepreneurs in the suspension of the Myitsone Dam project. It emphasizes their strategic use of framing and discursive practices within a non-democratic context. By analysing their involvement and strategies, the paper illustrates how civil society organizations define the problems that demand political attention and, by extension, influence policy change in restricted political environments. The findings contribute to the broader discourse on policy entrepreneurship, demonstrating its relevance across varying political landscapes.

When Religion Takes the Stage: How the Coup Regime Instrumentalizes Religion in Securitizing Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt

This study explores the strategic deployment of religion by the Egyptian military regime as a legitimizing tool for the 2013 military coup and ensuing rule. Central to the analysis is the role of the Egyptian Dar al-Ifta, a pivotal state religious institution, in securitizing the Muslim Brotherhood and its affiliates. While multiple frameworks exist to dissect regime preservation tactics, the research harnesses securitization theory to illuminate these strategies. Grounding the arguments in the foundational works of Juha Vuori in nondemocratic contexts, it contends that the Egyptian military regime tactically utilized religious institutions to securitize its adversaries and enriches the extant literature by integrating securitization principles within the Egyptian context and emphasizes underexplored narratives from the Global South. Moreover, it seeks to bridge a research gap on the nexus between religious institutions and individual actors and delves into the intricate interplay between religious and political discourses by examining speeches and statements infused with religious rhetoric for legitimization.

Guilt, shame, and antiwar action in an authoritarian country at war

AbstractFeeling guilt and shame for the harm done to others by the ingroup can facilitate intergroup reconciliation. Most of the studies showing this effect are conducted in democratic countries and on historical, not current, conflicts. We investigated the role of group‐based guilt and shame in collective action in an authoritarian country at war. We asked more than 1000 Russians living in Russia, in a sample representative of the country's population by gender and age, about their experiences of group‐based guilt and shame regarding Russia's invasion of Ukraine and their past and future antiwar political actions. We tested whether political efficacy is necessary for experiencing group‐based guilt and shame, and whether these emotions are predictive of antiwar action over and above other emotions and attitudes. Democratic values, not political efficacy, were the most robust predictor of group‐based guilt and shame. Only moral shame, but not image shame or guilt, predicted past and future antiwar action. Whereas attitude towards the war and moral shame predicted engagement in antiwar action (vs none), other negative dominant emotions like anger predicted the degree of this engagement. We highlight the gaps in the study of collective action and the need for more evidence from nondemocratic contexts.

Audience agency in a curious instance of failed securitization: Public resistance to the Singapore government’s eugenics program

Securitization theory posits that security threats are socially constructed. Yet, how audiences influence the failure and success of securitization attempts is still not well understood. In this article, I argue that audiences bring their normative perspectives to bear upon the interpretation of securitization attempts. This theoretical addendum, I hold, permits a fuller appreciation of how audiences express their agency when receiving securitization attempts. I examine the Singaporean context, where the discursive backdrop favours the construction of security threats. While the Singaporean government has successfully securitized many issues, Lee Kuan Yew’s attempt to securitize the country’s declining birth rates failed dramatically. This occurred, I contend, as the Singaporean public was deeply offended by the normative premises of Lee’s eugenicist argument, thus refusing to engage with the issue on the government’s terms. These objections were only fuelled by the eugenics programme the government later introduced, ultimately causing the government to discontinue its pronatalist policies and significantly revise its rhetoric. This article develops the understanding of how securitization unfolds by expanding on the conceptualization of audience behaviour. By examining Singapore, which has failed to inspire many analyses of securitization, it also diversifies securitization theory’s empirical reach, highlighting its intelligibility within non-democratic contexts.

ICT-based environmental participation in China: Same, same but digital?

Information and communication technologies (ICTs) have been credited with the potential to alter the dynamics of environmental governance by empowering citizens, enhancing accountability and improving government efficiency. However, in non-democratic contexts the link between ICTs and public participation is far from clear. Taking the case of China, this study investigates urban Chinese citizens’ use of digital technologies for environmental participation and the factors explaining (non)engagement. Drawing on an online survey with 2912 participants in 2021, we find surprisingly high levels of participation that is not hampered by regime-related factors such as trust in governmental institutions or concerns about the risks of taking action online. This shows that digital technologies have significant participatory potential also under restrictive conditions. However, our findings also show several major limitations of ICTs. Participation in our study is driven by citizens who are digitally skilled, environmentally concerned and also active in the offline sphere. This points, first, to a digital participation opportunity gap that could exclude the less digitally skilled and tech-savvy. Second, this supports the “reinforcement hypothesis” that ICTs are used by the already active and do not suffice to draw new social groups into the policy process. Third, in our study digital environmental participation is limited by citizens’ attribution of responsibility to the government, an unintended consequence of China’s “environmental authoritarianism” that curtails ICTs from unfolding their full potential. Together, our findings contribute to the debate on digital authoritarianism and the opportunities and limitations of ICTs for environmental participation in non-democratic contexts.

Managing the power of images: Environmental NGOs, networked public screens, and ‘interactive’ image events in China

Scholars have researched the ‘wildness’ or ‘tameness’ of public screens for staging image events. This study argues that in non-democratic contexts, public screens are not totally wild or tame but are constrained by institutional limits, straddling the tame and the wild. In networked public screens, activists should keep a careful balance between tameness and wildness, staging ‘interactive’ image events to conduct bottom–up social mobilization to pressure the local state while avoiding being perceived as a threat. Through a case study of environmental activism in China, we identified two interactive strategies that were organized around image events. One was a visible interaction through which activists manipulated the mediated visibility of environmental problems by constructing image events. The other was an invisible interplay through which states and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) engaged in closed-door negotiations to solve the problems exposed, without relinquishing the potential for social mobilization by constructing image events. These two forms of interactions, visible and invisible, form a circuit and are interconvertible in specific situations. With the shrinking of institutional space, invisible interaction is becoming the dominant mode of interaction with the state. The formation of such an interactive circuit has largely constrained the power of environmental images in social mobilization.

Play on Twitter During Health Crisis in Non-Democratic Context: Gratification or Dissent?

There is scholarly debate on whether digital political participation influence decision-making or merely make citizens feel good. Using digital public sphere theory and play, this article explores political participation on Twitter during the COVID-19 pandemic in Zimbabwe. The study applies a qualitative content analysis on tweets as it answers questions: does perspective by media users in a health crisis exert political change and in what way does play on digital spheres induce participation for gratification purposes? The findings of the study reflect the use of conspiratorial satire, hyperbole, and propaganda in the COVID-19 pandemic as media users laugh at poor health infrastructure, corruption and authoritarianism. We argue that netizens’ political participation on social media is somehow overrated for it has not generated meaningful change in non-democratic context but gives the media user, a sense of gratification for scoffing at the ruling regime.

What drives public trust in the military in non-democracies: Evidence from Libya (2014-2019)

ABSTRACT This article investigates the conditions that lead to heightened trust in the military in non-democracies through an empirical study of post-2011 Libya. Drawing on the political science and sociology literatures on institutional trust in non-democratic contexts, we develop hypotheses linking public trust in the military to personal safety, political interest, Islamist orientation, trust in institutions, regionalism, and support for democracy. Using survey data collected by the Arab Barometer between 2014 and 2019, we empirically test these hypotheses. Our findings reveal a confluence of factors driving trust in the military in Libya, including regional, generational, educational, and class divides. Being older, male, and from the East contribute positively to trust in the military as well as perceived personal safety, trust in government, interest in politics, and support for democracy. On the other hand, an Islamist orientation, education and income are negatively correlated. These results allow us to speculate about the drivers of trust in the military. In particular, the positive impact of personal safety and support for democracy could reflect the public's perception of the army as responsible for ensuring safety and protecting a nation in turmoil. The role of interest in politics could be attributed to the charged context of politics and security after the 2014 elections. Notably, regional exceptionalism in the East could be related to the role and behaviour of the eastern-based, self-proclaimed Libyan National Army. Our paper contributes to the limited empirical research on trust in the military in non-democracies, backsliding in conflict countries, and political attitudes in Libya.

Political Parties’ Strategies and Foreign Policy-Making within Authoritarian Contexts

Abstract How do authoritarian regimes make foreign policy decisions? In answering this question, the article addresses political parties’ accommodating strategies in non-democratic contexts. It builds a theory on authoritarian regimes’ foreign policy-making based on the incorporation of a range of partisan strategies informing leaders’ orientations and goals. Unravelling the reasons behind the AKP’s swift shift from alliance to confrontation with the Egyptian regime in the aftermath of the Muslim Brotherhood’s eviction in 2013 followed by a rapprochement, this article underscores the contribution of parties’ strategies in unpacking foreign policy decision-making within autocracies. The study uses an inductive approach in examining the AKP’s accommodating strategies from 2013 until 2021 based on 30 extensive open-ended and semi-structured in-depth expert interviews conducted by the author with decision-makers in Egypt and Turkey between 2017 and 2021 and a content analysis of Turkish leaders’ speeches.

Kazakhstan’s January 2022 Crisis: Representations by National Experts via Social Media

This article aims at reconstructing the representations of the 2022 January crisis developed by Kazakhstani political analysts via social media. The research methodology seeks to combine quantitative and qualitative methods by assessing these representations by use of critical discourse analysis of social media posts by Kazakhstani political analysts extracted and processed by the use of API and PolyAnalysts based on marker words. The research significance lies in the unique situation of regime instability potentially providing the expert community with the chance to speak up openly. However, it is concluded that most analysts reproduced the official discourse that is in line with the discourses developed in non-democratic context. Thus, the dominant expert discourse of the January crisis is rather homogenous and relies on the dichotomies of “the old” versus “the new” as well as “the weak” versus “the strong.” As a result, the general picture by Kazakhstani political analysts looks more like a political myth about the birth of a “new Kazakhstan” than a reconstruction of the causes, actors and consequences of the January crisis. It implies that the expert community prefers controlled evolution of the state regime rather than grass roots initiated changes.

Environmental Advocacy in a Globalising China: Non-Governmental Organisation Engagement with the Green Belt and Road Initiative

Although the Belt and Road Initiative presents growth opportunities for less developed regions, it also raises concerns about negative environmental impacts and sustainability. Despite proliferating academic interest in China’s efforts to green the Belt and Road Initiative, the engagement of non-governmental organisations in policymaking has been understudied. This research marks the first empirical effort to examine the interactions between environmental non-governmental organisations and the Chinese government under the banner of a green Belt and Road Initiative. It finds that non-governmental organisations have employed four strategies to engage with the state-led initiative – civil diplomacy, development partnership, service provision, and outside reform – and that development partners and service providers have been more active than the others in shaping China’s Belt and Road Initiative-related environmental policies. This article elucidates civil society actors’ opportunities and constraints in greening the Belt and Road Initiative and non-governmental organisations–government dynamics in a non-democratic context.

Explaining the failure of legislative agency in patronal divided executives: deputy meaning making and its impact on legislative quality in Kyrgyzstan 2010–2020

ABSTRACT In divided-executive patronal systems, legislatures have been sites of resistance to the centralization of power in a single patronal pyramid. Kyrgyzstan is an anomaly among divided-executive patronal systems when between 2010 to 2020, the Kyrgyz parliament was neither a site of opposition nor did it demonstrate legislative agency vis-à-vis the executive. Instead, following another uprising in 2020, a unified single patronal pyramid was re-established. Adopting an approach rooted in the semiotics of meaning making and drawing on a dataset of interviews with parliamentary deputies and a range of documentary sources, this article complements existing institutional approaches to explaining weak legislative agency by revealing a series of dialogical relationships between deputy meaning making and broader institutional and cultural constraints which shaped the Kyrgyz’s parliament’s overall quality and strength. These relationships pertain to legislative initiative, the protection of private interests and representation, with the interplay between the ascribed meaning and its constitution within broader institutional and cultural context contributing to the diminishment of legislative agency vis-à-vis the presidency. Kyrgyzstan illustrates the value of meaning making as an approach to understanding legislative-executive relations in non-democratic contexts, and its impact in conjunction with cultural and institutional constraints in shaping legislative agency.

Challenges, Strategies, and Impacts of Doing Citizen Science with Marginalised and Indigenous Communities: Reflections from Project Coordinators

Citizen science is growing and increasingly realizing its potential in terms of benefiting science and society. However, there are significant barriers to engaging participants in non-Western, non-educated, non-industrialised, non-rich and non-democratic contexts. By reflecting on the experiences of 15 citizen science project coordinators, this paper contributes to the small but growing body of knowledge attempting to identify barriers and opportunities of doing citizen science with marginalised and Indigenous communities. Challenges affecting participation in the analysed projects include issues that range from lack of basic infrastructure and participant safety to unbalanced knowledge hierarchies and data rights. We found that, to overcome these challenges, projects have used several strategies, from promoting decentralized and low-tech solutions to engaging in bottom-up actions from a human-rights approach. Finally, our analysis of project impacts supports the idea that doing citizen science with marginalised and Indigenous communities might have a greater impact for participants than for science, as scientific achievements (although valuable) were not among the most important impacts highlighted in terms of project success. By providing stories from the field in a structured way, we aim to guide, to inform, and to inspire other citizen science projects, and to, ultimately, contribute to broader participation in citizen science in the future.

Network governance as an alternative policy response to managing infectious disease outbreaks: Lessons from Uganda's response to the COVID‐19 crisis

AbstractNetwork governance is commended as one of the appropriate approaches to manage infectious disease crises, but knowledge of its implementation is still limited especially in nondemocratic contexts. This study adopted a qualitative case study design using secondary evidence to review how Uganda used network governance to manage COVID‐19 crisis. Uganda used the Whole of Government and Whole of Society approaches to form core‐periphery networks of government and nongovernment actors. It institutionalized task forces and subcommittees at national, district, and community levels to coordinate the COVID‐19 response. Networks of actors contributed to the response through case surveillance and management, enforcement of measures, information sharing, social protection and community engagement, resource mobilization, supply chain management, and vaccination. However, the experiences varied across the country with challenges including consensus problems, mistrust, corruption, poor accountability, abuse of rights, and limited capacities especially in local governments. The study revealed that the effectiveness in handling infectious disease crisis might not greatly depend on the country's democracy but rather the government's ability to recognize the threats and adopt collaborative mechanisms to manage the crisis. Contextual understanding of such experiences may provide lessons that future governments may consider when, not if, crises of such magnitude confront them.

Madame Justice Will Save Our Democracy: Gender Bias and Perceptions of the High Court in Transitional Regimes

While existing literature has established that women leaders are stereotyped as more likely to uphold the norms of democracy, the power of this effect in the non-democratic context is not established. We address this gap and argue that the context of regime transition cultivates a unique dynamic in which the stereotypes associated with women justices become especially valuable to both citizens and the state. However, we argue that this perception of women contributing to the health of democracy is not constant across all citizens equally; instead, those people with high levels of hostile bias against women are more likely to view women as the potential saviors of the democracy. To test our theories, we offer original survey data from Thailand and Poland, two countries in the midst of regime transition. We find evidence that suggests that the impact of women justices on assessments of democratic health is indeed dependent on hostile bias in Thailand, but that the relationship is not found in Poland. Our results suggest that bias can sometimes operate in unexpected ways, and that scholars should consider multiple measures of different types of bias when investigating its effects on behavior.

Just a strategic move? Exploring good reasons for self-determination referendums through the case of East Timor

ABSTRACT Using referendums to settle the question of sovereignty might look intuitive, but self-determination is not always accompanied by a referendum empirically, and the existing literature largely points to politicians’ instrumental motivations to hold self-determination referendums. Referendums are also notorious for their zero-sum nature. What exactly then makes referendums essential for self-determination? By analysing East Timor’s 1999 referendum, this article uncovers three reasons referendums should be held to accurately ascertain the population’s wishes in non-democratic contexts: the fear that representatives might be bribed or threatened in a hypothetical indirect vote; the simple nature of referendums; and the lack of democratic tradition.

Editorial Introduction: Contributing to the policy process literatures

Editorial Introduction: Contributing to the policy process literatures