Non-white Candidates Research Articles

Racial differences in cardiothoracic surgery letters of recommendation

ObjectiveCardiothoracic surgery lacks racial diversity. Attracting the best candidates requires valuing diversity and advancing a recruitment process that minimizes racial bias. Implicit bias in recommendation letters has been identified as an influential mechanism for lack of diversity in cardiothoracic surgery. We aim to investigate how applicant race impacts language used in cardiothoracic surgery fellowship recommendation letters. MethodsWe examined applications to an accredited cardiothoracic surgery fellowship program between 2017 and 2021. Recommendation letter authors were categorized as cardiothoracic and noncardiothoracic surgeons. Applicant self-reported race was dichotomized as White and non-White. Applicant characteristics were described using standard descriptive statistics and compared between applicant race. Recommendation letters were examined with linguistic analysis software and higher-level analysis to assess language associations between applicant race and author specialty. ResultsA total of 597 recommendation letters were analyzed from 158 individual applications. Cardiothoracic surgeons composed 334 (55.9%) recommendation letters. A total of 95 applicants (60.1%) were categorized as White. White applicants were described as more driven (P = .03), whereas letters for non-White applicants were more authentic (P = .02) and highlighted past experiences (P = .05). Cardiothoracic surgeons wrote longer letters (P = .04) with standout adjectives (P = .03) more frequently for White applicants and emphasized perceptiveness (P = .02) more often when writing for non-White applicants. ConclusionsWe demonstrate that authors' recommendation letters are influenced by applicant race. Letters written for White candidates are significantly longer and more descriptive of drive and outstanding characteristics than letters written for non-White candidates, particularly when written by cardiothoracic surgeons. Addressing this bias is crucial for recruiting the best candidates for cardiothoracic surgery.

The impact of disability on recruitment to higher surgical specialty training: A retrospective cohort study

BackgroundUK examining bodies are required to eliminate discrimination against people with protected characteristics. To achieve this in surgery, differential attainment (DA) in assessments used as gatekeepers to career progression must be ruled out. This study investigated the impact of disability status on the likelihood of success at national selection for Higher Surgical Training (HST). MethodsA retrospective cohort study of all UK graduates in the UKMED database (https://www.ukmed.ac.uk) who underwent selection for HST (ST3) from 2012 to 2019 (n = 2875). Univariate analysis identified differences in success rates at first-application. Logistic regression models identified whether disability was a predictor of success after adjusting for sociodemographic factors and prior MRCS performance. ResultsThere was no significant difference in success rates between candidates with and without disabilities (all p > 0.05) for any surgical specialty. Disability status was not a statistically significant predictor of success. Female candidates were 25 % more likely to be successful (OR 1.25 [95%CI 1.05 to 1.49]) and Non-White candidates were 20 % less likely to be successful (OR 0.80 [95%CI 0.68 to 0.96]). Candidates who passed MRCS Part A and Part B at the first attempt were 49 % (OR 1.49 [95%CI 1.25 to 1.77]) and 90 % (OR 1.90 [95%CI 1.58 to 2.28]) more likely to be successful. ConclusionNo significant difference was found in the likelihood of being successful at HST selection for any surgical specialty between applicants with and without disabilities, regardless of type of disability. DA was identified between other sociodemographic groups which requires further exploration.

Medical Distrust Among Kidney Transplant Candidates.

Medical distrust may hinder kidney transplantation (KT) access. Among KT candidates evaluated for waitlisting, we identified factors associated with high distrust levels and quantified their association with waitlisting. Among 812 candidates (2018-2023), we assessed distrust using the Revised Health Care System Distrust Scale across composite, competence, and values subscales. We used linear regression to quantify the associations between candidate and neighborhood-level factors and distrust scores. We used Cox models to quantify the associations between distrust scores and waitlisting. At KT evaluation, candidates who were aged 35-49years (difference=1.97, 95% CI: 0.78-3.16), female (difference=1.10, 95% CI: 0.23-1.97), and Black (difference=1.47, 95% CI: 0.47-2.47) were more likely to report higher composite distrust score. For subscales, candidates aged 35-49 were more likely to have higher competence distrust score (difference=1.14, 95% CI: 0.59-1.68) and values distrust score (difference=0.83, 95% CI: 0.05-1.61). Race/ethnicity (Black, difference=1.42, 95% CI: 0.76-2.07; Hispanic, difference=1.52, 95% CI: 0.35-2.69) was only associated with higher values distrust scores. Female candidates reporting higher rescaled values distrust scores (each one point) had a lower chance of waitlisting (aHR=0.78, 95% CI: 0.63-0.98), whereas this association was not observed among males. Similarly, among non-White candidates, each 1-point increase in both rescaled composite (aHR=0.87, 95% CI: 0.77-0.99) and values (aHR=0.82, 95% CI: 0.68-0.99) distrust scores was associated with a lower chance of waitlisting, while there was no association among White candidates. Female, younger, and non-White candidates reported higher distrust scores. Values distrust may contribute to the long-standing racial/ethnic and gender disparities in access to KT. Implementing tailored strategies to reduce distrust in transplant care may improve KT access for groups that experience persistent disparities.

The non-White standard: Racial bias in perceptions of diversity, equity, and inclusion leaders.

In response to calls for greater diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) in the workplace, many organizations have implemented a leadership role dedicated to advancing DEI. Although prior research has found that the traditional leader is associated with being White, anecdotal evidence suggests DEI leader roles are predominantly held by non-White individuals. To examine this contradiction, we draw on social role and role congruity theories to conduct three preregistered experimental studies (N = 1,913) and explore whether the DEI leader role diverges from the traditional leader role such that observers expect a DEI leader to be non-White (i.e., Black, Hispanic, or Asian). Our findings indicate that DEI leaders are generally presumed to be non-White (Study 1) and that observers perceive traits associated with non-White, rather than White, groups correspond more strongly with traits required for the DEI leader role (Study 2). We also explore the effects of congruity and find non-White candidates receive stronger leader evaluations for a DEI leader role and that this relationship is mediated by nontraditional, role-specific traits (i.e., commitment to social justice and suffered discrimination; Study 3). We conclude by discussing the implications of our work for DEI and leadership research as well as for work drawing on role theories. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).

The influence of candidates’ race on examiners’ ratings in standardised assessments of clinical practice

Purpose Delivering fair and reliable summative assessments in medical education assumes examiner decision making is devoid of bias. We investigated whether candidate racial appearances influenced examiner ratings in undergraduate clinical exams. Methods We used an internet-based design. Examiners watched a randomised set of six videos of three different white candidates and three different non-white (Asian, black and Chinese) candidates taking a clinical history at either fail, borderline or pass grades. We compared the median and interquartile range (IQR) of the paired difference between scores for the white and non-white candidates at each performance grade and tested for statistical significance. Results 160 Examiners participated. At the fail grade, the black and Chinese candidates scored lower than the white candidate, with median paired differences of −2.5 and −1 respectively (both p < 0.001). At the borderline grade, the black and Chinese candidates scored higher than the white candidate, with median paired differences of +2 and +3, respectively (both p < 0.001). At the passing grade, the Asian candidate scored lower than the white candidate (median paired difference −1, p < 0.001). Conclusion The racial appearance of candidates appeared to influence the scores awarded by examiners, but not in a uniform manner.

Racial and Ethnic Representation in Local Government

Does the presence of underrepresented racial/ethnic groups in a legislative body differentially impact outcomes for members of those groups? We study close elections between White and non-White candidates for California city council and the corresponding impact on housing values, a summary statistic for neighborhood investment. We find electing non-White rather than White candidates generates differential home value gains in majority non-White neighborhoods. This result, which is not explained by correlations between candidate race and political affiliation or neighborhood racial composition and income, suggests that increased representation can reduce racial disparities. Our results strengthen with increased city-level segregation and council member pivotality. (JEL D72, J15, R23)

Association of Race and Ethnicity With High Longevity Deceased Donor Kidney Transplantation Under the US Kidney Allocation System

Rationale & ObjectiveThe US Kidney Allocation System (KAS) prioritizes candidates with ≤20% Estimated Post-Transplant Survival (EPTS) for high longevity kidneys defined by a ≤20% Kidney Donor Profile Index (KDPI). Use of EPTS in the KAS deprioritizes candidates with older age, diabetes, and longer dialysis durations. We assessed whether this use also disadvantages racial-ethnic minority candidates, who are younger but more likely to have diabetes and longer durations of kidney failure requiring dialysis. Study DesignObservational cohort study. Setting& Participants: Adult candidates for and recipients of kidney transplantation represented in the Scientific Registry of Transplant Recipients from January 2015 through December 2020. ExposureRace and ethnicity. OutcomesAge-adjusted assignment to ≤20% EPTS, transplantation of a ≤20% KDPI kidney, and post-transplant survival in longevity matched recipients by racial-ethnicity. Analytic ApproachMultivariable logistic regression, Fine-Gray competing risks survival analysis, and Kaplan-Meier and Cox Proportional Hazards methods. ResultsThe cohort included 199,444 candidates (7% Asian, 29% Black, 19% Hispanic/Latino, 43% White) listed for deceased donor kidney transplantation. Non-White candidates had significantly higher rates of diabetes, longer dialysis duration, and were younger than White candidates. Adjusted for age, Asian, Black, and Hispanic/Latino candidates had significantly lower odds of having a ETPS score ≤20% (OR 0.86, [0.81, 0.91], 0.52 [0.50, 0.54], and 0.49, [0.47, 0.51]), and were less likely to receive a ≤20% KDPI kidney (subHR 0.70 [0.66, 0.75], 0.89 [0.87, 0.92], and 0.73 [0.71, 0.76]), compared to White candidates. Among recipients with ≤20% EPTS scores transplanted with a ≤20% KDPI deceased donor kidney, Asian and Hispanic recipients had lower post-transplant mortality (HR 0.45 [0.27, 0.77], and 0.63 [0.47, 0.86]) and Black recipients had higher but not statistically significant post-transplant mortality (HR 1.22 [0.99, 1.52]) compared to White recipients. LimitationsProvider reported race-ethnicity data and 5-year post transplant follow-up period. ConclusionsThe US kidney allocation system is less likely to identify racial-ethnic minority candidates as having a ≤20% EPTS score which triggers allocation of high longevity deceased donor kidneys. These findings should inform the OPTN about how to remedy racial/ethnic disparities introduced through KAS’s current approach of allocating allografts with longer predicted longevity to recipients with longer estimated post-transplant survival.

Racial Disparities in Waiting List Outcomes of Patients Listed for Lung Transplantation

BackgroundThe Lung Allocation Score, implemented in 2005, prioritized lung transplant candidates by medical urgency rather than waiting list time and was expected to improve racial disparities in transplant allocation. We evaluated whether racial disparities in lung transplant persisted after 2005. MethodsWe identified all wait-listed adult lung transplant candidates in the United States from 2005 through 2021 using the Scientific Registry of Transplant Recipients. We evaluated the association between race and receipt of a transplant by using a multivariable competing risk regression model adjusted for demographics, socioeconomic status, Lung Allocation Score, clinical measures, and time. We evaluated interactions between race and age, sex, socioeconomic status, and Lung Allocation Score. ResultsWe identified 33,158 candidates on the lung transplant waiting list between 2005 and 2021: 27,074 White (82%), 3350 African American (10%), and 2734 Hispanic (8%). White candidates were older, had higher education levels, and had lower Lung Allocation Scores (P < .001). After multivariable adjustment, African American and Hispanic candidates were less likely to receive lung transplants than White candidates (African American: adjusted subhazard ratio, 0.86; 95% CI, 0.82-0.91; Hispanic: adjusted subhazard ratio, 0.82; 95% CI, 0.78-0.87). Lung transplant was significantly less common among Hispanic candidates aged >65 years (P = .003) and non-White candidates from higher-poverty communities (African-American: P = .013; Hispanic: P =.0036). ConclusionsDespite implementation of the Lung Allocation Score, racial disparities persisted for wait-listed African American and Hispanic lung transplant candidates and differed by age and poverty status. Targeted interventions are needed to ensure equitable access to this life-saving intervention.

Review: Nowhere to Run: Race, Gender, and Immigration in American Elections, by Christian Dyogi Phillips

Review: <i>Nowhere to Run: Race, Gender, and Immigration in American Elections</i>, by Christian Dyogi Phillips

Abstract 004: Racial And Ethnic Differences In Cardiac Rehabilitation Participation: Effect Modification By Household Income

Introduction: Cardiac rehabilitation (CR) is associated with improved cardiovascular outcomes. Participation remains low, particularly in individuals of non-white race. It remains unclear how household income influences racial/ethnic differences in CR participation. We evaluated (1) differences in CR participation by race/ethnicity in a contemporary sample of insured US adults and (2) assessed how household income modifies associations between race/ethnicity and CR participation. Hypothesis: We hypothesized that individuals of non-white race/ethnicity would have lower participation than those of white race, but that the difference would be attenuated by higher annual household income. Methods: We identified 107,199 individuals with a CR-qualifying diagnosis between 1/1/2016 and 12/31/2018 in Optum’s de-identified Clinformatics® database. We evaluated associations between race/ethnicity and participation in CR, and assessed interaction between race/ethnicity and annual household income. Results: The mean±SD age of all participants was 70.4±11.6 years; 37.4% were female and 76.0% were white race. Overall, 28,443 (26.5%) attended ≥1 CR sessions. After adjustment, compared to white individuals, the odds of attending CR was 45% lower for Asian individuals [95% confidence interval (CI): 39%, 50%], 26% lower for Black individuals (95% CI: 22%, 30%), and 54% lower for Hispanic individuals (95% CI: 51%, 56%), all P &lt;0.0001. The time to CR attendance was also significantly longer for all non-white individuals. Associations between race/ethnicity and attendance at CR differed significantly across household income categories ( P , interaction=0.0005); however, non-white individuals were less likely to attend CR at all incomes. Conclusion: In a geographically and racially diverse cohort, participation in CR was low, especially among non-white candidates. Household income may impact the link between race/ethnicity and attendance at CR, but substantial racial and ethnic disparities exist across incomes.

Is More Better? Effects of Newsroom and Audience Diversity on Trait Coverage of Minority Candidates

AbstractThis article examines how the racial composition of newsrooms and that of the news audiences influence campaign coverage of candidates. Using observational data compiled from multiple sources for analyses, our findings suggest that candidate trait coverage is influenced by what we term racial congruence at two levels. First, when the number of non-white journalists increases in newsroom, white candidates are more likely to receive positive trait coverage than non-white candidates, which is likely compounded by multiple constraints racial minority journalists face in the newsroom. This racial congruence phenomenon is also present in areas with large non-white adult populations. The larger this population, the higher is favorable news coverage for non-white candidates compared to white candidates. The race of candidates, journalists, and audiences does not have a combined effect on news coverage, indicating that the effects of more diverse newsroom members are not necessarily driven by market incentives.

Race and Campaign Resources: Candidate Identification Numbers in Brazil

Party elites may hinder racial and ethnic minorities from winning public office by withholding resources. Prior studies have explored the distribution of money, media access, and party-list positions. In Brazil, party elites provide each candidate with a unique identification number. Voters must enter their preferred candidate’s identification number into an electronic voting machine to register their support. In this article, we replicate and extend Bueno and Dunning’s (2017) analysis of candidate identification numbers. They conclude that party elites do not provide white candidates with superior identification numbers than non-whites. We contend that assessing intraparty variation is theoretically and methodologically warranted. Using party fixed effects, we find that party elites provide non-white candidates with worse identification numbers than whites. We demonstrate that our findings are generalisable using data from other elections. Moreover, we show that party elites also withhold advantageous numbers from women and political novices.

Is Beauty in the Eye of the Beholder? Differences in Residency Training Program Preferences Among Women and Minorities

Training programs are now more than ever seeking ways to promote recruitment and retention of a diverse resident workforce. The goal of this study was to examine how gender and ethnic identities affect applicant attraction to surgery training programs. Applicants to general surgery residency in 2018 to 2019 completed a 31-item assessment measuring preferences for training program characteristics and attributes. Differences in preferences across candidate gender and ethnicity were investigated. Factor analyses and analysis of variance (ANOVA) were used to explore these differences. 1491 unique applicants to 7 residency programs completed the assessment, representing 67% of all applicants to general surgery during the 2018 to 2019 season. Women preferred training programs that had high levels of social support (p < 0.001), were less traditional (p < 0.001), and with less turbulence (p < 0.05). Non-white candidates reported greater preference for programs with higher levels of established academics (p < 0.001), clinical experiences (p < 0.001), social support (p < 0.05), traditionalism (p < 0.001), flexibility (p < 0.001), and innovation (p < 0.001). Organizational efforts to attract and retain a diverse workforce may benefit from considering the aspects of work that align with female and underrepresented minority preferences.

COVID-19 mortality among kidney transplant candidates is strongly associated with social determinants of health.

The COVID‐19 pandemic has affected all portions of the global population. However, many factors have been shown to be particularly associated with COVID‐19 mortality including demographic characteristics, behavior, comorbidities, and social conditions. Kidney transplant candidates may be particularly vulnerable to COVID‐19 as many are dialysis‐dependent and have comorbid conditions. We examined factors associated with COVID‐19 mortality among kidney transplant candidates from the National Scientific Registry of Transplant Recipients from March 1 to December 1, 2020. We evaluated crude rates and multivariable incident rate ratios (IRR) of COVID‐19 mortality. There were 131 659 candidates during the study period with 3534 all‐cause deaths and 384 denoted a COVID‐19 cause (5.00/1000 person years). Factors associated with increased COVID‐19 mortality included increased age, males, higher body mass index, and diabetes. In addition, Blacks (IRR = 1.96, 95% C.I.: 1.43–2.69) and Hispanics (IRR = 3.38, 95% C.I.: 2.46–4.66) had higher COVID‐19 mortality relative to Whites. Patients with lower educational attainment, high school or less (IRR = 1.93, 95% C.I.: 1.19–3.12, relative to post‐graduate), Medicaid insurance (IRR = 1.73, 95% C.I.: 1.26–2.39, relative to private), residence in most distressed neighborhoods (fifth quintile IRR = 1.93, 95% C.I.: 1.28–2.90, relative to first quintile), and most urban and most rural had higher adjusted rates of COVID‐19 mortality. Among kidney transplant candidates in the United States, social determinants of health in addition to demographic and clinical factors are significantly associated with COVID‐19 mortality.

The Colour of the Elected: Determinants of the Political Under-Representation of Blacks and Browns in Brazil

Abstract It appears to be beyond dispute that Brazilian politics is overwhelmingly White. Recent surveys indicate that the proportion of people of colour in the federal parliament is around 20%. But despite such obvious marginalisation, little is known about the causes of this political under-representation. This paper attempts to shed light on the main filters driving out non-Whites, i.e. Blacks and Browns, from Brazilian politics. To this end, we have carried out a survey of the skin colour of candidates to a seat in the City Council of Brazil’s two largest cities: São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro, in the 2012 elections. Given the lack of official records on the race or skin colour of these candidates, we chose to submit their photos, made publicly available by the Supreme Electoral Court, to classification by a team of researchers. The results have allowed us to gauge the extent to which the political alienation of non-White Brazilians is due to: (a) bias in party recruitment; (b) differences in educational capital and personal wealth between White and non-White candidates; (c) inequalities in the distribution of party and electoral resources; or (d) the electoral preferences of voters themselves. Apparently, the electoral opportunities of Blacks and Browns reflect the difficulties that these groups face when trying to ascend to the small elite of candidates that have the biggest funding and the most votes.

Racial and ethnic disparities in lung transplant listing and waitlist outcomes

The United States lung transplant registry data demonstrate differences in adult waitlist mortality by race/ethnicity. It is unknown whether these differences persist after risk adjustment or occur secondary to disparities in disease severity at the time of listing. Adult lung transplant waitlist candidates between May 4, 2005 and March 5, 2015 were identified and compared by non-Hispanic white (NHW), non-Hispanic black (NHB), Hispanic and Asian race/ethnicity. A competing risk proportional hazards model was used to assess the association of race/ethnicity with the unadjusted and adjusted risk of waitlist death or removal for too sick, transplant, or removal for other reason. Disease illness severity at transplant listing was compared by race/ethnicity. There were 20,684 lung transplant candidates identified (82% NHW, 9% NHB, 6% Hispanic, 2% Asian and 1% other). Non-white candidates had higher unadjusted waitlist mortality, which was fully mitigated by adjusting for other risk factors (NHB: hazard ratio [HR] 1.05, 95% confidence interval [CI] 0.93 to 1.18; Hispanic: HR 1.02, 95% CI 0.99 to 1.18; Asian: HR 0.90, 95% CI 0.70 to 1.16). Adjusted waitlist access to transplant was lower in non-white candidates (NHB: HR 0.88, 95% CI 0.83 to 0.94; Hispanic: HR 0.87, 95% CI 0.81 to 0.94; Asian: HR 0.83, 95% CI 0.73 to 0.96). NHW candidates with obstructive lung disease and pulmonary fibrosis were older with less illness severity at listing than non-white candidates. Within the current lung allocation system, there is no difference in risk-adjusted waitlist mortality by race/ethnicity, but non-white waitlist candidates have lower risk-adjusted access to lung transplant. Non-white candidates are generally younger with greater disease-specific illness severity at the time of lung transplant listing.

Race, Resources, and Representation

What explains the persistence of racial or ethnic inequalities in descriptive representation in the absence of strongly politicized racial or ethnic cleavages? This article uses new data to demonstrate a substantial racial gap between voters and politicians in Brazil. The authors show that this disparity is not plausibly due to racial preferences in the electorate as a whole, for instance, deference toward white candidates or discrimination against nonwhites, and that barriers to candidate entry or discrimination by party leaders do not likely explain the gap. Instead, they document persistent resource disparities between white and nonwhite candidates, including large differences in personal assets and campaign contributions. The findings suggest that elite closure—investments by racial and economic elites on behalf of elite candidates—help perpetuate a white political class, even in the absence of racialized politics. By underscoring this avenue through which representational disparities persist, the article contributes to research on elite power in democratic settings.

A cor dos eleitos: determinantes da sub-representação política dos não brancos no Brasil

Parece fora de qualquer polêmica o fato de que a política nacional é majoritariamente branca. Levantamentos recentes indicam que a proporção de negros no parlamento federal nunca ultrapassou os míseros 9%. Mas a despeito dessa evidente marginalidade, pouco se sabe sobre as causas dessa sub-representação política. Este artigo pretende elucidar quais são os principais filtros que afastam os não brancos, pretos e pardos, da política brasileira. Para tal, foi feito um levantamento sobre a cor dos candidatos a vereador nas eleições de 2012 nas duas maiores cidades brasileiras: São Paulo e Rio de Janeiro. Diante da carência de registros oficiais sobre a raça ou cor desses candidatos, optamos por submeter suas fotos, disponibilizadas pelo TSE, à classificação de uma equipe de pesquisadores. Os resultados permitiram entender até que ponto o alheamento político dos não brancos brasileiros se deve: (i) a vieses no recrutamento partidário; (ii) às diferenças de capital educacional e patrimônio entre os candidatos brancos e não brancos; (iii) às desigualdades na distribuição dos recursos partidários e eleitorais; ou (iv) às próprias preferências eleitorais dos votantes. Ao que parece, as chances eleitorais dos pretos e pardos refletem as dificuldades que esses grupos têm em ascender à pequena elite de candidatos que possuem os maiores financiamentos e as maiores votações.

Not Simply Black and White: The Relationship between Race/Ethnicity and Campaign Finance in State Legislative Elections

In spite of the increasing campaign finance legislation aimed at equalizing barriers in political campaigns, a fundraising gap persists across racial/ethnic lines. In the era of modern campaigning, with the expenses of advertising and polling, among others, ample funds are necessary but not universally accessible to all candidates. This study addresses the relationship between candidate race/ethnicity and campaign fundraising, and the possible moderating impact of three dimensions of the state political context – state legislative professionalism, state Republican party strength, and state culture (South vs. Nonsouth). I evaluate fundraising totals across 15 states for over 3,000 candidates in the 2006 state legislative elections. Ultimately, the findings suggest that after controlling for other candidate characteristics, as well as district and state context, there is a negative, statistically significant relationship between candidate race/ethnicity and fundraising. In addition, the effect of race/ethnicity is moderated by two features of the state context - legislative professionalization and the state culture. This study finds that non-white candidates continue to fundraise less than their white counterparts and state context is important in understanding the race/ethnicity gap in campaign finance.

Performance in the FRCR (UK) Part 2B examination: Analysis of factors associated with success

To assess factors that influence pass rates and examination scores in the Fellowship of the Royal College of Radiologists (FRCR) 2B examination. 2238 attempts at the FRCR 2B examination were evaluated between Spring 2006 and Spring 2010. Pass rates and examination scores were analysed by gender and ethnicity, and the influence of factors such as radiology training (UK versus non-UK), sitting (Spring versus Autumn), and the presence of an undergraduate or postgraduate degree were examined. 1571 candidates made 2238 examination attempts, with an overall pass rate of 59.4% (63.1% at first attempt). 66.2% entrants were male; 48.8% attempts were by candidates from a UK radiology training scheme. UK candidates were significantly more likely to pass than non-UK candidates (p<0.0001). White candidates were more likely to pass at first or second attempt than non-white candidates (p<0.0001), but when restricted to UK entrants ethnicity did not influence success at first attempt. Overall, females were more successful than males (p<0.001). Presence of an undergraduate (p=0.19) or postgraduate (p=0.80) degree did not affect pass rate at first attempt for UK candidates. However, logistic regression demonstrated that the only significant factor influencing pass rates at first attempt was whether radiology training was undertaken in the UK (p<0.0001). A trend towards increased pass rates in autumn sittings was seen (p=0.06), but ethnicity (p=0.99) and gender (p=0.41) were not significant factors. The FRCR 2B examination is non-discriminatory for UK candidates with respect to gender and ethnicity. Poorer performance of non-UK trained candidates is a consistent outcome in the literature.