Non-proliferation Issues Research Articles

Potential role of nuclear power in a carbon-free world

Thermal Power Plants (ThPP), along with transport facilities, are the major sources for industrial emissions of carbon dioxide (CO2) believed to be responsible for the greenhouse effect leading to overheating of the lower atmosphere. In the opinion of many scientists, there is a threshold value of the average atmospheric temperature exceeding, which entails the potential for the development of irreversible processes threatening the existence of humankind. To avoid this danger, governments in nearly 200 countries have chosen voluntarily to reach net-zero CO2 emissions by 2050. Renewable Energy Sources (RES), including wind and solar power plants, have been selected as substitutes for ThPPs. However, energy systems based on RES only need to be multiply redundant in terms of installed capacity due to their efficiency being heavily dependent on daily, seasonal and weather factors, leave alone the scale of the required material resources (metals, polymers, concrete, glass, etc.). The major drawback of such energy systems is, however, the RES common-cause failure, e.g., in the event of a global volcanic eruption, when no energy-security requirement can be met to provide energy for satisfying the most vital needs. A need is fully evident for furnishing such energy system with another power source to be not dependent on the event that has caused the mass RES failure. With the net-zero-carbon requirement taken into account, Nuclear Power (NP) appears to be the best option in this respect. Modern NP does not however fully suits this role due to its inherent drawbacks (limited fuel resources, pending Spent Nuclear Fuel (SNF) and RadioActive Wastes (RAW) handling and nuclear-material nonproliferation issues). A potential solution to these drawbacks is a two-component NP technology in a closed nuclear-fuel cycle currently in the process of development. In Russia, where the greatest progress has been achieved in this field of development, under construction is a pilot and demonstration energy complex with the BREST-OD-300 nuclear unit expected to be started up in 2026–2027. Another promising designs to be developed are Small Modular Reactors (SMRs) / Small Nuclear Power Plants (SNPPs).

Five Decades of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty: Time to Pass the Baton to the UN Security Council?

The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) came into force in 1970. After renouncing its nuclear weapons programme, South Africa became a party to the NPT in 1991. The NPT is the principal international instrument aimed at preventing the spread of nuclear weapons. The NPT has generated various other treaties with similar aims, which, together with the NPT, constitute the ‘nuclear non-proliferation regime’. The NPT has, for various reasons, not been a success. Whether the NPT has achieved nuclear non-proliferation is a moot point–a concept which implies nuclear disarmament. For example, there is evidence of a network of covert operations marketing nuclear technology; some non-NPT states have clandestinely embarked on nuclear weapons programmes, and some NPT states have threatened to adopt a policy of actual or pre-emptive use of nuclear weapons even against non-nuclear weapons states for its deterrent value. Alarm bells are ringing regarding the interpretation of ‘peaceful’ and ‘non-peaceful’ uses of nuclear energy. Despite the NPT, nothing prohibits the testing and refinement of existing nuclear weapons technology. Certain questions need to be answered. Has the NPT not become an instrument of rhetorical posturing by the five major nuclear weapon states–the ‘Club of Five’? Why has none of the Club of Five given their nuclear weapons up? Where do the Club of Five get the moral authority to declare that introducing new members on the Club is unacceptable? Instead of concentrating on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons as the NPT does, should there not rather be an emphasis on the total prohibition of all nuclear weapons? It is submitted that a more active role for the UN in nuclear non-proliferation issues be considered. All UN Secretaries-General have made nuclear non-proliferation one of their top priorities. Kofi Annan concluded that the NPT was the victim of insufficient progress in not only nuclear non-proliferation but also nuclear disarmament and that the world was sleepwalking towards a nuclear disaster. The basis for greater involvement of the UN Security Council in nuclear non-proliferation and nuclear disarmament is to be found in the Statute of the International Atomic Energy Agency, the Statute of the NPT, the UN Charter and in Security Council Relations 1540 of 2004 and 1929 of 2010. The argument is put forward that as the Security Council has the legal authority to determine threats to the peace or acts of aggression and make recommendations or decide what measures shall be taken regarding it, utilising that body may be a more meaningful route to follow than the NPT which appears to have reached its sell-by date.

Nuclear Disarmament, Nuclear Nonproliferation Issues and Environmental Protection

Nuclear Disarmament, Nuclear Nonproliferation Issues and Environmental Protection

Legal Issues of Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons at the Present Stage

Legal Issues of Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons at the Present Stage

ОТДЕЛЬНЫЕ АСПЕКТЫ СТРАТЕГИЧЕСКОГО ПЛАНИРОВАНИЯ ГЕРМАНИИ В ИНДО-ТИХООКЕАНСКОМ РЕГИОНЕ В УСЛОВИЯХ ВОЗВРАЩЕНИЯ СОПЕРНИЧЕСТВА ВЕЛИКИХ ДЕРЖАВ

At least in the medium term, the matrix of international relations will be determined not only by the emerging global «geopolitical rift», such as tensions between the United States and China, but also by the return of competition between the great powers. At the same time, the Indo-Pacific Region (IPR) inevitably becomes the main arena for the global confrontation between the United States and China for the opportunity to influence the reformatting of the world order. For the ITR, the growing tension in the South China Sea, the issue of non-proliferation of nuclear and other types of WMD are becoming increasingly important, while the competition of interests of the most important players (USA - China, China - India) in this region generates new security risks and challenges. As a major export trading power, Germany is not going to be limited to the role of an additional player in the region, the economic and geopolitical importance of which is steadily growing, especially given that conflicts in the ITR can threaten the most important trade and transport arteries linking Europe with Asia and Africa. Berlin’s goal is to expand Germany’s presence in the Indo-Pacific, relying on intra-regional cooperation, because the consolidation of the «bipolar structures» of the United States and China in the region is one of the main risks for other major players, as the confrontation between Washington and Beijing could take the form of a proxy war, destroying global supply chains. The strategic planning of the FRG in the ITR, in contrast to the similar strategy of the United States, does not have a pronounced anti-Chinese orientation, although it is aimed, in fact, at «containment» of China. Moreover, a more balanced policy of Germany and its European allies (primarily France) in the region, based on the search for a balance of interests, could contribute to a softer structuring of zones of influence in the ITR with an emphasis on a multilateral approach.

The Effectiveness of US Foreign Policies in Diminishing the Diplomatic Power of the PRC (1993-2020)

Following the market liberalization of the People’s Republic of China (PRC), the United States has sought to diminish the PRC’s ability to influence the US-backed international order. This paper examines the foreign policy strategies employed by the last four complete US presidential administrations against the change in the diplomatic power of the PRC from 1993-2020 to find which strategy was most effective in achieving this objective. Diplomatic power is measured through the PRC’s foreign direct investment (FDI) excluding the US, International Monetary Fund (IMF) voting share, and United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) voting coincidence between the PRC and the US. Change in FDI shows the Trump Administration trade war failed as the PRC’s FDI excluding the US increased even when protectionist policies were imposed, as the PRC was able to pivot trade to other nations due to the unilateral nature of the policies. Change in IMF voting share and the PRC’s formation of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank show that the Obama Administration’s attempt to dissuade the PRC into rewriting institutions failed; the Obama Administration achieved advancements on mutual issues of climate, nuclear non-proliferation, and maritime security that supported norms set by the US. UNGA voting coincidence did not show meaningful correlation with US strategy. A successful US foreign policy is one that cooperates on concrete initiatives but not in a flawed manner by giving into PRC demands; when engaging in competition, the US must do so with a coalition of allies to check against PRC diplomatic and trade flexibility.

Neutronic characteristics and feasibility analysis of micro-heterogeneous duplex ThO2-UO2 fuel pin in PWR

The shortage of natural uranium resources, nuclear waste disposal and nuclear proliferation issues are important constraints to the development of nuclear energy. The development and utilization of thorium fuel is an effective way to solve these problems. This paper analyses the neutron physical properties of micro-heterogeneous duplex fuel and compares them with UO2 fuel in terms of burnup depth, reactivity coefficients and radioactive waste. Additionally, the best grid of duplex fuel is explored as well.Results from this study show that the ThO2-UO2 duplex fuel can match the discharge burnup of UO2 fuel with the 235U enrichment greater than 5% but less than 20%. The reactivity was calculated at different levels of thorium dioxide fuel, and the rate of decrease in reactivity is lower for duplex fuel than for uranium dioxide fuel. Fuel temperature coefficient (FTC) and moderator temperature coefficient (MTC) are within the acceptable range specified for pressurized water reactors. Production of both weapons-grade plutonium and minor actinides are greatly reduced and the effect of fission nuclides breeding is significant. When the volume ratio of moderator to fuel is 3.27, the duplex fuel performs the best in burnup and the cycle burnup is greatly increased. It also has good performance on safety and nonproliferation issues under such grid condition.Physical calculations of assembly size were performed for 20% ThO2 duplex fuel at a volume ratio of moderator to fuel of 3.27 and compared them with the UO2 assembly calculations. Duplex fuel has higher cycle burnup and economy. Moreover, The negative FTC and MTC and the high control rod value of duplex fuel enable the reactor to be safe. Duplex fuel has a lower power peaking factor and a more uniform power distribution which are good for reactor operation.

USE OF DIFFERENT LIBRARIES IN THE ANALYSIS OF THE DOPPLER MEASUREMENTS OF THE SEFOR REACTOR: ASSESSMENT OF THE DOPPLER EFFECT OF THE ASTRID CORE

For the next generation of fast reactors, global objectives are required in terms of safety, sustainability, waste minimization and non-proliferation issues. Concerning safety issues, particular efforts have been made in order to obtain core designs that can be resilient to accidental transients. In that frame, the CEA held R&D program toward a GEN-IV-like core concept that could meet those requirements: the ASTRID project. Based on heterogeneous core geometry (axial inner fertile layer, large upper sodium plenum) the ASTRID core shows improved behavior in case of unprotected loss of flow. It has been found that Doppler Effect plays a dominant role for the considered transients to deal with in the safety demonstration. The prediction of the Doppler Effect by neutronic simulation codes require experimental validation, the reason for which static tests conducted within SEFOR (South-West Experimental Fast Oxide Reactor) –a fast reactor fueled with mixed PuO2-UO2 and cooled with sodium –are being used. The SEFOR experimental tests are being analyzed with the ERANOS code package using nuclear data libraries of different evaluations: JEFF-3.1.1, JEFF-3.2, ENDF-B/VII.1 and JENDL4. The C/E values on the SEFOR Doppler Effect range from 1.01 to 1.07 with an experimental uncertainty of ±0.06. With the use of perturbation break down in energy and isotope, this paper identifies the reasons for such large C/E spread and identifies the differences and similarities of the SEFOR Doppler Effect with the ASTRID one.

Russian-American Relations and Dialogue on Nonproliferation and Disarmament Issues

Russian-American Relations and Dialogue on Nonproliferation and Disarmament Issues

Nuclear proliferation treaty weapons in the aspect of contemporary problems international relations

Problem setting. The article clarifies some of the features of the international legal regime for the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, outlines the related problems associated with the category of «extraordinary events» to which a state party to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (hereinafter - NPT) is considered the basis for termination of its participation in the Treaty. The purpose of this work is a general study and analysis of the specific features of the NPT. To achieve this goal, it is necessary to solve the following tasks: 1) conduct an legal analysis of the norms enshrined in the NPT; 2) study the controversial theoretical aspects of understanding the category of «extraordinary events» 3) reveal the essence and analyze the constituent elements of the NPT. Analysis of recent research. Given the high relevance of nuclear non-proliferation in the context of supporting international security, this topic attracts the attention of many domestic and foreign scientists. At the dissertation level the issues of nuclear non-proliferation in world politics (Galka S. P.), international regulation of nuclear material transfers (Lvovin A. V.) were studied. As one of the factors in the formation of international relations, nuclear weapons were considered in the works of Bobro D. G., Telenko O. M., Sinovets P. A., Akhtamazyan I. A., and others. Among the foreign doctrine of the legal status of nuclear-weapon states, the role of the United Nations in nuclear disarmament, the conditions of nuclear stability are reflected in the works of Harsh V. P., Perkovich J., Buchanan J. M. and others. Article’s main body. The article presents a detailed analysis of international law and the views of scholars and specialists in this field, discusses current theoretical and applied issues of the NPT. In particular, attention is paid to the analysis of the category of extraordinary events as a basis for withdrawal from the NPT. Conclusions. Due to the peculiarities of the international nuclear non-proliferation regime, we can state that its regulatory framework, which is based on the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, contains many contradictory norms and shortcomings. The main imperfection is the existence in the norms of the NPT of the assessment category of «extraordinary events», which is the basis for withdrawal from the Treaty. It threatens the very essence of nuclear non-proliferation as an international regime in general. The category of «extraordinary events» as a basis for withdrawal, the NPT does not exempt any levers of restraint of the state party in the Treaty, and when recording the facts of breach of contract, the latter may unreasonably withdraw from it by pointing to the concept of extraordinary events, which are usually interpreted and do not require any evidence to substantiate their authenticity.

Molybdenum-99 production pathways and the sorbents for 99Mo/99mTc generator systems using (n, γ) 99Mo: a review

Technetiun-99 m (99mTc) is a widely used and versatile radioisotope obtained from the beta decay of molybdenum (99Mo). 99Mo can be produced by thermal fission or neutron activation process. Production of 99Mo via the neutron capture method draws attention as an alternative to fission derived 99Mo due to non-proliferation issues. The main concern with neutron capture-produced 99Mo (n, γ) over the common fission-produced involves both lower Curie yield and lower specific activity. In this work, different adsorbents using low specific activity 99Mo for 99mTc generator have been discussed.

Nuclear power plants of low and medium power with SVBR-100 reactor facilities

Installed power capacity’s share of the global nuclear power engineering is about 10% (both current and forecasted) or even less, while forecasted renewables’ one is above 50%. Large-scale development of nuclear energy technologies is curbed by the existing public opinion in relation to safety (including spent fuel and radioactive wastes handling), limited uranium resources, high capital costs and non-proliferation issues. Overcoming of the impediments is assumed to be based on the next generation nuclear energy technologies among them SVBR technology could be considered as a one possible option. The safety of SVBR NPP is ensured due to using chemically inert lead-bismuth coolant. Removal of uranium resource limitations is based on possibility to operate in a closed nuclear fuel cycle. The economic competitiveness is achieved due to using relatively small amount and relatively simple equipment for the reactor production. The non-proliferation is supported by the use of reduced-enrichment fuel and reactor core physics sensitive to unreported fertile material placement. Additionally SVBR nuclear energy technology can enhance their attractiveness by abilities to place SVBR NPP near to consumers, possibilities for multi-purpose applications, capabilities to operate in weak grids and in the load following modes.

Экспортный контроль как инструмент поддержания лидерства США в меняющемся мире

В статье рассматриваются особенности американской системы экспортного контроля над товарами и технологиями двойного назначения, позволившие ей стать важным инструментом обеспечения национальной безопасности и внешней политики. Используя системно-исторический и системно-функциональный подходы, автор ставит задачу проанализировать эволюцию экспортного контроля сквозь призму изменений в американской концепции национальной безопасности США, а также исследовать, почему система, созданная в годы холодный войны, оказалась настолько востребованной в наши дни. Вокруг правил ЭК идет острая внутриполитическая борьба. Ведущие ведомства, поддерживаемые отдельными группами политической элиты, стараются навязать свои стратегические приоритеты. Деловые круги и научное сообщество рассматривают экспортный контроль как ограничительную меру, лоббируя смягчение режима. В статье обозначены три периода: период холодной войны, 1990-е – первое десятилетие 2000-х годов, современный этап. Это разделение достаточно условно. В рамках каждого этапа автор рассматривает развороты к ослаблению и ужесточению режима экспортного регулирования по соображениям национальной безопасности и внешней политики, факторы политического, военно-стратегического и экономического характера, дающие толчок к переоценке Соединенными Штатами концепции национальной безопасности. Особое внимание уделено политике экспортного контроля на современном этапе. Качественно расширяется трактовка национальной безопасности США вследствие дисперсии вызовов и угроз их глобальному лидерству. Эволюция режима экспортного контроля используется как механизм поддержания лидерства США в меняющемся мире, реорганизации мирового порядка в интересах США.

NORTH KOREA’S NUCLEAR PROGRAM: FROM NONPROLIFERATION ISSUE TO DETERRENCE

NORTH KOREA’S NUCLEAR PROGRAM: FROM NONPROLIFERATION ISSUE TO DETERRENCE

US-Russia Media Dialogue on Nuclear Issues

Prospects for the 2020 RevCon are discussed. In this context the paper focuses on the need for US-Russian cooperation on nuclear nonproliferation issues, with scenarios for such cooperation (or the lack of it) being put forward.

Undergraduate disarmament and nonproliferation education: gaps, opportunities, and new approaches

ABSTRACTDespite living in a nuclear-weapon state, young Americans are generally ill-informed about weapons of mass destruction (WMD) and their means of control. The result is both widespread apathy toward nonproliferation and disarmament decision making among the general public and a looming personnel crisis within government sectors that enact policy in these domains. Considering that 67 percent of high school graduates in the United States go on to pursue a bachelor’s degree, exposing more undergraduates to nonproliferation and disarmament issues could contribute to addressing both of these challenges. The present study analyzes how these issues are already being taught at select US colleges and universities and explores ways to introduce them to more students that align with current priorities in higher education, such as interdisciplinary learning, digital humanities, and data-science learning. It also proposes concrete steps that the WMD policy community can take to help institutions of higher education integrate these topics more broadly into their curricula. The anticipated result is greater support for education in this important issue area across different stakeholders in academia, as well as increased engagement with these critical issues among a more diverse population of young people.

Article The problem of nuclear proliferation and its impact on the formula of strategic balance in the Middle East after the events of September 11, 2001

The issue of nuclear proliferation is one of the most vital issues as it reflects a form of dealing in the field of international relations. Therefore, the Middle East region has taken great interest in reducing the levels of nuclear armament and acquiring nuclear power within the strategic framework of the international and regional powers. The establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Middle East region is currently one of the most important international and regional arrangements for controlling the levels of nuclear proliferation and attempting to build a state of stability and balance. In the Middle East and the world. The importance of the research comes from the fact that it deals with an important and vital issue: the issue of nuclear proliferation and its implications for the equation of the strategic balance in the Middle East after the events of September 11, 2001, which gained great importance in the post-cold war era. And to achieve some kind of stability and balance within the framework of the international and regional environment, especially in the Middle East, which has increased the importance of efforts in this regard the proliferation of nuclear weapons to new countries, it is possible to obtain nuclear technology by enhancing levels The proliferation of weapons of mass destruction has become one of the most important facts for the post-Cold War era. At a time when only five countries possessed nuclear weapons (the United States, Russia, China, France and Britain) , As well as the possibility of other countries such as India, Pakistan and Israel, which suggests that the post-Cold War era has seen a widening of the circle of States possessing or manufacturing such weapons (Pakistan, North Korea and Iran) The emergence of regional tensions as in the case of William Middle East. Thus, the issue of non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction has become a central issue in the context of the post-Cold War American strategy, especially after the events of September 11, 2001, as a result of the convictions that there is an interrelationship between the non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and the global fight against terrorism. In keeping with this, the research started from the premise that the continuity of the Middle East countries in seeking to acquire nuclear capabilities is in itself an essential brake or determinant of the establishment of a zone free of weapons of mass destruction, as well as the lack of guarantees to establish security among countries The Middle East, which is reflected negatively on the regional and international security approaches to the Middle East, and of course lead to the adoption of their respective security policies against each other within the framework of the growing levels of nuclear weapons to achieve some kind of balance towards the nuclear capabilities of each of these countries And then more nuclear armament policies in the region, as a result can not promote positive security perceptions that are based on the employment of enablers of smart power, which is reflected negatively on the strategic balance in the territory of the Middle East equation. Keywords: nuclear proliferation, the Middle East, strategic balance, the events of September 11, 2001, regional and international security, doctrine of preemptive war, preemptive war, nuclear deterrence, strategic perception, terrorism, nuclear power Nuclear proliferation.

Determinants of the Nuclear Policy Options in the Obama Administration: An Interview with Jon Wolfsthal

ABSTRACT Jon Wolfsthal is renowned for his policy achievements and his well-informed articles on nuclear arms control and nonproliferation issues. He served as special assistant to former US President Barack Obama and as senior director for arms control and nonproliferation at the National Security Council from 2014 to 2017. He was special adviser to Vice President Joe Biden for nuclear security and nonproliferation and a director for nonproliferation on the National Security Council from 2009 to 2012. During his time in the Obama White House, Wolfsthal was a key figure in formulating and implementing Obama administration nuclear policies. This interview enables both experts and the general public to become more acquainted with major determinants of the policy options that the Obama administration pursued as it sought to advance the President’s “Prague agenda”. The following text actually combines two interviews, conducted on 30 July 2017 and 1 March 2018 and edited for this journal.

Iran’s Nuclear Decision Making and the Issue of Nuclear Non-Proliferation in the International System

This paper studies the reason for Iran’s nuclear decisions making by using the realist approach in the international politics, also the issue of nuclear non-proliferation in the international system and why the international system is totally against the Iran’s nuclear program? The study employs both primary and secondary sources as a method of data collection. The study reveals that that national interest should come first before any collective ones. The process which decisions are made is only determined by self-serving interests of those who possess power in the international system. The realist school of thought provides the critical opinions propounded by various political science scholars on power politics and national interest in the international system. According to Hans Morgenthau a classical realist scholar, society has to be governed generally by objective laws which are rooted in human nature. To him theory is necessary so that to bring order in the international politics, he rejected the idea of liberalism and idealism. Theory has to reflect the objective laws like power, military, diplomacy and norms of the society. First of all we have to look at the human nature which is seen as a rational, we have to examine through individual, group, and societal level because naturally human nature is selfish. Morgenthau defined the state as a collection of human beings who are self-interested, thus the state will have to deal with order interested states in the world politics. The aim of state in the international politics is pursuing national interest which is basically about power. He viewed international politics as a struggle for power.Thus, the realist scholars maintained that in the international politics, states happened to be the key actors and that politics is a conflictual, a struggle for anarchical environment in which nation-states defend on their own capabilities to survive.

Between Principles and Pragmatism: India and the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Regime in the Post-PNE Era, 1974–1980

ABSTRACTThis paper argues that even when India had posited its peaceful nuclear explosion (PNE) of May 1974 as a mark of resistance against a prejudiced nuclear order based upon the NPT, India's policies in the post-PNE period confirmed with many aspects of the emerging non-proliferation consensus. India's response was guided by two major factors. On one hand, were its long-held principles such as the right to peaceful uses of nuclear energy (including PNE's) and the right to nuclear technology cooperation for peaceful purposes. On the other hand, were the pragmatic policy choices it had to make as advanced nuclear states worked towards a stricter non-proliferation regime. In this struggle between India's principles and its necessities, India's nuclear behavior was guided much more by pragmatism rather than by its normative preferences. Yet, even when India made major compromises on its nuclear principles in private, in public India stuck to the rhetoric of its principled opposition to the NPT regime. These tensions between India's actual practice and its public policy are evident on three major non-proliferation issues: nuclear safeguards, export controls and the danger of nuclear proliferation in its neighborhood.