Policy Of Non-alignment Research Articles

‘Forever Glory to the Heroic People of Korea!’: North Korea in the Press of the Israeli Zionist Left during the Korean War

The Korean War (1950-3) was a crucial moment in the history of Israel: the young state then abandoned its policy of nonalignment by identifying with the West. This decision was heavily criticized by the biggest opposition party, the Leftist Mapam. Through Al Ha-mishmar – the party’s mouthpiece newspaper – Mapam displayed a high level of interest in North Korea and the war. Based on a critical reading of the newspaper, this article investigates how the party framed the conflict, and contributes to the fields of both Israel studies and Korean studies. I argue that perceptions of North Korea played a noticeable role in shaping early-Mapam’s ideological identity. Al Ha-mishmar put North Korea on a pedestal using the devices of emotive rhetoric and juxtaposition, and, although it reiterated international communist narratives, it contextualized them within the party’s agenda in the local context. The conflict was evidence that Israel was wrong to side with the US imperialists, and the North Korean fight inspired an expression of cross-Asian solidarity. This fitted Mapam’s aspiration of Israel joining the global anti-colonial camp. The North’s struggle was in line with Mapam’s admiration of the USSR and Stalin; concomitantly, framing the struggle further consolidated this attitude.

The die is cast: Sweden and Finland’s long road to NATO

The accession of Sweden and Finland to NATO came as a shock to many politicians and experts, who until the last moment had believed that these two states would not renounce their traditional neutrality policy. The surprise effect was further enhanced by a remarkable coherence of the countries’ approaches to their membership in the alliance. In order to provide a better understanding of this fundamental shift in Sweden and Finland’s foreign policy courses, this paper examines the evolution of their policies of neutrality during the tribulations of the Cold War. The first section considers the formation of the non-aligned strategies of Finland and Sweden in the aftermath of World War II, which took the form of the so-called Paasikivi-Kekkonen and Unden doctrines, respectively. The author emphasizes that, despite the formal resemblance, the approaches of Sweden and Finland to the neutrality policy varied substantially, since their ambitions and aspirations, as well as their role in the emerging bipolar order were also very different. However, the two states had tended to coordinate their foreign policies already back then and this trend only strengthened in the following decades of the Cold War. The second section shows how the Finnish neutrality model, initially focused on building special relations with the USSR, and a more flexible Swedish non–aligned policy, facilitated convergence of the two states, as well as their cooperation with the Nordic members of NATO. The third section outlines the determinants of the foreign policy transformation of the Northern European neutrals in the aftermath of the Cold War. The author notes that it was the collapse of the bipolar order that paved the way for the comprehensive engagement of Finland and Sweden in the activities of the alliance. It is shown that apart from this cooperation with NATO, a number of regional initiatives involving the Nordic and Baltic countries strengthened foreign policy coordination and contacts between Finland and Sweden. The formal accession of both to NATO thus became only the end point of these processes and the result of the conscious refusal of these countries’ leadership from the original and time-tested non-alignment policy. The consequences of this decision have yet to be assessed by politicians and experts, but one its immediate effect is clear — the emergence of a new security dilemma for the countries of the region.

Finland's Strategic Shift: A New Chapter with NATO Membership

This paper delves into Finland's potential accession to NATO, marking a significant departure from its longstanding policy of military non-alignment. As geopolitical dynamics in the Baltic region undergo profound changes, Finland's consideration of NATO membership carries far-reaching implications for regional security and global geopolitics. Finland responded to Russian aggressiveness by joining the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) to counteract Russia�s security threats in the region. The abstract explores the historical context of Finland's neutrality, the evolving security landscape, and the factors driving the nation towards reevaluating its defense posture. Using the research method of critical content analysis and in-depth interview with military and defense and security analyst Rahakundini, the potential impact on NATO, Russia's response, and the broader implications for the delicate balance of power in Northern Europe. The proposed NATO membership signals a strategic recalibration for Finland, with ramifications extending beyond national borders, shaping the geopolitical narrative in an ever-evolving international arena.

Finland in a Geopolitical Perspective - From Finlandization to Integration with NATO

ObjectivesThe aim of this article is to analyse the determinants of changes in the foreign and security policy of the Republic of Finland and to answer the question of how this country's accession to NATO influenced the balance of power and the security environment in Northern Europe. The results of these analyses will allow us to understand how small states can shape the security environment at both the micro, meso, and macro scale.MethodsDue to Finland's geographical location and its experience in relations with Russia (later the USSR and again with Russia), the article uses a historical and polemological approach. The methodology was supplemented with systemic, quantitative and comparative research.ResultsFinland's accession to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization finally ended its long-standing policy of military non-alignment. Not only the European, but the global security map has changed. There are no longer democratic countries on the map of Europe that border directly on Russia and do not belong to Western military structures. From the Alliance's point of view, Finland's accession is an added value, and this country's greatest advantage is its knowledge and experience in dealing with Russia.ConclusionsIn today's security environment, there is no longer room for either neutrality or military non-engagement. Future research on this issue should approach it in a holistic way, treating the security environment as the sum of military and digital security. Although these two aspects are intertwined, it should not be forgotten that activities in each of them can take place independently.

State of Governance, Development and Diplomacy in Republic Nepal

A new constitution was promulgated in 2015. There are several major problems in the execution of the constitution in achieving the aspired goals. It excludes the participation of large sections of society. All three branches of government, the executive, legislative and judiciary, lack coordination, autonomy, and effectiveness in carrying out their respective duties. They are marred by corruption, nepotism, and non-adherence to the rules, norms and values that govern them. The economy is in shambles with all the key economic indicators showing negative trends. The economy, development works and delivery of basic needs/services are in dire need of major improvement. Over the years, development strategy and priority have prevented the economy from being self-reliant and sustainable. Nepal’s foreign policy execution in recent years has become more and more unbalanced and ineffective threatening its autonomy, independence, sovereignty and non-aligned policy. The need of the day is a system that promotes unity and inclusiveness of all sections of society.

Sweden’s Policy of Non-alignment during the Korean War (1950-1953)

The article deals with the position of Sweden in the Korean War. It demonstrates the attitude to the conflicting parties and analyzed the decisions of the Swedish government, in particular assistance to South Korea. It is also considered the Swedish politicians’ opinion of solving so-called «Korean issue». The basis of source study was formed by the documents of the Security Council and the General Assembly. The author refers to the minutes of the meetings of the Swedish Riksdag (Riksdagens protocol) which allow to determine the position of the Swedish political circles concerning the conclusion of the «Korean issue». Particular attention was paid to the Prime Minister of Sweden Tage Erlander’s memories, which were based on his diaries.

Evolving Security Landscape of Nepal-China Relations

Nepal-China relations have been cordial for centuries. The relationship is based on the principles of panchasheel, mutual trust and respect. China's overall policy and interests in Nepal revolve around stability, security, economic development and geopolitics. The changes in regime, either the Shah Monarchy or the Federal Democratic Republic Government, have never been the issue in the unremitting mutual relations between the two countries. However, in the republic era, the security landscape of the Nepal-China relationship has been evolved due to Nepal's geostrategic location and its vulnerability, China's growing military and economic power, the US's China containment strategy and use of soft power; and India's concerns about Chinese growing engagement in Nepal have raise various questions and security implications for Nepal- China relations. The researcher has used the qualitative approach to analyze the Nepal-China relation and security dynamics after 2007. It mainly used diplomatic, military and economic aspects of DIME instruments of national power as a framework of analysis. Nepal must comprehend the sensitivity of China and India, along with other regional and international powers, regarding their security concerns and implement prudent policies prioritizing national interests. Given the evolving dynamics of global power relations and advancements in regional and international arenas, Nepal's nonalignment policy must become more productive, ensuring constructive engagement with China, India and extra-regional powers.

Four Decades of India’s Afghan Policy: Still Looking for a Direction

Since the last four decades, India’s Afghan policy continues to be in a state of flux. New Delhi has attempted to provide some sort of consistency and continuity to its Afghan policy in the last forty years by collaborating twice with both the Super powers, but unfortunately both the times it could not yield the desired outcomes except leaving it in lurch. In 1980s, India has to compromise with her policy of Non-alignment and support Soviet intervention to remain an active player in Afghanistan. But this Indian policy could not be sustained for long because of Soviet Union’s withdrawal in 1989 and the subsequent assassination of President Najibullah and the ensuing chaos as Afghanistan fell into the hands of the hard-line Islamist forces. On Taliban’s assumption of power in 1996, New Delhi lost whatever little footprint it had in Afghanistan. India could not gain much by supporting the Ahmed Shah Masood led Northern Alliance which was fighting against the Taliban. In 2001, once again the Indian government got the opportunity to restore its age old civilizational ties with Afghanistan when the US and its allies militarily intervened to oust the Taliban from power. India seized the opportunity and actively supported post-2001 Bonn agreement and subsequent efforts made by the US and the international community to restore peace and stability in Afghanistan. During the period, New Delhi followed a ‘Soft power’ approach and desisted from any kind of political or military involvement in the peace process. She invested more than 3 billion dollars in developing the vital infrastructure and other developmental projects. But the sudden US withdrawal from Afghanistan following the Doha deal and the subsequent recapture of political power by the Taliban forcing the Ghani administration to flee the country once again left India’s Afghan policy in quandary.

RUSSIA’S AGGRESSION ON UKRAINE AS A CATALYST FOR CHANGE OF SWEDEN’S NEUTRALITY POLICY IN ARMED CONFLICTS AND THE COUNTRY’S ACCESSION TO NATO

Abstract: The policy of neutrality successfully served Sweden for more than two centuries. It was a pragmatic policy with certain degree of flexibility, rather than a dogmatic one, and its usefulness was in principle not questioned, neither by politicians, nor its citizens. After WW2, when concessions regarding the upholding of the neutrality were made to keep the country outside the conflict, Sweden officially continued to pursue the doctrine of “non-alignment in peacetime aiming to neutrality in war”. At the same time, Sweden developed, in concealment and without public knowledge, a wide range of security and military cooperation with the North Atlantic Alliance and its member states, including technology and intelligence exchange. Today’s dramatically changed European security situation has clearly proven that a policy of non-alignment is no longer sufficient and that a strong national defence is also not enough. The security cooperation with the Nordic countries and NATO members does not offer necessary guarantees to keep the country safe. Only full NATO membership provides such guarantees. The Russian aggression on Ukraine was the direct catalyst for a radical and surprisingly swift change of Sweden’s security policy, demonstrating the essentially pragmatic approach to the policy of neutrality. Only a few weeks after the invasion, a large majority of the parliamentary parties stood behind the government’s decision to apply for NATO membership. The purpose of this article is to briefly portray the historical and geopolitical background, the development, and the reasoning of Sweden’s long history of neutrality policy, as well as present the causes that directly influenced the change of this policy and the implications of Sweden’s NATO accession for the country’s security policy.

China’s Responses to the US-Led Security Network: Coercion and Alternatives to ‘Non-Alignment’

ABSTRACT In recent years China has forged an increasing number of strategic partnerships with other countries while maintaining its ‘non-alignment policy’. However, these partnerships are mainly bilateral rather than minilateral, and they thus have less potential to influence the Indo–Pacific regional order. This article examines how China has responded to the US-led security network, in which minilateralism features prominently, and argues that China has implemented a coercion strategy against India and Australia, who are two of the main regional hubs for minilateral security cooperation within that network. It also illustrates how China began to articulate the concept of ‘natural alliance forces’ (tianran tongmeng jun) in 2018, and that Beijing has subsequently expanded its own minilateral security cooperation and Chinese-style multilateralism. These initiatives share some of the characteristics of minilateralism and are seen by China as alternatives to non-alignment, even though they are not necessarily direct responses or reactions to US-led minilateral security cooperation. Instead, they indicate that China hopes to exert some influence on the regional order through the alignment of like-minded countries vis-à-vis the US-led network. The article concludes by identifying the limitations China faces in leading both minilateral and multilateral security cooperation.

Sweden’s Policy of Non-Alignment in the European Integration Processes, 1950s — Early 1960s

The article deals with the position of Stockholm in relation to the integration processes in Europe in the 1950s — early 1960s. It makes an attempt to explain the reason why the Swedish leadership avoided participating in the European Coal and Steel Community and the European Economic Community. It is also considered the motives of the Swedish Government, which prompted to participate in the European Free Trade Association for the purpose of long-term cooperation. The author refers to the minutes of the meetings of the Swedish Riksdag (Riksdagens protokoll), which allow to determine the positions in various political circles of Sweden regarding the “Schumann Plan” and the Treaty of Rome, as well as the possible participation of Stockholm in the integration processes. In addition, the article shows the reaction of the leaders of the bipolar system blocs — the USSR and the USA — to the actions of the Swedish leadership in relation to the European integration processes.

India’s soft power diplomacy in West Asia

India’s soft power in West Asia has been shaped by a combination of cultural, historical, economic, and political factors. India’s cultural influence can be seen through the popularity of Bollywood movies, music, dance, and cuisine in the region. Historical ties between India and West Asia date back to ancient times, with trade and cultural exchanges being recorded as early as the 1st millennium BCE. India’s economic ties with West Asia have been strengthened through the import of crude oil, the presence of Indian IT companies, and investments in infrastructure projects. India’s non-alignment policy and involvement in peacekeeping efforts in the region have also contributed to its positive image in the region. Overall, India’s soft power in West Asia has helped establish it as a reliable partner and a source of inspiration for many in the region.

Madhyama Pratipad: Nepal’s Middle Path Ambition through Non-alignment

The geopolitical variable alone is not sufficient to understand Nepal’s entry into NAM and its relevance. While very little literature has been produced on Nepal’s non-alignment, what exists is also limited to either speeches or statements delivered by Nepali leaders at the conferences Non-Aligned Movement (NAM). Still, while scanning the perspective of Non-Nepali Cold War foreign policy analysts in the literature produced on Himalayan geopolitics, it can be clearly observed that Nepal’s voyage to non-alignment was driven by the Indian response to the bipolarity in Cold War. Such a perspective, however, dismisses the influence that MadhyamaPratipad (the concept of the middle path) had in the evolution of Nepal’s foreign policy priorities as a unified state in 1769. MadhyamaPratipad, here, should be understood as the cultural and civilizational philosophy, which Nepal has accommodated in its world view for centuries. Hence, Nepal’s shift to non-alignment was not abrupt and impulsive. Rather it was triggered by the MadhyamaPratipad, which was also realized by the founder of modern Nepal, Prithivi Narayan Shah. While non-alignment and MadhyamaPratipad differ in their approaches, their objectives remain the same: balancing. While non-alignment demands balancing by not being aligned to any security bloc, MadhyamaPratipad appeals to balancing by treading a middle path. Thus, this qualitative study argues how the historical experience of balancing made it easier for the Himalayan state to adapt to the non-aligned policy and posture. Accordingly, non-alignment to Nepal is not only a survival strategy but also a historical expression of its cultural and civilizational philosophy. Therefore, any attempt to understand Nepal’s foreign policy of non-alignment only from the grand narratives of geopolitics and changing dynamics in the regional and international security environment would not be sufficient to weigh the rationale and relevance of non-alignment for Nepal. Today, India’s perceptible shift to multi-alignment and China’s emphasis on the Xi Jinping Thought have already raised the question of the relevance of non-alignment for Nepal. The answers lie in Nepal’s historical experience of balancing.

India's Policy towards West Asia during the First Term of Prime Minister Narendra Modi

Since Prime Minister Modi came to power, India's goal has been to "become a leading power, not just a global balancing force" and aimed to a "responsible global power" in international affairs. To achieve this strategic goal, along with the "Act East" policy being effectively implemented, the "Link West policy" with a focus on West Asia is also being implemented. This policy adjustment marks the expansion of India's "footprint" in West Asia, demonstrating a "strategic calculation" that has been taking shape with a comprehensive commitment to ensure both strengthening economic ties and institutionalizing long-term security cooperation with this region. India's policy towards West Asia under Prime Minister Modi is a modified succession to the previous governments. On the one hand, Prime Minister Modi continues the policy of neutrality, non-intervention, and non-alignment of the Congress Party since the Cold War. But on the other hand, Prime Minister Modi has made flexible adjustments in line with the fluctuations in West Asia and India. By policy analysis method, the article focuses on clarifying: (i) Objectives and content of India's policy towards West Asia; (ii) Policy implementation; (iii) Thereby, making assessments on the characteristics and results of policy implementation.

COLD WAR ADAPTATION MECHANISMS OF WEST AFRICAN STATES IN 1960S-1980S

In the wake of independence in 1950s-1960s, the States of West Africa faced the need to choose a foreign policy course under the regional confrontation between Western and socialist countries. For the newly independent countries key issues were relations with their former colonizers, willingness to cooperate with them or the desire to escape their influence, as well as a military and political presence. In addition, West African countries had to choose the degree and format of cooperation with the socialist bloc, depending on the ideological orientation towards the USSR, the United States or the non-alignment policy. Matters of regional and sub-regional leadership ambitions were also highly important. Conversely, despite the commonality of development and independence issues, West African countries chose very different strategies in the context of the Cold War. The chosen course depended on the conditions of independence, as well as the availability of resources and regional ambitions. Ivory Coast and Senegal preferred to maintain close military, economic and political ties with France and enjoy its support in regional leadership ambitions. This limited their ties with the USSR and other socialist countries. Liberia in its turn pursued consistent pro-US foreign policy in the 1960s and 1980s, acting as a regional ally in the struggle against communist influence. Guinea, having gained independence before the rest of the French colonies in 1958, found itself in a confrontation with France so its leadership chose to closely cooperate with the USSR. Ghana also actively cooperated with the USSR in the 1960s to promote pan-Africanism and its own regional ambitions. Sierra Leone, on the other hand, pursued a course of pragmatic cooperation and receiving assistance from all major international players, in practice implementing the principles of non-alignment. In general Cold War strategies relevant to small countries used in West Africa attracted presence of external powers and determined their further development and security risks.

China-Iran strategic cooperation agreement in the changing international system

Since the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, the international political and economic system has changed dramatically. The Western powers are in decline, while the non-western Asian and Eurasian powers are rising. The three-century-long Western dominated international system is giving way to a mixed system with Global North and Global South playing predominant roles simultaneously. In face of the changing international system, China and Iran are promoting strategic docking, and their relations have been updated from the comprehensive strategic partnership in 2016 to the 25-Year Strategic Cooperation Agreement in 2021. This development demonstrates the resilience of China’s strategic partnerships in the Middle East, and is conducive to building a more balanced international system and fostering South-South cooperation. The updated Sino-Iranian relations is defensive, and it does not target any third party, nor does it change China’s non-alignment policy in the Middle East. It is conducive to promoting regional reconciliation between Iran and Saudi-led Arab countries.

Non-aligned policy of Sweden during the Suez crisis 1956

Non-aligned policy of Sweden during the Suez crisis 1956

Legal principles of international cooperation between Ukraine and the North Atlantic alliance

The article analyzes the legal principles of Ukraine’s international cooperation with NATO and the European Union.The Resolution of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine of 1993 «Main Directions of Ukraine’s Foreign Policy» was one of the first documents that established the basic principles of Ukraine’s foreign policy towards the Alliance. The defining feature of the foreign policy is the establishment of partnership relations with Western countries, mutually beneficial cooperation, participation in the North Atlantic Cooperation Council and the North Atlantic Assembly.The Partnership for Peace Framework Document stipulates that the signatory state will develop an individual partnership program. Participation in the Program involves cooperation with NATO in the military, military-techni-cal, military-political spheres, in the field of science, ecology, defense economy, etc.On 14 September 1995, the NATO-Ukraine North Atlantic Council approved an Individual Partnership Program, marking the beginning of an “expanded and deepened” relationship.The signing of a Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of Ukraine and NATO on the estab-lishment of a NATO Information and Documentation Center in Ukraine with the aim of disseminating the informa-tion about NATO was of great importance.The decisive factor was the adoption the Charter on a Special Partnership between NATO and Ukraine, a basic political document, on July 9, 1997.The subsequent legal regulations laid the grounds for a stable relationship between Ukraine, NATO and European Union member states. These are, in particular: the NATO-Ukraine Action Plan, the Law of Ukraine “On Fundamentals of National Security of Ukraine”, “Military Doctrine of Ukraine”, Laws of Ukraine “On Amendments to Certain Laws of Ukraine on Ukraine’s Refusal to Implement a Non-Aligned Policy”, “On Amendments to Some Laws of Ukraine on the Foreign Policy of Ukraine” and “On Amendments to the Constitution of Ukraine (on the strategic course of the state to gain full membership of Ukraine in the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization)”.Thus, the political and legal measures to form the foundation for significant rapprochement with NATO and the European Union are implemented.

The Role of Systemic and Leadership Factors in Influencing Malaysia’s Joint Military Involvementin the Saudi-led Coalition in Yemen,2015–2018

Malaysia’s military involvement in the Saudi-led coalition in Yemen Ops Yemen II (2015–2018) had been a subject of rigorous debate in the country. Those who opposed it saw the operation as a breach of Malaysia’s Non-Alignment Policy, especially when it involves military operation in a foreign country’s civil war. The main objective of this study is to critically analyze why and how the Barisan Nasional (BN)-led Malaysian government decided to send armed forces to participate in the Saudi-led military operations stationed in Riyadh. In examining this, an analysis on the role of systemic and leadership factors within the conceptual framework of the foreign policy of developing countries is used to explain the character of Malaysia’s joint military operation with Saudi Arabia in the Yemen Crisis. The method and data analysis of this article were mostly derived from written documentary analysis and discussion with related individuals. The findings indicated that both systemic political pressure and the role of leadership were constantly and constructively influenced intersubjective interactions with other domestic factors, which played a vital role in Malaysia’s decision to join the Saudi-led military operations.

Explaining Myanmar’s Policy of Non-Alignment: An Analytic Eclecticism Approach

This article presents a theoretical explanation for Myanmar’s persistent and consistent choice of non-aligned foreign policy since independence in 1948. It focuses on exploring multiple causal factors in search for a comprehensive explanation, inspired by the analytic eclectic approach, including (1) geopolitical factors, (2) domestic factors, and (3) ideational factors, informed by neorealist, neo-classical realist, and social constructivist insights, respectively. Being a small country surrounded by big powers during the Cold War, struggling with internal conflicts, both ethnic and ideological, and guided by the Buddhist philosophy of the middle way, the newly established government of Myanmar chose non-alignment. Successive governments went between activism and passivism in their foreign policy and maintained the stance of non-alignment. This article argues that non-alignment could be a logical choice for weak powers such as those striving to find their way amid the ever-intensifying strategic rivalry between the USA and China.