Nominal Paradigms Research Articles

Syncretism and its effects within Maltese nominal paradigms

This article discusses the morphologically complex phenomenon of syncretism in its relation to stem patterns, overabundance and overdifferentiation, by describing and analyzing past and ongoing changes in Maltese nominal paradigms. Pathways of diachronic change leading to nominal paradigms in Present-day Maltese are put forward. It will be shown that the canonical/non-canonical paradigmatic classification cannot be simply reduced to a binary parameter. Rather, canonical or non-canonical behaviour can refer to the stem form, word form, affixes or other potential units in a given inflectional paradigm, separately. On such an account, the same paradigm may have different facets, and can be canonical on one parameter but non-canonical on others. A parallel claim will be made for overdifferentiated vs. non-overdifferentiated sets of lexemes. Such lexemes cannot be exclusively considered as belonging to the overdifferentiated or non-overdifferentiated set. As will be shown from the body-parts set of data in Maltese, a lexeme may have split membership, and may belong within both an overdifferentiated and a non-overdifferentiated class of lexemes depending on the inflectional paradigm employed.

The role of age of onset and input in early child bilingualism in Greek and Dutch

ABSTRACTThe focus of this study is the acquisition of grammatical gender in Greek and Dutch by bilingual children whose other language is English. Although grammatical gender languages share the property of noun classification in terms of grammatical gender, there are important differences between the languages under investigation here in terms of both the morphological cues for gender marking available to the child and the developmental path followed by monolingual children. Dutch offers limited input cues for grammatical gender, but Greek shows consistent and regular patterns of morphological gender marking on all members of the nominal paradigm. This difference is associated with the precocious pattern of gender acquisition in Greek and the attested delay in monolingual Dutch development. We explore the development of gender in Dutch and Greek with the aim of disentangling input from age of onset effects in bilingual children who vary in the age of first exposure to Dutch or Greek. Our findings suggest that although bilingual Greek children encounter fewer difficulties in gender acquisition compared to bilingual Dutch children, amount of input constitutes a predictive factor for the pattern attested in both cases. Age of onset effects could be partly responsible for differences between simultaneous and successive bilinguals in Greek, but this is clearly not the case for Dutch. Our findings are also addressed from the more general perspective of the status of “early” and “late” phenomena in monolingual acquisition and the advantages of investigating these from the bilingual perspective.

Diachronic Slavonic syntax: Gradual changes in focus (review)

Reviewed by: Diachronic Slavonic syntax: Gradual changes in focus Mila Vulchanova Björn Hansen and Jasmina Grković-Major, eds. Diachronic Slavonic syntax: Gradual changes in focus. Munich: Sagner, 2010. 208 pp. [Wiener Slawistischer Almanach, 74.] This volume is symptomatic of a recent trend in grammar studies marked by a revived interest in diachronic research from a theoretical perspective. This trend has been visible in the initiative to arrange a forum for linguists working within language diachrony using a formal analytical framework (mostly generative), which came to be established as the Diachronic Generative Syntax Conference (with its 14th meeting in 2012). This kind of work has been supported by the creation and wide availability of numerous electronic resources such as historical corpora, large scale databases of manuscripts for the study of language history. While most recent research has focused on the history of Germanic and Romance languages, with few exceptions (e.g., the recent publication Development of language through the lens of formal linguistics, 2010) research on Slavic diachrony is still relatively limited, sporadic, and scattered. In this respect the current volume is a welcome resource for linguists interested in the development of Slavic languages. It is the result of the conference "Diachronic Syntax of the Slavonic Languages: Gradual changes in focus" held in Regensburg in late 2008 and contains many of the papers presented at that conference, duly reflecting the diversity of topics and ideas aired there. The main organizing idea of the volume is the assumption that the processes that lead to major and observable changes in language are marked by smaller, gradual, and often subtle, transitions, which sometimes even point to conflicting trends. While the contributions all address various aspects of Slavic language history, they reflect a number of theoretical approaches, from formal (generative) to Construction Grammar, language typology, and grammaticalization theory. The book includes 17 papers covering Russian, Czech, and Polish, as well as the almost extinct Ruthenian and Lower Sorbian. Thematically, four of the papers report results and analyze data obtained from language corpora (Bartels, Eckhoff and Haug, Krasovitsky et al., and Rabus), [End Page 299] two address negation (Dočekal and Veselinova). Other papers look at the development of verbal categories such as gerunds (Bjørnflaten) and the perfect (Jung), properties and constituents of nominal expressions (Karlík for a specific category of adjectives and Fried for adnominal participial adjectives), and clause-level categories, such as modal adverbs (Hansen), the syntax of perfect auxiliaries (Migdalski), predicative possession (McAnallen), and reflexive constructions (Lazar). Some papers address more general aspects of diachronic change, such as the grammaticalization of nominal paradigms (Rappaport), the driving forces in the history of Slavic syntax (Večerka), and transitivity and syntactic structure (Grković-Major). The papers that draw on corpus data all share a common theme: the ways in which data extracted from historical corpora may shed light on changes that have been under way or have become visible over shorter (from a diachronic perspective) segments of time (e.g., 50 to 100 years). In this respect, the paper by Krasovitsky, Baerman, Brown, Corbett, and Williams entitled "Morphosyntactic change in Russian: A corpus-based approach" is of particular interest for the topic of the volume. In this paper the authors trace gradual changes in predicate agreement in Russian over the past two centuries. The syntactic contexts included in the survey are base orders, where the subject phrase precedes the verb phrase, expletive (impersonal) structures, where oblique phrases occur in clause-initial position, and sentences where the predicate precedes the (logical) subject. In addition, the semantic nature of the referents is taken into consideration, and animate and inanimate phrases are reported separately in the statistical analyses. Based on data from a large corpus of literary works, the following intriguing generalizations emerge: a radical increase of plural agreement with conjoined NP subjects; a similar, even farther reaching, change for quantified expressions containing the lower numerals (dva 'two', tri 'three', and četyre 'four'), but a very different pattern in the case of nominal expressions quantified by higher numerals (such as pjat' 'five' and above and quantifiers such as neskol'ko 'several' and malo 'few'. These patterns can be explained by the nature of the quantity...

Linksnių sinkretizmo ir analogijos vaidmuo kai kurių linksnių formų raidoje

THE ROLE OF CASE SYNCRETISM AND ANALOGY IN THE EVOLUTION OF SOME CASE FORMSSummaryThe article presents an analysis of the role of case syncretism and analogy in the evolution of some case forms. The data drawn from the old manuscripts and dialects attest to the following: 1. In Žemaitian subdialects, the oxytonic i-stem nominal nominative singular form (aus)-iẽ evolved under the influ¬ence of oxytonic ē-stem nominal nominative and inessive singular syncretic forms according to the pro¬portional analogy formula: ines. sing. (žuol)-iẽ : nom. sing. (žuol)-iẽ = ines. sing, (aus)-iẽ : nom. sing, x, where x = (aus)-iẽ. 2. Both the Žemaitian i-stem resp. (i)io-stem and C-stem inessive singular ending -ie and the Aukštaitian ending –ėj(e) as well as the Latvian -ē, (-e) were introduced from the ē-stem inessive singular as a result of the merger of ē-stem and i-stem nouns brought about by word-final phonological changes. 3. The said ending first occurred in the barytonic i-stem nominal paradigm, and later it was introduced into both the masculine and the feminine oxytonic nominal paradigm. 4. As the old (i)io-stem accusative singular form was replaced by the i-stem form in the whole Baltic area, in Žemaitian (and their nearer neighbours’) subdialects, the inessive ending, as a superstable and maximally iconic inflection, was introduced into the (i)io-stem paradigm, too, on the model of the i-stem (and C-stem) accusative and inessive singular. 5. In most Žemaitian subdialects, the old i-stem inessive plural form in -isu was modified to -ies(e) on the ē-stem model. 6. The o-stem inessive singular form (lauk)-é evolved from the syntactic construction *laukei + en -> *laukē + en -> *laukén by eliminating the first compo¬nent -ē under the regulating influence of the structural model of (i)o-stem adjectival and pronominal dative and inessive singular forms. 7. In the Latvian language, the (i)o-stem locative singular form ending -ā was introduced from the (i)ā-stem not because of the phonetically determined syncretism of the old ending of the locative *(darb)-i (<*-en) and the ending of the nominative singular, but because of the neutralization of (i)o-stem and (i)a-stem illative singular forms. After the development of *kalnanā and rankānā into kalnan and rokan according to the ratio (i)ā-stem ill. sing, rokan : ines. sing. rokā = (i)o-stem ill. sing, kalnan : x, there must have appeared a possibility to replace the old form *kalni by a newer form, kalnā, which was structurally more compatible with the accusative, instrumental and illative singular forms of both stems.

On Morphological Restructuring in the Old English and Old Saxon Nominal Paradigms

On Morphological Restructuring in the Old English and Old Saxon Nominal Paradigms

Case overlap in Medieval Cypriot Greek: A socio-historical perspective

This article casts new light on the well-known loss of the masculine genitive plural in Medieval Cypriot Greek and its apparent replacement by the accusative plural. Based on the examination of extensive material from the period, it argues that the phenomenon emerged earlier than so far assumed, i.e. prior to medieval times. Language contact involving mainly Cypriot Greek and Old/Middle French speakers is investigated both from a sociolinguistic and a textual perspective. The findings suggest that language contact with French is likely to have facilitated the diffusion of the construction, but could not have been the initial reason for its emergence. New evidence links the Cypriot phenomenon to earlier occurrences of the same construction found in inscriptions from a wide area, including Egypt, the Middle East and South Russia. Finally, regarding the morphosyntactic origin of the construction, a new explanation is put forward involving functional interplay between the dative, the accusative and the genitive in the late Roman/early Byzantine period, facilitated by phonological overlap in the nominal paradigm.

Topological relations in Daghestanian languages

One of the features that distinguishes Daghestanian languages of the Caucasus from many other languages is the richness of the nominal paradigm, which arises due to large locative subsystems, counting up to eighty forms. This paper presents a description of major distinctions made by Daghestanian in the topological domain. The paper reveals three basic semantic oppositions underlying systems of nominal locative markers and describes a number of minor points of variation. In the domain of location in Ground this is the distinction between location in container and location in substance. In the domain of location on Ground, the primary division in most languages of the family is between attachment and nonattachment configurations. In the domain of location near Ground, several languages use the formal distinction between localization marker and postposition to reflect the semantic contrast between location in a space associated with a given Ground and location near Ground. The detailed comparison shows that the same distinction can function quite differently even in related languages. The paper also makes a number of crosslinguistic observations related to patterns found in Daghestanian.

A collocation-based approach to Nepali postpositions

Using the Nepali National Corpus, a collocation-based technique is applied to the categorization of Nepali postpositions. Ergative le, accusative lāī, and genitive ko/kā/kī are frequently considered in the literature to be part of the Nepali nominal inflection paradigm, but opinion differs on other postpositions. The most significant collocations of several postpositions are examined for patterns that characterize postpositions as a category or categories. Two overarching patterns — collocation with semantically coherent nouns, and collocation with words for which the postposition functions as a subcategorizer — are identified. The analysis of some postpositions as part of the nominal paradigm is not supported by the analysis of these patterns. However, postpositions traditionally seen as part of the nominal paradigm do collocate more with non-lexical words, especially pronouns.

Proportionale Analogie, paradigmatischer Ausgleich und Formerweiterung

Traditionally three independent types of analogical change in inflectional paradigms are distinguished: proportional analogy, paradigmatic leveling and analogical extension. However, the investigation of the data reveals that out of these types only that of proportional analogy can be empirically verified, being supported by clear evidence from languages with well documented history. Moreover, as shown by data from Russian, Old High German dialects, Old Saxon, Old English, and Latin, even in the most secure cases of paradigmatic leveling or analogical extension found in the literature the assumption of proportional analogy is either probable or cannot be excluded. Consequently the three traditional types of analogical change seem to differ with respect to their ontological status. On the one hand, paradigmatic leveling, i.e. the elimination of allomorphy in inflectional paradigms, is to be viewed merely as a motivation for change whose operating principle really is proportional analogy. On the other hand, analogical extension, i.e., the extension of already existing inflection forms through affixes with comparable function, seems to be just a possible way to describe the results of changes which, again, may in fact be instances of proportional analogy. These findings have the following implications for linguistic theory and practice. In practical work on inflectional morphology paradigmatic leveling and analogical extension without the use of proportional analogy can no longer be used in explanations on reconstructed stages of language development. All proposed explanations of this kind are to be supported by establishing an underlying proportional analogy or reconsidered if this is impossible. The proposed distinction between the motivational factors of change, to which paradigmatic leveling may belong, and its operational principle, which always seems to be proportional analogy, leads to a new three-level model of analogical change in inflectional paradigms: On the first level there are the motivational factors, on the second the proportional relations, and on the third level we find the factors governing the choice of a particular proportional relation. Furthermore, it can be shown that a number of morphological processes that have been described recently, such as the spread of the so called ‘superstable inflectional markers’ in nominal paradigms, the ‘externalization of inflection’ in pronouns and ‘product-oriented modifications’ in verbal conjugation, actually operate on the basis of proportional analogy. The widespread belief that assumed ‘superstable markers’ can be transferred from one inflectional type to another without a proportional base is founded on an unnecessary modification of the notion of proportional analogy that can be shown to be highly problematic by adducing empirical evidence. The most prominent instances of ‘superstable marker’ transfer in the North Germanic noun inflection are in fact clearly based on proportional relations between the inflectional patterns involved as soon as the chronology of the development is taken into consideration. It can also be shown that the shape of the ‘externalized’ inflection forms in pronominal paradigms of Old Norse cannot be accounted for by means of analogical extension but that, again, only proportional analogy provides a sufficient explanation for the attested structures. In addition, it can be demonstrated that proportional analogy offers an explanation for a similar development in Georgian. The often-supposed cases of ‘product oriented modifications’ without proportional analogy in the history of English verb inflection can be explained differently with the help of dialectal variation. Hence, they are not a counterargument against the notion of proportional analogy as the only empirically supported operational principle of analogical change in inflectional paradigms, argued for in this paper.

Roots, stems, and the universality of lexical representations: Evidence from Hebrew

Is the structure of lexical representations universal, or do languages vary in the fundamental ways in which they represent lexical information? Here, we consider a touchstone case: whether Semitic languages require a special morpheme, the consonantal root. In so doing, we explore a well-known constraint on the location of identical consonants that has often been used as motivation for root representations in Semitic languages: Identical consonants frequently occur at the end of putative roots (e.g., skk), but rarely occur in their beginning (e.g., ss k). Although this restriction has traditionally been stated over roots, an alternative account could be stated over stems, a representational entity that is found more widely across the world’s languages. To test this possibility, we investigate the acceptability of a single set of roots, manifesting identity initially, finally or not at all (e.g., ssk versus skk versus rmk) across two nominal paradigms: CéCeC (a paradigm in which identical consonants are rare) and CiCúC (a paradigm in which identical consonants are frequent). If Semitic lexical representations consist of roots only, then similar restrictions on consonant co-occurrence should be observed in the two paradigms. Conversely, if speakers store stems, then the restriction on consonant co-occurrence might be modulated by the properties of the nominal paradigm (be it by means of statistical properties or their grammatical sources). Findings from rating and lexical decision experiments with both visual and auditory stimuli support the stem hypothesis: compared to controls (e.g., rmk), forms with identical consonants (e.g., ssk, skk) are less acceptable in the CéCeC than in the CiCúC paradigm. Although our results do not falsify root-based accounts, they strongly raise the possibility that stems could account for the observed restriction on consonantal identity. As such, our results raise fresh challenge to the notion that different languages require distinct sets of representational resources.

The resilient dative and other remarkable cases in Scandinavian vernaculars

In this paper we look at the case systems in three Scandinavian vernaculars spoken in Sweden, viz. Elfdalian, Skelleftemål and Vätömål in relation to (i) problems concerning possible case systems and ways in which they can break down; (ii) earlier claims about case hierarchies; (iii) the interaction of case, number and definiteness in nominal paradigms. One type of system considered in the paper is based on the opposition between a default case (nominative/accusative) and a dative – an option excluded by previously suggested generalizations on possible case systems. Our data illustrate several different ways in which one and the same older four-member case system has been reduced, and our conclusion is that a strict hierarchy here cannot be established. The vernaculars studied are also relevant to the question of markedness relations in nominal paradigms: they give additional support to the claim that definite nouns may show more distinctions than indefinite ones, and counter to usual assumptions, singular nouns sometimes show fewer case distinctions than plural nouns, which may be explained by the uniform marking of the dative plural across all paradigms.

Einführung in die morphologische Konzeption der slavischen Akzentologie. 2, verbesserte und ergänzte Auflage. Mit einem Appendix von Willem Vermeer by Werner s&gt; Lehfeldt (review)

Reviews Lehfeldt, Werner. Einfiihrung in die morphologischeKonzjeptionder slavischen Akzentologie.2, verbesserte undergdnzteAuftage.Mit einemAppendixvon Willem Vermeer. Vortrage und Abhandlungen zur Slavistik, 42. Otto Sagner, Munich, 200I. I88 pp. Notes. Bibliography.?20.45 (paperback). SLAVONIC historical phonology and morphology are inconceivable without due attention to word stress,vowel length and tone. What is more, they help to understand the prosodic features of modern Slavonic languages which cause the learner notorious problems such as mobile stress in Russian. It seems, however, that accentology does not usuallyrepresentmuch more than footnotes to the academic teaching of Slavonic grammar,both historicaland modern. In I993, Lehfeldt made a remarkableeffortto remedy this situation and presented an introduction to the morphological conception of Baltic/ Balto-Slavonic, Proto-Slavonic and Old Russian accentuation a highly accurate and well informed summary of the assumptions and findings of the so-called 'Moscow Accentological School' (MAS) and their predecessors. Lehfeldt'sbook rightlyreceived six approvingreviews;one of them by Gerald Stone in thisjournal (vol. 73, I995). Seven years after the publication of the first edition it had been sold out by then- Lehfeldt decided to comply with his publisher's request and started preparing a revised version of his introduction. On the whole, the chapter plan has remained unchanged: remarkson key issuesof the MAS such asthe rejectionof Saussure'slaw for Slavonic and IllicSvityc 's revision of Hirt's law; a discussion of the Balto-Slavonic prosodic featuresand the domain of the application of stress,the phonological word; a survey of the three Proto-Slavonic accentual patterns found in nominal paradigms (as compared to Proto-Lithuanian) and in the verbal inflection; aspects of the paradigmatic accentuation of nominal, adjectival and verbal word formsin Old Russian;and, finally,a synchronicand diachronicoverview of tone and stresspatternsin the inflectionalmorphologyof Lithuaniannouns, adjectivesand verbs. Importantnovelties of the second edition are an appended criticalessay on the MAS by Willem Vermeerand an extension of the firstchapterwhich deals with some of the School's key observations. Now, this chapter also includes Dybo's most recent, typological work on Morfologizovannye paradigmaticeskie akcentnyesistemy (Moscow, 2000; cf. also Lehfeldt's new paragraph on accentuation in the Abkhaz language at the end of chapter 3) as well as the two major innovations presented in Osnovyslavjanskojakcentologiiby Dybo, Zamjatina and Nikolaev (Moscow, I990). New assumptions about ProtoSlavonic isoglossesand the reconstructionof EastBulgarianaccentualsystems based on manuscripts from the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. This is followed by an entirelynew sub-sectionon the School's verylatestrevisionsof certainsound changes, includingthe 'moststriking'surrenderof Dybo's/IllicSvityCs rejection of Saussure's law for Slavonic, as Vermeer points out convincingly(p. 157).The new sub-sectionconcludestheintroductorychapter REVIEWS 7 I I of the second edition. In the remaining chapters of the book, Lehfeldt has expanded a few points and scrupulouslyremoved shortcomings, mainly, but not only, on the basis of Georg Holzer's notice in Wiener Slavistisches ahrbuch (vol. 4I, 1995) and, notably,WolfgangHock'sverywell informedand detailed review in Zeitschrifitfiur Slavische Philologie (vol. 54, I994). Finally, the reader is presented with an even more comprehensive bibliography than in the first edition of I993. At the same time, he/she may find it helpful to be aware of the following minor slips: 'G. Sg. *roga, *sad6vi' (p. 20) instead of 'G. Sg. *rogA,D. Sg. *sad6vi', a mistake inherited from Dybo himself (cf. e.g. Osnovy, p. I30); a missing clarificationthat Proto-Balticrather than Proto-Slavonic had 'einen langen Vokal ohne entsprechenden kurzen "Partner"' (p. 3I), namely /o/; the paragraph 'Nach einer ... .) PANZER I99I, 299 if.)' (P. 33) whose place in the text cannot be the correct one; the claim that the accentual paradigma in u-stems is 'nicht belegt' (p. 49), even if Dybo et al. have '*iTh'in their Osnovy (p. 34);the formulation'einen Diphtong odereinen Sonanten' (p. 55)whereas the list of examples does not include roots ending in a diphtong in the proper sense of the word; the use of the term 'Min-markiert'(pp. 93, 95) in the sense of 'recessive accent' rather than 'special qualifier of recessive accent' as introduced on p. 78; redundancies on pp. I05-IO repeating material presented on pp. 37-42. Notwithstanding these marginalproblems, the updated, corrected and, on certainpoints, revisedversion of Lehfeldt'sintroductionwill suit readerseven better than...

Акцентологічні та фонетичні архаїзми однієї української говірки Румунії

The paper analyses the phonetic and stress system of the Maramures dialect of the Ukrainian language spoken in the village of Rona de Sus in Romania. The study is based on the material gathered during a fieldwork expedition in 2002. The paper focuses on the development of Proto-Slavic nominal and verbal stress paradigms a, b, and c as well as that of nominal stress paradigm d in the dialect which has retained free stress. Phonetic vowel lengths found in the analysed dialect can be considered quite rare-maybe a unique phenomenon in Ukrainian dialects. In the study special emphasis is laid on the connection of these phonetic vowel lengths to Proto-Slavic intonations.

Morphosyntactic features and paradigmatic uniformity in two dialectal varieties of the island of Lesvos

This paper discusses data from the nominal paradigms of two dialectal varieties of East Lesvos, those of Thermi and Pamfila. It is shown that there is abundant evidence for the key role of the paradigm in the phonological realization of the [noun-clitic] clusters. We argue that the grammars of these dialectal varieties must crucially include constraints that require identity between related surface forms in the [noun-clitic] paradigm. This proposal has received considerable support by independent work, carried out mainly within Optimality Theory, in various languages. The Lesvian dialectal varieties, however, allow us to probe deeper into the precise statement of such intra-paradigmatic identity constraints. We show, first, that the identity constraints holding among various surface forms must have a limited domain of application, circumscribed by the forms of the paradigm and only those. Second, we show that intra-paradigmatic identity constraints do not require identity uniformly among all surface forms of the paradigm. Rather, distinct identity constraints hold between distinct forms. For instance, the identity constraint between the {+first person, +singular} and the {+third person, +singular} is different from that holding between the {+first person, +singular} and the {+first person, +plural}. We argue, specifically, that the network of such intra-paradigmatic identity constraints is projected on the basis of shared morphosyntactic features along the dimensions of Person and Number that enter into the construction of the paradigm.

Linguistic typology and reconstruction: The animacy hierarchy and its implications for the Indo-European inflectional number category

Typological considerations have recently come to play an important role in the reconstruction of Proto-Indo-European. This paper explores the use of the so-called animacy hierarchy as a means of illuminating the status of the grammatical category of number in both verbal and nominal paradigms just prior to the dissolution of the Indo-European speech community. Specifically, on the basis of extant data, the animacy hierarchy implies that the late Indo-European conjugational system included a general (first/second/third person) plural marker and that animate nouns, though not inanimate nouns, were regularly inflected for number.

Two-level Description of Turkish Morphology

This paper describes a full two-level morphological description of Turkish word structures. The description has been implemented using the PC-KIMMO environment and is based on a root word lexicon of about 23,000 root words. The phonetic rules of contemporary Turkish (spoken in Turkey) have been encoded using 22 two-level rules while the morphotactics of the agglutinative word structures have been encoded as finite-state machines for verbal, nominal paradigms and other categories. Almost all the special cases of, and exceptions to phonological and morphological rules have been taken into account. In this paper, we describe the rules and the finite state machines along with examples and a discussion of how various special cases were handled. We also describe some known limitations and problems with this description

Tocharian Pronominal Declension

which are characterized by m, n (written -.m when final), and s (alternating with s). Compare SSS' 168 ff., who rightly maintain that these three paradigms go back to a single kernel. It is also clear that this kernel is the IE stem *to*tdwith s-forms in the nom. sing. masc. *so, fem. *sd. On the other hand the interpretation of the three characteristic consonants as being added particles (SSS 28 f.) cannot be upheld when it is realized that some of these forms correspond in their entirety to IE forms of the same meaning. Thus tdm, the fem. oblique of the first series, is identical with the IE acc. fem. *ta-m; and to?,2 the nom. pl. fernm. of the third series, is the IE *tas of Skt. tdh, Goth. frss, Lith. tos. Instead of seeing particles in these elements -m and -s, which from the Tocharian point of view seem secondary additions, we must therefore interpret as IE inheritances as many of the entire forms as possible, and then the others can be understood as formed analogously to these. However, the more precise history of these paradigms can be understood only in the light of the history of the Tocharian nominal declension, for the demonstrative paradigms are the result of the influence of Tocharian nominal paradigms on the inherited pronominal forms of the nominative and accusative (Toch. oblique). Bearing in mind therefore that also the cases of Tocharian nouns are divided into primary inherited cases (nom., obl., gen.), and new cases made by the addition of prepositions or particles (SSS 36), we shall deal with the demonstrative pronouns analogously. First will be considered the history of the nominative and