Nomic Growth Research Articles

Transformations and the Myth of “Engineering Science”: Magic in a White Coat

Transformations and the Myth of “Engineering Science”: Magic in a White Coat MICHAEL FORES Early man seeks above all to control the course of na­ ture for practical ends, and he does it directly, by rite and spell, compelling wind and weather, ani­ mals and crops to obey his will.... Magic, based on man’s confidence that he can dominate nature directly, if only he knows the laws which govern it magically, is in this akin to science. [Bronislaw Malinowski, Magic, Science and Religion and Other Es­ says] Obviously, much of the impetus to modern engineer­ ing has . . . come from science. [Edwin T. Layton, Jr., “American Ideologies of Science and Engineer­ ing”]1 1. Introduction Some commentators have argued that, after a “revolutionary” shift or a “transformation,” there was generated, probably in the lat­ ter 19th century, a distinctly “modern technology,” different from its predecessors. This notion is broadly understood from the follow­ ing claims: there was “a radical transformation in the entire human environment, largely as a result of the impact of the mathematical and physical sciences upon technology” (Mumford); “Having come Mr. Fores has been with the International Institute of Management, Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin, and the Department of Industry in London. This article draws some of its theme from A. Sorge and M. Fores, “The Fifth Discontinuity,” IIM Discussion Paper 79-84, Berlin, 1979. 'Layton, “American Ideologies of Science and Engineering” (hereafter cited as Layton, “Ideologies”), Technology and Culture 17 (October 1976): 688—700, quote on p. 696; the Malinowski quote is from the Condor edition (New York, 1948), p. 19.© 1988 by the Society for the History of Technology. All rights reserved. 0040-165X/88/2901-0006$01.00 62 63 Transformations and the Myth of “Engineering Science” to control and direct industry, it [science] is now rapidly and mani­ festly transforming the very face of the earth and the lot of its liv­ ing inhabitants . . .” (Singer); “the modern developments in the sciences of chemistry, physics, and genetics are a quantum jump in man’s ability to transform matter into useable materials and en­ ergy” (North on a Second Economic Revolution).2 And subse­ quently a theme has been articulated, whose proponents accept that there was a historical discontinuity but model it differently, espe­ cially regarding the “science(s)” central to the changes. At the heart of this revision of the record there are claims such as Layton’s that there was a “transformation of a traditional mechani­ cal technology” with the buildup of a “new scientific era” for techni­ cal working.3 The present article focuses on several of Layton’s contributions in Technology and Culture and another by Layton’s for­ mer student David Channell, although various other T&C authors have followed the same broad line.4 Layton has suggested that an item identified as “technology as knowledge” played a major part in creating an expressly “scientific technology.”5 (Here, technology is an activity.) And W. J. M. Rankine’s proposition of shifts in the “basis” of technical activity from “tradition or rule of thumb” and in “the basic philosophy of the engineering profession” that Rankine helped to achieve in the mid-19th century, resulted, accord­ ing to Rankine and Channell, in “the harmony of theory and prac­ 2L. Mumford, The Myth of the Machine: Technics and Human Development (London, 1967), p. 3; C. Singer, A Short History of Scientific Ideas to 1900 (Oxford, 1959), p. v; D. C. North, Structure and Change in Economic History (New York, 1981), p. 174. Oth­ ers who have argued broadly thus have included W. W. Rostow, The Stages of Eco­ nomic Growth (Cambridge, 1960), p. 4; S. Kuznets, Modem Economic Growth (New Haven, Conn., 1966), chap. 1; P. Heimann, “The Scientific Revolutions” in The New Cambridge Modem History (Cambridge, 1979), 13:248; and D. Birdsall and C. M. Cipolla, The Technology ofMan (London, 1980), pp. 138, 156, 157. 3E. Layton, “Scientific Technology, 1845-1900: The Hydraulic Turbine and the Ori­ gins of American Industrial Research” (hereafter cited as Layton, “Scientific Technol­ ogy”), Technology and Culture 20 (January 1979): 64—89, pp. 65, 88. 4Layton, “Technology as Knowledge” (hereafter cited as Layton, “Technology”), Technology and Culture 15 (January 1974): 31—41...

Women and the Postindustrial Welfare State

nomic growth and expanded social welfare spending led to further decline and, by 1969 the poverty rate had dropped to 12 percent.1 Since the early 1970s, however, social welfare expenditures have not been as effective in controlling poverty. Although the poverty rate for some groups—partic ularly the aged—continued to decline, by the end of the decade the overall poverty rate had begun to rise; by 1983 it had ex ceeded 15 percent. Since the Great Depression, there have been major changes in our economy and in our social organization. Manufacturing employment has declined as our economy has become more service-based. The stable, two-parent nuclear family has been increasingly replaced by the single-parent family and the population has aged. The changes in our economy and in our social organization have had dramatic effects upon the economic situation of women, especially in the postindustrial welfare state. Despite the rapid change in status of women in the economy, their status in the social welfare system has changed less quickly. Women often still are viewed as homemakers by the welfare system. Pro grams such as the social security survivor's benefits and Aid to Families with Depen dent Children are based on a woman's traditional role as wife and mother. With the exception of the recent debate over earnings-sharing, little action has been taken to recognize the changed economic role of women in the social welfare system. In 1986, the Reagan Administration em barked on a new campaign for welfare reform. Like its predecessors—Nixon's Family Assistance Plan and Carter's Bet June Axinn Mark J. Stern

Economic Growth and Social Equity in Singapore: A Managerial Perspective

This paper provides a managerial perspective to economic growth and social equity in Singapore, and attempts to demonstrate the workings of two managerial principles. Economic growth is necessary if the welfare of society as a whole and of individuals within it, is to improve. Social equity is necessary, not only to gain the co-operation of every one within society, but also to ensure that everyone benefits from eco nomic growth. These statements remind us of Frederick Taylor's ideas of Scientific Management.1 Indeed, Singapore's current preoccu pation with its so-called Second Industrial Revolution, which emphasizes higher productivity through higher technology as well as the co-operation of management and workers in a team, is effectively an enunciation of Taylor's ideas. Implied in the twin goals of economic growth and social equity is the managerial principle of satisficing, to borrow H.A. Simon's2 term. Economic growth is necessary to pay for the better welfare needed to satisfy the people with social equity. In other words, economic growth provides society with the means for increasing social equity.

Discussion: Economic Growth of the South Versus other Regions: Past Trends and Future Prospects

I commend Dr. Bluestone for his paper's major labor productivity have on increasing employcontribution to the complicated subject of eco- ment in the goods-producing sector in developed nomic growth. The title of the paper provides countries, and what will be the effect on costs ample evidence that an adequate treatment of (Eddleman et al.)? Unless changes occur, this subject would require the expertise of all goods-producing employment will either coneconomists, that they address the subject in an tinue its shift to developing countries, as others inter- and intra-temporal sense, and the resulting have suggested, or consumers will buy fewer volume be condensed into a readable length. goods at higher prices in the near future Bluestone's paper contains 28 pages. (Drucker; Hansen). Neither of these alternatives A major contribution of his paper is that it pro- is particularly pleasing. vides detailed data about changes in employment Second, the expected reduction in the rate of that are, for all practical purposes, unavailable to growth in manufacturing employment in the researchers in universities. It is unfortunate that South-especially the Southeast, has happened. the possibility of disclosure prevented his inclu- The observed increases in manufacturing emsion of data for smaller geographic areas. ployment in the South during the past 12-15 A major problem, and my strongest criticism years may have been misinterpreted. By and of Bluestone's paper, is that the data are pre- large, the employment increases consisted of relsented in percentages, and changes in per- atively unskilled, displaced farm labor, combined centages. It is most difficult to make meaningful with capital, management, and other technologi(useful) interpretations of data expressed in per- cal resources produced elsewhere, to make centages. goods for export from the area. This was made Comparisons of changes in percentage growth possible because much displaced farm labor rerates among regions, among metro areas, non- mained in rural areas and commuted to their new metro areas, and among industry sectors are dif- place of work. The economic impact of this emficult at best, and impossible at worst. For exam- ployment on the local area was minimal, because pie, a 1-percent change in the employment rate in the low wages did not stimulate the housing and the Northeast may mean that actual employment related social overhead sectors. In many cases, has changed by 6 times as much as a 6-percent the added wages would not have generated suffichange in employment in the South! cient tax revenue to pay the social overhead cost

World Resources for the Year 2000

The argument of this article draws upon recent projections of resource requirements throughout the world in the year 2000, made for the United States National Com mission on Materials Policy. The projections for the world were also made separately in ten major component areas. All estimates for the year 2000 rest upon modern theory and mea surement of the dynamic characteristics of two basic constitu ent elements of materials requirements: (1) the prospect for progress in domestic output in these ten areas and (2) the intensity-of-use of nonrenewable materials, as per capita in come changes. While materials requirements in the year 2000 will grow markedly to levels at least three times those of the recent past, the method of projection gives significantly lower requirements levels than are estimated by others. A basic statistical conclusion is that rates of growth of supply will need to be significantly lower in the future than in the past. Ma terials prices will tend to decline, relative to other prices. The results lend support to the thesis that supply limitations are not likely to limit economic expansion in the future. It is flexibility in the demand for materials that is relevant for eco nomic growth; man and man's institutions have demonstrated their great capacity for such flexibility. It is argued that the mistaken identification of supply shortage with materials crisis rests on misinterpretations of the role that materials do, in fact, play. This point is illustrated in the current energy crisis. The article thus contrasts with neo-Malthusian propositions on limits to growth that are so well-publicized today.

Employment and the "New Economics"

The main focus of national economic and related social policies should be upon federally guaranteed full em ployment and a federally initiated nationwide system of guar anteed income for those who cannot be brought within the employment stream. Progress toward these objectives will add more to personal development and national achievement than a further proliferation of marginal programs called "new." Full-time unemployment should be reduced to about 2 per cent of the civilian labor force, and the true level of unemployment to about 3 to 3.5 per cent. Full employment, optimum eco nomic growth, and optimum allocation of resources, in line with the great social priorities of national needs, are inseparable objectives and do not involve much programmatic differentia tion. The prevalent view that these objectives involve exces sive or even enlarged inflationary pressures is not justified by empirical observation. The drive against "inflation" thus far has inflated the fat and starved the lean. The aggregate and structural approaches to full employment need a new synthesis. We need, particularly under the aegis of the Employment Act of 1946, a ten-year budget of our needs and resources. All na tional public policies importantly affecting resource-allocation, including the federal budget, should be made an integral part of this long-range budget. The core problem for the years ahead is to maintain that one increasing purpose in our national life which is essential if we are to realize the promise of America.

Economic Factors and Political Development

Social scientists frequently associate political, cul tural, and social progress with economic growth and change in a developing nation. In this relationship it is assumed that eco nomic growth is essentially a mechanical process requiring new inputs of capital and technology of the right type and propor tions. In contrast to this, an indispensable part of the economic task in most cases is to generate better use of existing resources. Unless the poor nation is interested in more output to the point where it is prepared to utilize its factors fully to that end, eco nomic growth will not follow simply from additional resources and technology. Most poor countries are composites of mod ern and traditional sectors, both of which could benefit from a greater degree of interdependence. The economic program must foster such integration, and this requires that extensive efforts be applied directly in the larger, more backward parts of the economy. Monetary and physical resources are of limited significance for these tasks; administration, guidance, and devoted leadership are essential. This type of program can be mounted and can succeed only under a governmental leadership prepared to give it priority attention, and prepared to research and develop the most promising specific actions for growth. Such political leadership is therefore a prerequisite to persistent economic expansion.

The Role of Government

Automation and increased productivity must be encouraged in the United States to the fullest extent if its eco nomic growth and position in the world is to be maintained. Evidence is mounting, however, that the private sector of the economy, particularly management, labor, and education, cannot successfully cope with all the complex problems that technological change and automation have been causing. It is vital to minimize the effects of this growing technology on the individual and upon the established means of production. For the individual, the effect has tended to be unemployment, caused by lack of skills and training. For the physical means of production, the effect has tended to be decreasing industrial productivity, caused by obsolete and obsolescent technology and administrative concepts. High employment and full pro duction and purchasing power cannot be achieved in the United States today without special and co-ordinating assistance on a national scale. Only government can provide the final im petus and over-all impact necessary to accomplish this. Initial steps have been taken.

Entrepreneurship and Economic Development in the Philippines

Research Article| June 01 1960 Entrepreneurship and Economic Development in the Philippines Frank H. Golay Frank H. Golay Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar Far Eastern Survey (1960) 29 (6): 81–86. https://doi.org/10.2307/3024566 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Twitter LinkedIn Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation Frank H. Golay; Entrepreneurship and Economic Development in the Philippines. Far Eastern Survey 1 June 1960; 29 (6): 81–86. doi: https://doi.org/10.2307/3024566 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All ContentAsian Survey Search This content is only available via PDF. Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.

Research and Development, Economic Growth, and National Security

Vital interest exists today in government research and development. Thinking people will discuss the underly ing causes for the new interest. They may question, as Dr. Barnett does, the prevalent belief that research and develop ment can be equated with economic transformation or that an increase in economic growth necessitates only an increase in government-sponsored research and development efforts. Ac cepting the fact that a correlation exists between research and development and economic growth, it is necessary to examine the paths open to the government in selecting its policy. Does not the uncertainty involved in research for future military innovations demand a recognition that multiple paths must be tried to achieve the desired results? The ends may best be achieved if government policy indicates only the objectives and allows the decisions for research-in-particular to be made by the separate research organizations. In the nonmilitary fields of research and development, it may be useful for the govern ment to allocate funds to the universities for their research candidates and for the equipment to be used. Though research and development efforts do not necessarily cause economic transformation, there have been some demonstrable positive results, such as the revision of the negative premises for eco nomic growth of natural scarcity theory.—Ed.

What Would Labor Do About Inflation?

The major needs of our time are adequate na tional defense, public services for a growing population, com prehensive economic and technical aid for the uncommitted peoples of less-developed areas of the world who are emerging from colonial domination and social and economic adjustments to rapid technological change. These needs must be met for national survival and the continued progress of our free society. They can and should be met by economic expansion of at least 5 per cent a year. Restrictive economic policies that curtail economic progress and growth must be abandoned. The "tight money" policy should be halted if growth is to be stimulated. Continuing wage and salary increases should be encouraged if growing consumer markets are to be attained. The govern ment's budget policy should aim at balancing the budget in times of full employment from an expanding economy rather than restricting government expenditures and retarding eco nomic growth. Full employment and economic growth of 5 per cent a year should be established as basic national objec tives, to be implemented by government policies. To achieve these major requirements, there should be an end to the inces sant propaganda campaign about runaway inflationary pres sures that have not existed in the past eight years. Solutions for the type of price changes of recent years have to be devel oped on the basis of the facts in each separate part of the economy. The main task of the day is more rapid economic expansion to sustain full employment and meet the nation's needs. This will do more than anything to stabilize the price situation.

An American Aid Mission Director's View of Technical Co-operation

Economic development is now a prime national imperative in the less-advanced countries of the world. Tech nical co-operation—the organized international transfer of technical knowledge and skills—is one of the ways in which the more developed countries can aid less advanced ones to achieve their aspirations. The principal requirements for eco nomic growth are a development climate, capital, and modern technology. The creation of an environment conducive to progress is a task for indigenous political leadership. Once that leadership faces up to its responsibilities, technical co operation can contribute substantially to the country's eco nomic growth—especially in assistance in economic planning; in introducing new techniques in agriculture, industry, and the public services; in the development of extension methods for spreading technical knowledge; and in the training of profes sional and technical manpower. A key characteristic of the United States' technical co-operation program is its emphasis upon mutuality with the participating country. This type of collaborative relationship sometimes may be immediately less effective than the direct operational methods employed by the Soviet bloc aid programs. However, it provides a sounder basis for strengthening the capacity of less-developed coun tries to meet their own problems. The success of United States technical aid depends very largely upon the capability of American administrators and technicians in the field of hu man relations and upon their understanding of the role of their technical specialties in the larger problems of economic and so cial advancement.