Noble Power Research Articles

‘Richt honorabill’ ladies: Noble Power and Aristocratic Women in Sixteenth-Century Scotland

This essay began as a talk given in October 2023 to inaugurate an annual public lecture in honour of Jenny Wormald. It takes its inspiration from her work on noble power, re-examining how noblewomen in sixteenth-century Scotland employed that power. Visual and cultural evidence has been prioritised in the essay which is organised around two settings: the royal court and noble country seats. As the Stirling Heads show, noblewomen formed part of the public face of the Scottish court. They also exploited their right of access to the monarch to further their own and family interests. The arrival of renaissance country houses expanded noblewomen's central duty of running their residences, sometimes including managing the family estates. ‘Holding hous’ required the provision of hospitality and of the new country-house culture. Noblewomen formed a vital communication system linking the regions to the capital and court. Their informal networks helped negotiate the inter-relationships of birth and marital kindreds, of friendships and alliances. The female contribution to the success of noble families suggests a broader definition of Scottish noble power is required. Further exploration might also place that experience within the European context of the development of aristocratic elites.

Symbolic Domination : Study of the Interaction of Noble Power in the Election of Village Heads

Symbolic Domination : Study of the Interaction of Noble Power in the Election of Village Heads

OMMAVIY MADANIYAT VA NIKOH MUNOSABATLARI MOHIYATIDAGI TRANSFORMATSION SABABLAR

: In all nations, the family has long been regarded as the greatest unit, and it cannot be compared to anything else. For this reason, the family has always been under the protection of the state and society, and it has embodied a noble power that plays an important role in the country's well-being and leads everyone to the same ideology. This article discusses the transformational reasons in the essence of mass culture and marital relations.

EFFECT COMPENSATION AND JOB SATISFACTION ON EMPLOYEE PERFORMANCE AT PT. CIREBON NOBLE POWER ARTERIA MINE PRODUCTION PART

HR has a major contribution when determining the development of a company. The method used in this research is a quantitative method to understand the impact of compensation and job satisfaction on staff performance at PT. Cirebon noble power artery. The population of this research is the permanent staff of PT. Arteria Daya Mulia Cirebon, with a total of 55 employees, analyzed the data using multiple linear regression. The results of the research show that partial compensation has a good and significant impact on staff performance. Job satisfaction has a good and significant impact on staff performance. Meanwhile, compensation and job satisfaction have a good and significant impact on staff performance, which is shown using the calculated F value Ftable which is 176,727 3,18 and significant 0.000. The ability of compensation variables and job satisfaction variables in expressing staff performance is 86.7% , the remaining 1.33% is influenced by factors that have not been studied. With this multiple linear regression equation Y = 2506 0.130 0.854

Sobre nobleza, rentas regias y señoríos en Castilla la Vieja, c. 1290-c. 1350

Nuestro objetivo en este trabajo es estudiar la relación entre las rentas que recibían los nobles, asignadas sobre las rentas regias en ciertos lugares (situados) y el poder señorial. Para ello compararemos la información de las cuentas de Sancho IV que se conservan para finales del siglo XIII (1292) y la del Becerro de las Behetrías para mediados del siglo XIV (1352) en relación con algunos territorios que conocemos bien por nuestros trabajos anteriores. Ambos textos nos permiten abordar el estudio de esos aspectos en un período muy importante en el desarrollo de la relación entre el poder regio y el poder nobiliario. Un período de cambios y transformaciones marcado por la crisis y los conflictos desde las últimas décadas del siglo XIII.

El rey molinista pensado por don Juan Manuel en El libro de los estados

Cuando don Juan Manuel compuso El libro de los estados, entre 1327 y 1330, fue testigo del proceso de fortalecimiento del poder regio de Alfonso XI, que se desarrolló en detrimento del poder nobiliario. Si atendemos a la imagen del rey que se presenta en el texto, vemos que se define, entre otras cosas, por su sometimiento ante la ley y por la corresponsabilidad con la nobleza en el ejercicio del poder. De este modo, se puede comprender que don Juan Manuel, productor cultural y actor político de su tiempo, reaccionó ante el proyecto de Alfonso XI recuperando algunos valores del marco político-cultural molinista de la época de Fernando IV en la que se formó.

<i>Pendhapa Natabratan</i>: Symbolic Meaning of the Javanese House in Demak, Indonesia

Pendhapa Natabratan At Kadilangu, Demak, Central Java, Indonesia was one of the Javanese noble houses which had very strong Javanese symbols. Javanese house contained symbolic meaning, socio-cultural values as well as architectural value, together with a unique structure that was adapted to the environmental and cultural conditions. Javanese houses, as a result of the traditional culture from the Javanese ethnic, had become Javanese cultural heritage that could not be changed. Javenese culture was heavily influenced by the noble power system. This study aimed to reveal the symbolic meaning of the Pendhapa Natabratan, especially those related to the Javanese traditional ceremonies held in this place, namely the Garebeg Besar and Ruwatan Sukerta. The study used an analytical framework that relied on the process of symbolic meaning in the relation of form-function-meaning within the framework of Javanese culture. The result of study showed that Pendhapa Natabratan had a domestic and cultural function. The cultural function was shown at the Garebeg Besar and Ruwatan Sukerta ceremony. From these functions had created important symbols. From the domestic function created a symbol of domesticity, while from the cultural function created symbols; it was a symbol of the permanence of power, and it was a symbol of deliverance from danger and disaster.

Miles Kerr-Peterson and Steven J. Reid (eds), James VI and Noble Power in Scotland 1578 to 1603

Miles Kerr-Peterson and Steven J. Reid (eds), <i>James VI and Noble Power in Scotland 1578 to 1603</i>

Sir William Keith of Delny: courtier, ambassador and agent of noble power

Sir William Keith of Delny was the illegitimate son of a Buchan laird, who rose through the young King James VI's chamber to become Master of the Wardrobe. He also served as ambassador for James to various countries, most remarkably in the failed mission to save Mary Queen of Scots from English execution. This article explores the nature of James's reliance on lesser men as courtiers, in his trust in individuals to deliver his sentiments and how his favour could be won, lost and regained. It also explores the same dynamics in the relationship between William and his kinsman superior, George Keith, fourth earl Marischal. William is shown to be one of Jacobean Scotland's great intermediaries, between earl and king, king and courtiers, king and foreign governments.

Kings, Lords and Men in Scotland and Britain, 1300–1625: Essays in Honour of Jenny Wormald, ed. Steve Boardman and Julian Goodare

The work of the late Jenny Wormald on the operation of noble power and the disastrous reign of Mary, Queen of Scots, has been of fundamental importance in the reassessment of later medieval and early modern Scottish society and politics undertaken over the past forty years. Meanwhile, her studies of that skilful but enigmatic monarch James VI and I in his three kingdoms have played a significant role in the wider project of the New British History. In this volume of essays her colleagues, students and friends pay fitting and affectionate tribute by explaining the importance of her work—especially in introductory chapters by Steve Boardman, Julian Goodare and Keith Brown—and developing many of its central themes. Bonds and bloodfeud loomed large in her reconstructions of noble politics and several contributors investigate them here. Michael Brown and Julian Goodare show how detailed reconstruction of the purpose, context and subscription of individual bonds can illuminate complex passages of politics: the first uses the Lanark bond of 1453 to show how James II might have settled with the Douglases but in the end did not, the second how the plan for Bothwell to marry Mary under the Ainslie bond of 1567 aimed to reconcile competing factions among the nobility, but was ruined by the queen’s refusal of his proposal and his decision to abduct her. Jane Dawson ranges more widely to chart the blending of the language of covenant and spiritual kinship with that in traditional bonds to produce the sequence of religious bonds reaching from the Lords of the Congregation to the Covenanters. Anna Groundwater teases out the interplay of public and private authority in the making of the private bonds and public acts of caution associated with James’s campaign to impose order on the Marches—often by the pacification of feuds. Mark Godfrey tackles similar issues but at a more general level, examining the use of anthropological models of the feud in the work of Wormald and Brown, stressing the continual interdependence of public and private justice and identifying key themes for further research. Alexander Grant uses a wide survey of recent work to set Scottish feuds on the spectrum of feuding practices and royal responses across later medieval Europe, finding Scotland close to France with its habits of private war and royal campaigns against them rather than England, with its precocious royal justice, or Germany, with its different concept of feud, or the Balkans, with their seemingly ineradicable vendettas.

Noble Power in Scotland from the Reformation to the Revolution, by Keith M. Brown

Noble Power in Scotland from the Reformation to the Revolution, by Keith M. Brown

Keith M. Brown. Noble Power in Scotland from the Reformation to the Revolution. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2011. Pp. 334. $120.00 (cloth).

Keith M. Brown. Noble Power in Scotland from the Reformation to the Revolution. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2011. Pp. 334. $120.00 (cloth).

Noble Power in Scotland from the Reformation to the Revolution – By Keith M. Brown

Noble Power in Scotland from the Reformation to the Revolution – By Keith M. Brown

Autocracy Defeats Military Reform on Eve of First World War

AbstractSteinberg reconstructs the history of the Russian Imperial General Staff during the final decades of the autocracy and highlights the reformist vision of War Minister Alexei Kuropatkin. The aim of the reformers was to create a general staff on the Prussian/German model that would allow Russia to fight the new wars of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, wars marked by increasingly large conscript armies and the application of ever more lethal weaponry made possible by Europe's industrial revolutions. The reforms also focused on officer education and aimed at creating leadership for the management and coordination of the troops in wartime. Unfortunately for Russia, these reforms foundered on the resistance of the autocrat himself and the structure of privilege that gave family connections and noble privilege power over merit and competence. They also met resistance from an older tradition of military leadership and education that favored elan over technical expertise with modern weaponry. The first test against a modern enemy during the Russo-Japanese War ended in humiliating defeat and the marginalization of the General Staff Academy by Nicholas II and his entourage, save for his uncle, the Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich. Even with the Grand Duke's encouragement of the reformers, what they could accomplish was too little and too late for the next large confrontation that sealed the fate of the Russian Empire, World War I.

Oligarquías y clientelismo en las comunidades rurales del sur de la corona de Aragón (siglos XII-XV)

Studies of late medieval Hispanic client systems generally focus on networks of noble power, to the exclusion of the peasantry. This is doubtless in part because the peasantry has traditionally been considered to represent a largely homogenous social group defined in opposition to the feudal nobility, whose members defended common interests. However, the last few years have witnessed a profusion of studies into the rural, or peasant, elites of Western Europe during the late medieval and modern periods, and these highlight not only significant disparities between the economic status of those and that of the remainder of the peasantry, but also their employment of specific power-mechanisms in order to establish and consolidate a hierarchy of local dominance. In the south of the Crown of Aragon, such peasant elites can be traced back to the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, and the Christian conquest and subsequent feudal colonization of territories that had belonged to al-Andalus. In this context, certain dominant peasant families emerged as local elites which formed part of two distinct types of client network. In one of these, which extended upwards, these elites represented the local agents of the nobility, acting as intermediaries between territorial lords and the dependent peasantry in return for small benefits and rewards. The other extended downwards through their own communities, and represented a client system in which a combination of solidarity and dominance were enshrined in lending agreements, small favours, and the use of local municipal power to their own economic benefit.

Teleology, Purpose, and Power in Nietzsche

Nietzsche subjects traditional philosophical causality to a skeptical critique. With the moderns, he rejects form as superficial. Against the moderns, he finds physical laws and their ground in a free consciousness equally superficial, and he thinks that the principle of utility is ultimately life denying. However, Nietzsche is not a skeptic, and he has his own doctrine of causality centered on the noble power of the philosopher. The philosopher has the ability to impose new purposes, and this power is the culmination of nature and history. The philosopher believes himself to be a kind of exemplar cause, the consummation of the whole. His is not an instrumental good but one sought for its own sake.

Factions, feuds and noble power in the lordship of Ireland,c. 1356–1496

On 17 September 1496 Gerald, eighth earl of Kildare (the ‘Great Earl’), landed at Howth, County Dublin, after a lengthy and troubled voyage from England. One of the earl’s fellow travellers gave thanks to God for his safe arrival. If Kildare did likewise, his gratitude probably sprang less from his delivery from the natural elements than from his survival of a hostile political climate at court. Since the battle of Bosworth in 1485 not one but two Yorkist pretenders had found support in Ireland. The first of them — Lambert Simnel — was crowned in May 1487 as ‘King Edward VI’ in Christ Church cathedral, Dublin, after which a parliament was held in his name. Kildare was chief governor of Ireland during both conspiracies. More recently he had faced allegations of treason during the expedition of Sir Edward Poynings (1494-5). Despite this dubious record of loyalty to the newly established Tudor dynasty, on 6 August 1496 Henry VII appointed the Great Earl lord deputy of Ireland.

Courtly love, the love of courtliness, and the history of sexuality

One of the great achievements of the Middle Ages, Europe's courtly culture gave the world the tournament, the festival, the knighting ceremony, and also courtly love. But courtly love has strangely been ignored by historians of sexuality. With Love, the Love of Courtliness, and the History of Sexuality, James A. Schultz corrects this oversight with careful analysis of key courtly texts of the medieval German literary tradition. Courtly love, Schultz finds, was provoked not by the biological and intrinsic factors that play such a large role in our contemporary thinking about sexuality - sex difference or desire - but by extrinsic signs of class: bodies that were visibly noble and behaviors that represented exemplary courtliness. Individuals became subjects of courtly love only to the extent that their love took the shape of certain courtly roles such as singer, lady, or knight. They hoped not only for physical union but also for the social distinction that comes from realizing these roles to perfection. To an extraordinary extent, courtly love represented the love of courtliness - the eroticization of noble status and the courtly culture that celebrated noble power and refinement.

La agencia en Madrid del VIII duque de Medina Sidonia, 1615-1636

This article faces one institution, never studied before as such: the agencies of representation held by noble houses in the Royal Court. The case study of the House of Medina Sidonia in the years of the VIII duke provides an excellent starting point in order to study how noble power managed to make their voice be heard among the king’s closest circle of decision. The changes that took place during this period allow us to present it as a significant example of the long-term political strategy of the Medina Sidonia House. By this, we seek to avoid the relative exclusion of the socalled «periphery» by a certain historiography of the power phenomena in the Early Modern History, excessively concentrated inside the boundaries of the Royal Palace.

Regionalpolitik im alten Europa: Die Verwaltungsreformen Josephs II in Ungarn, in der Lombardei und den Osterreichischen Niederlanden, 1785-1790

IN recent decades, the imperfect, and sometimes quite misleading, historiography on Joseph II's sole reign inherited from the periods before and since the watershed of the First World War, has been modified by archival research and textual re-interpretation An early model for this was Professor Derek Beales's ‘The false Joseph II’, published in 1975, which exposed the fraudulent status of the 1790 collection of Joseph's supposed letters on which subsequent historians had relied. Further work on different aspects of the ‘revolutionary emperor’ has repetitively demonstrated that only careful use of original sources can crack the carapace of truths, half-truths and errors which still covers the years (1780–90) of his personal rule. Antal Szántay's volume is a distinguished contribution to this continuing process. His subject is Joseph's introduction of new systems of provincial government in Hungary from 1785, Austrian Lombardy from 1786, and the Austrian Netherlands from 1787. A unifying theme in the book is Joseph's insistence that government in all the parts of the Monarchy should have the same shape, the same principles, and the same aim, the general good (cp. p. 161). Thus, the introduction in Hungary of ten Districts, each with its Commissar; in Lombardy, under a new Supreme Council of Government (Supremo Consiglio di Governo), of seven ‘Political Intendancies’ (Intendenze Politiche); and in the Austrian Netherlands, under a new General Government (Conseil du Gouvernement Général), of nine Circles, each ruled by an Intendant, was marked by a common aim and a common method. The aim was to substitute rational and effective government, based on facts, for Estates-based administrations characterised, in Joseph's view, by self-interest and incompetence. The method was to charge an official (the Commissar, the Intendant), representing monarchical authority, with responsibility for acquiring control, by obsessive tours of duty, of all local problems, and either resolving them or reporting on them. The scope of the work involved, with its heavy social and economic emphasis, was huge (and, as examples show, almost beyond human powers). A casual consequence of this new system was the abolition, or severe curtailment, of Estates functions, and the abrupt end of the career, and pay, of those performing them. The brutality with which, in the edict of March 1787 announcing the new Belgian Circles, those deprived of their salaries were permitted to petition for relief, is breathtaking. Szántay shows, with copious and fascinating footnote extracts from the documents, the progress of the, typically acerbic, dialogue accompanying the working out, and implementation, of these reforms. Acerbic, because Joseph is shown relying on natural law, and the principle of equality, influenced especially, Szántay argues, by the writings of J.G. von Justi, against opponents in the official machine who stressed precedent and political realities. The Hungarian Chancellery, for example, urged a concessionary format for government announcement of the new Commissars, to lessen the hatred they would attract, only to be told by Joseph that he himself attracted it: and so must all who sought the public good (p. 86). As many excerpts demonstrate, Joseph's philosophy was directed towards the common man, and actuated by hatred of noble power, which, in his view, only a beneficent monarch could control (cp. p. 79 n.).