Noble Patrons Research Articles

New Perspectives on Drawing in the Long Eighteenth Century

Until quite recently, one could be forgiven for thinking that the study of old master drawings would remain impervious to the “new art history.” Motivated by questions of authorship, authenticity and quality, scholars of drawings have often been reluctant to interpret draftsmanship, connoisseurship, or the collection of drawings as culturally, socially, or historically constructed phenomena. Three new books, however, powerfully challenge this state of affairs by offering stimulating new readings of Padre Sebastiano Resta, a famed, but much maligned, late seventeenth-century collector; of Jonathan Richardson, one of connoisseurship’s most often-cited, but understudied, theorists, and of the role of drawing itself in the formation of early modern subjectivity. Genevieve Warwick examines the practices of Sebastiano Resta, an Oratorian father in Rome who collected drawings from 1680 until his death in 1714. As a connoisseur, Resta has been disparaged; his attributions of authorship have been held to the standards of modern connoisseurship and, not surprisingly, found wanting. Viewed from a historical perspective, however, these very errors highlight the particularity of Resta’s collecting and connoisseurship, and it is the historical specificity of these practices that is the subject of Warwick’s book. She investigates how Catholic devotional practices, courtly traditions, social identity and emergent market forces structured the reception of drawings in the late seventeenth century. Her study of Resta’s activities thus elucidates a specific moment in the history of the collection of drawings, but it is also intended as a contribution to a broader historical ethnography of collecting, one which combines historical investigation with the critical insights of anthropology and sociology to address questions of identity, social memory and the social significance of modes of exchange. Resta’s collecting was philanthropic. He acquired and assembled ca. 3500 drawings into more than 30 albums in order to raise money for charity. Resta’s albums were not intended to be sold, but rather to be given in exchange for charitable donations. They were also, as Warwick makes clear, a way for Resta to establish and consolidate social bonds with the Italian gentlemen and princes whom he sought out as patrons. By placing his albums in elite Italian collections or in civic collections under noble patronage, Resta hoped to stem the plunder of Italy’s artistic patrimony by foreigners and to preserve its inherited visual and cultural traditions for the future. Warwick argues that Resta conceived of his albums as a form of “cultural mnemonic” (130), as repositories both of an Italian

Reformierte Eliten im Preußenland: Religion, Politik und Loyalitäten in der Familie Dohna (1560–1660)

ABSTRACT The archives of the Dohna family contain materials on the efforts at creating a “Second Reformation” in the Duchy of Prussia, where the early establishment of a Lutheran confessional foundation (the Corpus doctrinae pruthenicum| of 1567/68) and a solid ecclesiastical constitution prevented Calvinism from gaining a foothold. The Reformed creed found followers among the nobility through connections with the Reformed territories in the Holy Roman Empire, by close contact with Reformed theologians in royal Prussia, and by connections with the Calvinist church of the nobility in Poland and Lithuania. This network radiated into ducal Prussia, where the Dohnas became Calvinists. During the first three decades of the seventeenth century this led to a conflict between the Reformed party and the Lutheran majority among the theologians and the lower nobility. Drawing on the support of the Polish king, the Lutheran party succeeded between 1610 and 1620 in shutting out the Reformed officeholders by means of lawsuits and unequivocal oath formulas. The Reformed nobility were not helped by the connection they forged in 1613 with the equally Reformed territorial ruler because he had to take into account the Polish crown as well as ecclesiastical legal determinations in ducal Prussia. The Dohnas, who stood close to the Calvinist “party of movement,” tried nevertheless to introduce elements of the Reformed faith or to engage men who were inclined toward the Reformed creed into the churches within their patronage. In this context, the Dohnas argued with the noble concepts of patronage held by the Lithuanian Radziwiłłs, who used their rights of patronage to introduce Calvinist pastors. Repeated conflicts arose with the Ko¨ nigsberg consistory and neighboring Lutheran pastors, in the course of which both sides adhered to their positions. On the level of religious symbolism, the Dohnas removed images of saints and programmatically transformed older works of art to conform to Calvinism. The confessional disputes in the Duchy of Prussia are typologically similar to those in the Prussian cities (Elbing, Danzig, Thorn), except that in the former noble patronage and in the latter bourgeois patronage was contested. It is evident that in eastern Prussia, too, along with Lutheran confessionalization, numerous other religious influences were felt. Therefore, the region can be included more definitely than previously thought in the religious history of eastern central Europe.

Patronage in Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-Century France (review)

202 Reviews Parergon 21.2 (2004) alimentary or any other fashion, appears dangerous in this collection of poems where ‘experience as possession … seems under assault’ (p. 206), particularly in the earlier version of ‘The Holy Communion’in the W. Manuscript. Rather than a decorous Anglican ‘middle way’, Netzley discerns a struggle between sensuality and pragmatism being played out in the poems. All primary texts are translated, the Index is comprehensive and the few typographical errors are minor ones. Mary Scrafton Adelaide, South Australia Kettering, Sharon, Patronage in Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-Century France (Variorum Collected Studies Series CS738), Aldershot, Ashgate, 2002; cloth; pp. xvi, 286; £55; ISBN 0860788814. This Variorum edition brings together eleven of Sharon Kettering’s articles on patronage. Originally published between 1989 and 1993, these essays follow upon Kettering’s seminal Patrons, Brokers and Clients in Seventeenth-Century France of 1986. Covering patronage from its apogee in the sixteenth and early to mid- seventeenth centuries through its decline during the reign of Louis XIV, the collection forms an exceptionally coherent whole with minimal repetition (one exception is that Kettering twice challenges Kristen Neuschel’s thesis that clientage is anachronistic applied to sixteenth-century warrior culture, put forward in her Word of Honor: Interpreting Noble Culture in Sixteenth-Century France, in I and again in IV). The first set of four essays provides an overview of the topic, laying out and considering the categories modern historians use for understanding patronage. In ‘Patronage in Early Modern France,’ Kettering critiques some of the prominent recent positions on the language of patronage, re-affirming that the patron/client relationship was a material one motivated by self-interest and justifying her historical method of taking into account both the social scientific approach, which is necessary to ‘distinguishing long-term trends and causal explanations often imperceptible to contemporaries’ (I, p. 856) and the cultural historical approach, which seeks to determine how contemporaries experienced their situations.The distinction between the system as it actually existed and the system as it was perceived by those who lived within it is an important one, and it should be maintained, Kettering argues in relation to historical models that understand patronage as a primarily linguistic phenomenon. In her second essay, ‘Gift-Giving in early modern France’, she Reviews 203 Parergon 21.2 (2004) proposes a model of patronage based upon the obligatory reciprocity of gift-giving as analyzed by Mauss. She puts the overlapping categories of kin and friendship into the context of patronage in ‘Patronage and Kinship in Early Modern France’ and ‘Friendship and Clientage in Early Modern France’, examining in particular the wide semantic field of the word ami. The second set of two essays investigates female patronage. ‘The Patronage Power of Early Modern French Noblewomen’suggests that because ‘members of all-male political clienteles were often initially connected by kinship or marriage ties to women,’women ‘affected the formation and dissolution of political alliances’ (V, p. 819). They exercised considerable power as brokers throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The careers of several women in noble households are traced in ‘The Household Service of Early Modern French Noblewomen’. The role of brokers is the subject of the third set of two essays, ‘The Historical Development of Political Clientelism’and ‘Brokerage at the Court of Louis XIV’. Here Kettering proposes a ‘broker model of political integration’ (VII, p. 432) in states undergoing centralization.As the central government develops and expands, local brokers, individuals in a position to negotiate patron/client relationships between third parties, are crucial in mediating governmental integration into the different regions.The stronger the central government, the less necessary brokerage becomes; the chain from the royal court to the provinces becomes increasingly less significant during the reign of Louis XIV. Royal patronage became ever more important to noble fortunes, which had the effect of attenuating nobles’ties to their former clients and strengthening noble dependence upon the king. The final set of three essays, ‘Clientage During the French Wars of Religion’, ‘Patronage and Politics During the Fronde’ and ‘The Decline of Great Noble Clientage During the Reign of Louis XIV’ map the decline of noble patronage from the Wars of Religion...

:Shakespeare and Theatrical Patronage in Early Modern England

List of illustrations List of contributors Introduction: Shakespeare and theatrical patronage in early modern England Paul Whitfield White and Suzanne R. Westfall Part I. Theories and Histories: 1. 'The useless dearness of the diamond': theories of patronage theatre Suzanne R. Westfall Part II. Shakespearean Patronage: 2. The King's Men's king's men: Shakespeare and folio patronage David M. Bergeron 3. Shakespeare, the Cobhams and the dynamics of theatrical patronage Paul Whitfield White 4. Shakespeare, noble patrons and the pleasures of 'common' playing Leeds Barroll Part III. From Medieval to Early Modern: 5. 'What revels are in hand?': marriage celebrations and patronage of the arts in Renaissance England David Bevington and Milla Riggio 6. The city as patron: York Alexandra F. Johnston 7. Theatrical patronage and the urban community during the reign of Mary Mary A. Blackstone Part IV. Patrons, Players and Audiences: 8. Privy Councilors as theatre patrons Andrew Gurr 9. Tracking Leicester's Men: the patronage of a performance troupe Sally-Beth MacLean 10. Patronage and the companies of boy actors Michael Shapiro 11. The audience as patron: The Knight of the Burning Pestle Alexander Leggatt Index.

Gendered Discourses and Mediated Modernities: Urban and Rural Performances of Tuareg Smith Women

The verbal art performances of Tuareg smith women--in praise songs, dance, joking, and, more recently, in media such as radio--are becoming more complex, as their messages and styles articulate with wider audiences and changing social relationships, in particular those involving gender and relations between the sexes. This essay analyzes gendered discourses in female smiths' performances, with particular emphasis on a radio narrative in Agadez, Niger, and a rural wedding praise performance in the Aïr Mountains region. As female smiths perform alongside male smiths at rural rites of passage, they mediate important concerns of not solely their noble patrons but also Tuareg women. In urban, multiethnic settings, smith women's messages and roles are changing, particularly in new technologies, such as radio, deployed by elite feminist organizations to advance their own agendas for gender and socioeconomic change. More broadly, continuities and transformations in smith women's verbal art performances provide new perspectives on cultural mediators and gendered discourses in multiple modernities.

Department of Serious Fun

Abstract Extract My Lord retir'd — the Doctor too, As he had nothing else to do, Thought he would take a peep and see His noble Patron's library, So down he sat, without a care, In a well-stuff'd Morocco chair

Teatro español del Siglo de Oro (review)

172BCom, Vol. 52, No. 2 (2000) Golden Age specialist could suppose that calzas, mango and capa mean "stockings", "sack," and "hat." But since Gitlitz, inexcusably , gives not a single note, how are those for whom one translates supposed to know? The comedia needs many more scholarly editions and recommendable translations; this book, regrettably, does not meet that need. Victor Dixon Trinity College, Dublin Strosetzki, Christoph, ed. Teatro español del Siglo de Oro. Frankfurt: Vervuert/ Madrid: Iberoamericana, 1998. Studia Hispánica, 7. 381 pp. The Münster symposium focused on two topics: the poetics of the comedia and the moral justification for theater and for the acting profession. A. Egido explicates the topos of Heraclitus the Weeping and Democritus the Laughing Philosopher over more than a century of tragedy-in-comedy, comedy-intragedy , and tragicomedy. She traces the fortunes of this last term from Celestina onwards (76-77), pointing out that it was used of Don Duardos at the very moment (1548) that Francisco de Holanda was reporting on the esteem in which artists in Italy held the grotesque and the monstrous. True tragedy had a short career in the sixteenth century, though the idea survived that man's life was that of an animal de dolor (83). What the comedia nueva revealed was how a closer imitation of "what happens" proved more pleasing to audiences. Egido locates the origin of this and other ideas in the work of G. B. Guarini, well before Lope's Arte nuevo (96). The "realism" of the comedia nuevo then, intrudes in spite of authority's insistence on decorum; Egido repeats Tirso's observation that the grafting process, defying antipathies among trees, produces better fruit (73). The gracioso began to embody the interpénétration of the of the two philosophers (98), and Egido points both to Tello of El Caballero de Olmedo and to the "sad comedy " evoked in such tragedies as Elpintor de su deshonra (90). The contribution of A. de la Granja accompanies photo- Reviews1 73 graphs of the now restored Corral del Carbon in Granada (161, 162, 188), recorded as a theater space from the late sixteenth century. La Granja takes the opportunity to correct things stated recently about the corrales, primarily on the basis of what we know of the atypical Madrid examples. An insistence on separate women's entrances was not universal; structures and accommodations showed great variety (182); there was a relative decorum observed among the mosqueteros, poorly observed, however, among the lindos gesteros showing off in the front seats, and among noble patrons, whose quarrels could be lethal (168). As to women, La Granja points to the vexations actresses could suffer while dressing (169), while on the other side of the "footlights" there were disorders in the cazuela (and there is another attempt made at an etymology ofthe term [175-76]). I. Arellano continues his work on Bances Candamo, focusing both on the Asturian's own plays and on his treatise, to account for his preferences among the genres: comediapalatino comedia historial comedia de fabrica (that is, the sort of play that, if anything, is read of Bances today) and fábulas or mythological pageants. Arellano notices Bances's promotion of the advice-to-prrnces drama, with scenes of gala and of the chase, and on more than one occasion dealing with Queen Christina of Sweden. An obsession with decorum at all costs led Bances to neglect the comedia de capa y espadajust when commoners found it to their taste, while he reduces the gracioso to a nobler but hollowed-out figure, detached from the main action. Only culto poetry and musical accompaniment atoned for this capitulation to decorum. M. Blanco also deals with Bances, who as it happens writes on the Symposium's two topics: poetics and the justification of theater as a moral space. Blanco makes this a preamble to a virtual treatise on how tragedy evolved into tragicomedy, as she studies the Aristotelian theorists from El Pinciano (1590) to González de Salas (1633), giving them a modern coloring in light of the psychology of Charles Mauron: the ludic sustains comedy, the oneiric sustains tragedy. In her historical survey, she notes that El...

Thomas Hobbes and the Duke of Newcastle: A Study in the Mutuality of Patronage before the Establishment of the Royal Society

This study shows how patronage framed and fashioned the careers of Thomas Hobbes and his patron William Cavendish, the earl of Newcastle. Newcastle's protection allowed Hobbes to articulate heterodox ideas without immediate fear of reprisal. It also enabled him to solidify his status as a gentleman and the intellectual equal of both his mentor and other natural philosophers. When Hobbes offered his ideas on optics, motion, politics, and philosophy as gifts to his patron, he was reaffirming his own honor and status while acknowledging Newcastle's power. Hobbes always acted as if he was operating in the space created by a noble patron, even after this place had been transformed by the Royal Society. For Newcastle, intellectual patronage reaffirmed the status and honor he had lost during the English Civil War. Newcastle tried to establish himself as a philosopher in his own right by applying Hobbesian ideas to studies of politics, horsemanship, and swordsmanship. Thus, the rewards of patronage were mutual.

The Love Debate Poems of Christine de Pizan by Barbara K. Altmann (review)

REVIEWS117 continues by saying, 'much more important to Julian than the details of Mary's appearance are "the wisedam and the trueth of hir soule,"' for she is 'fulfillid of grace,' of Gabriel's words 'gratia plena,' (161). He ends with the womb image, the birthing, the beginning, citing the work of my former colleague, Edward P. Nolan. This book is highly recommended for all Julian scholars and lovers. JULIA BOLTON HOLLOWAY Hermit of the Holy Family, Fiesole, Italy barbara ?. altmann, The Love Debate Poems ofChristine de Pizan. Gainesville, FL: University Press of Florida, 1998. Pp. 294; 4 illus. isbn: 0-8130-1478-2. $49.95. This is a beautifully produced, scholarly edition ofChristine de Pizan's three debate poems, Le Livre du Débat de deux amans, Le Livre des Troisjugemens, and Le Livre du Dit de Poissy; all were composed in 1400 or shortly thereafter. Prepared by an expert on Christine's debate poems, this is the only modern edition other than Maurice Roy's in his Oeuvrespoétiques de Christine de Pisan (1886-96). The two lovers' debate revolves around the question ofwhether love is a source ofgreater good or suffering for loyal lovers; the Livredes Troisjugemens considers three cases ofamorous infidelity; the first half of Le Livre du Dit de Poissy recounts in detail Christine's visit to her daughter at the Convent ofPoissy, followed by two stories ofunhappy lovers, each of whom claims to be the more unhappy. In addition to the text of the poems, the edition includes a general introduction and an introduction to each work, a list of variants, notes (both on meaning and especially on the manuscripts), a short glossary, a bibliography of works cited, and four illustrations in color. Prepared with great attention to detail, this edition gives us an excellent text of these poems which have received little scholarly attention, a situation which this edition may help to change. The general introduction discusses the background to the poems, arguing for the coherence ofthemes and attitudes in Christine's work in the context ofher reworking of inherited forms. Altmann's overview ofthe dit and the débat amoureux as genres shows how Christine made significant changes in the generic prototype which we find, for example, in Guillaume de Machaut's judgment poems. Christine's two principal transformations were the substitution ofstory telling for the debate proper and the absence ofjudgments at the end of the poems. Although these poems were written for courtly audiences, and each is dedicated to a noble patron who is asked to judge the amorous question debated in the poem, Altmann makes clear, in the section entitled 'Theme and Variations: Interplay of Form and Content,' that Christine reshaped generic traditions both to introduce concrete and topical detail and to show that the debates arc designed to be read against one another. Finally Altmann argues that Christine expressed her views ofgender issues in a number ofways, such as her innovative inclusion of female voices and her choice of a narrator who is not in any way a servant of love. Thus Christine's characters 'force the réévaluation of a highly stylized and literary phenomenon in light oflived experience' (30). The major difficulty with this excellent edition relates to the question ofaudience. Since a translation is not included and explanatory notes are minimal (as is the Il8ARTHURIANA glossary), the edition seems aimed at scholars who read Middle French with little difficulty. Furthermore, many of the notes deal with descriptions ofthe manuscript: Altmann points out, for example, when a word is written above the line. Since the relevance of this information to literary scholars is unclear (this kind of note should have been separated from the substantive ones), this information will be of use principally to specialists in codicology. Yet the editor also gives information needed by nonspecialists, such as the explanation ofreferences to Ovid and to the phoenix. Christine's complicated syntax often makes these poems difficult to read; they would be accessible to a broader audience had the notes been more substantive, including help with syntax, and the glossary fuller (or if a translation had been included). While there is little of direct interest to Arthurian...

"Nor Stage, Nor Stationers Stall Can Showe": The Circulation of Plays in Manuscript in the Early Seventeenth Century

“Nor Stage, Nor Stationers Stall Can Showe”: The Circulation of Plays in Manuscript in the Early Seventeenth Century T. H. Howard-Hill (bio) Harold Love, Arthur F. Marotti, and Henry Woudhuysen have focused attention on scribal publication after Gutenburg, and have confirmed the persistence of the transmission of texts in manuscript throughout the first two centuries of print. 1 Yet there is no recent reconsideration of the circulation of dramatic manuscripts, despite attention given to the manuscript origins of printed plays and the taxonomy of surviving dramatic manuscripts. Further, despite the clear evidence of the vendibility of transcripts of poems and of such prose works as Thomas Scott’s Vox Populi (1620), the question of the sale of scribal copies of early English plays has not been addressed. The possibility of the entrepreneurial publication of plays, to adopt Harold Love’s terminology, is highly relevant to the concerns of modern theatrical scholarship. 2 Under the aegis of poststructuralist theories of criticism, a modern group of revisionists has rigorously challenged the widely accepted findings of the “new bibliographers” (Pollard, McKerrow, Greg, Bowers, and their students), particularly their classification of dramatic documents in connection with the editing of plays. 3 The existence or absence of a commercial category of dramatic manuscripts, especially one of potentially diminished accuracy and authority from which editions may have been printed, is significant for editors. More important perhaps, if entrepreneurial scribal publication of plays existed alongside publication in print, cultural [End Page 28] historians would receive valuable evidence about the process by which drama was rehabilitated as a form of literature, a process apparently print-dominated and accomplished in England by the end of the seventeenth century. It would be especially interesting, for instance, to observe whether the closing of the public theaters in 1642 resulted in a strengthened market for plays in print and a consequentially enlarged readership, of which scribal publication could provide an index. The economics of scribal publication was different for a scribe who was self-employed and for the stationer or bookseller who was the head of a commercial enterprise that employed other people. In the usual course, the stationer who sold scribal copies of manuscripts would engage scribes to make transcripts, and would have purchased the copy in the first place. A stationer will have made a commercial investment in the literary property before multiplication of copies began, but because the single manuscript was not his only potentially profitable enterprise, his risk of loss is supportable, in theory. However, an individual scribe may not have had to purchase his copy, but his investment of time and effort was necessarily serial and he almost literally lived from hand to mouth. It may be difficult to establish on this basis which of the two was more likely to survive entrepreneurially, but it is clear that the economic contexts in which the individual scribe and stationer worked were significantly different. This essay, therefore, is concerned not so much to consider the extent to which different forms of drama (academic, closet, public) circulated in manuscript or print during the English Renaissance as to consider whether the market for plays was so great (or of such a kind) as to encourage the commodification of drama in the form of scribal copies of plays offered for sale by booksellers. Drama, the Stage, and Commodification In a sense, the commodification of drama in sixteenth-century England had a shorter course than other literary forms because it was already commodified in the theater. The primary site of the publication of plays is the stage, before an audience, rather than books printed for readers. Increasingly, the performance of secular plays was rewarded, by sustenance, protection, and tips from noble patrons, performance fees for command performances in the court, and by the admission fees of spectators in public theaters. The establishment in London in the 1560s and 1570s of the first houses devoted solely to the production of plays coincided with a growing supply of dramatists educated from the works of the classical dramatists. By the beginning of the seventeenth century, English playwrights had begun to perceive the [End Page 29] additional monetary benefits of print publication. The wider commodification of...

Jonathan P. Wainwright. Musical Patronage in Seventeenth-Century England: Christopher, First Baron Hatton (1605-1670). Aldershot, Hants: Scolar Press, 1997. 470 pp. ISBN 1-85928-278-4 (hardcover)

Jonathan P. Wainwright. Musical Patronage in Seventeenth-Century England: Christopher, First Baron Hatton (1605-1670). Aldershot, Hants: Scolar Press, 1997. 470 pp. ISBN 1-85928-278-4 (hardcover). Although much attention has been paid to the French influence on musical life at the Restoration Court, it was not the only, nor even the most important influence on English music of the seventeenth century. Underpinning much English baroque music, and indeed, even much French music from the period, are Italian methods. Jonathan Wainwright attempts to rectify the oversight of Italian influences by examining the operation and structure of seventeenth-century English musical patronage in the form of a case study of the activities of Christopher, First Baron Hatton (1605-70). Hatton owned one of the most substantial and important music collections in seventeenth-century England. The collection, much of which still survives today at Christ Church in Oxford, has important implications for understanding musical life during the Civil War at the Oxford Court (1642-46) and provides an excellent example of the extent of the dissemination and influence of Italian music in England during this period. Patronage in the seventeenth century was, by its nature, relatively vague and undefined. Few musicians held permanent positions for musical purposes alone. They did not hold jobs per se, but rather they had relationships and ties to patrons with indefinite terms of responsibilities and remuneration. Impetus for a work often could come from either patron or musician; in many cases the musician offered his work as a gift to the patron and was rewarded with a gratuity, which often took the form of items or benefits other than money. A patron was frequently an enabler rather than an activator and thus, to a large degree, Wainwright often reveals Hatton to have only a loose involvement with the activities of his musicians and copyists. Of course patronage was of vital importance to English musicians in the seventeenth century. Musicians could not operate as independent individuals and were almost entirely reliant on institutional or noble patronage. The career advancement of musicians was dependent on the assistance of a well-placed and amenable patron or sponsor. One needs only to study the plethora of flattering dedications in musical productions of the period in order to apprehend the debt musicians owed to royal or noble patrons and to understand the important place of the patron-client relationship in the overall cultural milieu of the seventeenth century. The most significant patron was, of course, the monarch, and the subject of court patronage during this period has been the subject of a number of significant studies such as Arthur Ashbee's Records of English Court Music (Snodland, 1986-91), and Peter Holman's Four and Twenty Fiddlers: The Violin at the English Court, 1540-1690 (Oxford, 1993), among others. Wainwright, however, chooses not to delve into a great amount of detail regarding the general nature of patronage during this period, preferring instead to concentrate his efforts on the biographical details and conditions surrounding only the patronage of, and musical activities surrounding, Baron Hatton. As such, the book, though it will prove a well-researched and informative resource to some, is relatively limited in its scope and is less of a general survey of patronage in seventeenth-century England than implied in the title. Wainwright divides his book into two large sections. The first section is devoted to the biography and context surrounding Hatton, his music collection, and his most important musicians and copyists. The second section, representing somewhat more than half of the book, presents a meticulous inventory of some of the most significant surviving manuscripts from the collection. This catalogue represents an important reference tool for those interested in English manuscripts and their dissemination during this period. …

Publicity, Popularity and Patronage in the "Commentariolum Petitionis"

The "Commentariolum Petitionis" has long served to demonstrate the validity of the theory that Republican electoral politics were founded on relationships of patronage that permeated the entire society, and that appeals to the voting citizenry were relatively unimportant for election. Yet the attention the author pays to the necessity of cultivating the popularis voluntas strongly implies that a successful canvasser cannot rely on the direct or indirect ties of patronage and amicitia but must win the electoral support of the anonymous mass of voters. A consular campaign emerges as to a great extent a public performance before the populus in which the candidate seeks to demonstrate to those who do not know him personally that he is dignus consulatu. While the exploitation of personal connections is undeniably important, certain features of the treatment of the studia amicorum in the Commentariolum suggest that the traditional, Gelzerian emphasis on noble patronage is misplaced. Noble allies are particularly prized not for networks of clients but for the luster they shed on a candidate; on the other hand, the homines gratiosi whose electioneering activities are most suggestive of patronage tend to be of middle and lower rank. Nor can all the personal political relationships discussed in the Commentariolum be plausibly subsumed under the concept of patronage, which entails asymmetry between the parties and a connection of some duration; rather, the picture presented here is one of a relatively "free market" of political deal-making between candidates and vote-brokers. The "Commentariolum Petitionis" offers no obstacle to a new model of Republican politics that assigns a much greater role to symbolic appeals to a voting citizenry, and a less dominant role to personal patronage, than have until recently been accepted.

Literary Patronage in England, 1650-1800 (review)

REVIEWS 381 explosions of readings dedicated precisely to Austen's engagement with issues of feeling, the philosophy of emotion and aesthetic response, and historical or social change, despite the preoccupations of many essayists, and some essays , included in the volume. Rather, the framework places Austen within a longer-established critical tradition, referred to in Gary Kelly's essay as that of the "popular classic," rather than within academic criticism more narrowly defined (p. 167). McMaster and Stovel's volume title and section headings gesture towards the tone of the volume, which serves as a defence or celebration of Austen within the relatively "secular," which is to say non-academic or paraacademic , context of the 1993 Conference of the Jane Austen Society of North America. These contexts contribute much to readability by a general or undergraduate audience—footnotes are very limited, for example, and theoretical concepts such as panopticism, intersubjectivity, and cultural capital are explained in a good deal of detail—as well as to the diversity of perspectives brought to the essays themselves. At the same time, by claiming and literalizing Bronte's "business" metaphor to argue that Austen manufactures cultural capital and uses the commercial viability of her novels to advance their own classic status and the status of the English novel itself, Kelly's essay in the volume explicitly addresses the possibly more troubling effects of this "popular" context , echoed by McMaster and Stovel's introductory comment that Austen "not only has business; nowadays she is business" (p. xix). As adaptations of conference papers, the essays in the present volume are lucid and often suggestive, if not especially detailed. A useful resource for teaching Persuasion or for gaining an overview of the popular reception of Austen's novel, these essays will market an engagingly faceted Austen to a general or academic non-specialist audience. Miranda J. Burgess University of British Columbia Dustin Griffin. Literary Patronage in England, 1650-1800. Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996. ? + 317pp. ISBN 0-521-56085-3. Dustin Griffin's admirable and exemplary study conveys good news to the scholarly community: there is still plenty to discover even on the beaten track, which, it appears, may not have been so thoroughly beaten after all. The down side may be that Griffin's kind of scholarship requires close and accurate reading, a lot of knowledge of context, and the ability to rethink. The rethinking is from a new-Tory historical stance that postulates the persistence of an aristocratic century as opposed to new-Whiggism that postulates a steady progress towards modernity. Closely studying the nuances in the voices 382 EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY FICTION 10:3 of (particularly) Dryden, Swift, Pope, and Johnson in "the language of dedications , prefaces, letters, novels, and poems, in which authors ... engage the topics of obligation, debt, gratitude, benefit, dependence, and independence" (p. 11), Griffin is able to contest the received narrative reciting the blow to patronage of Pope's vaunted independence, its death with Johnson's famous 1755 letter to Chesterfield, and its replacement in the latter part of the century by the marketplace. Instead, he concludes, and I think demonstrates, that the patronage system was active and coexistent with the new print culture until past the end of the century. Literary patronage, Griffin points out, was ultimately a political and economic system for control of the definition of culture, a system providing political and economic rewards for patron as well as for client, but as yet we have neither an adequate history nor a comprehensive theory of it. His own narrative is of an ongoing contest between authors and patrons, later joined by booksellers and reviewers , for authority. The patron could provide a far wider range of benefits than could the bookseller—dinners and introductions, social countenance, recommendations , places. In Dryden's time, patrons had it very much their own way, were conceived of as owning, even authoring, both patronized poet and literary work; they were repaid in praise which contributed to fame and political power. Within this climate Dryden functioned as both profuse dedicator and proud laureate, acknowledging the noble patron's right to judge, even his proprietorship of work and poet, but also suggesting that the...

A mirror of monarchy: Music and musicians in the household chapel of the Lady Margaret Beaufort, mother of Henry VII

Ever since the publication of Frank Harrison's book Music in Medieval Britain in 1958, the study of the cultivation of liturgical music in late-medieval England has been based on the institutional structure of the Church: on the cathedrals, colleges and parish churches, and on the household chapels of the monarchy and higher nobility both spiritual and lay. In that and most subsequent studies, however, male figures have been seen to dominate the establishments under investigation. If art history (perhaps musicology's closest sister discipline) can be shown to have characterised the patronage of Renaissance art as a system dominated by ‘Big Men’, so too has musicology placed the development of English liturgical music in a culture shaped largely by noble male patrons – kings, princes, dukes, earls, archbishops, bishops and the like.

Noble Patrons and Religious Innovators in 18th-Century Germany: The Case of Johann Lorenz Schmidt

Imperial law strictly prohibited religious novelty in eighteenth-century Germany. The Westphalian Peace accords of 1648, which served as the constitutional framework for the German empire until Napoleon, banned all public expression objectionable to the three sanctioned churches: the Roman Catholic, Lutheran, and Calvinist or Reformed. Various ordinances applied the Westphalian definitions broadly, but the jurisdictional quilt of the empire frustrated implementation. In particular, noble patrons could enable a writer accused of spreading heterodox, antichurch, or even anti-Christian views to remain active and influential.

Moderation and Deprivation: A Reappraisal of Richard Sibbes

Among the Puritan ‘martyrs’ celebrated by Samuel Clarke and Daniel Neal, few have been more frequently mentioned and less carefully considered than Richard Sibbes (1577–1635). Sibbes, primarily remembered as Preacher of Gray's Inn and author ofThe Bruised Reede, has been presented as one of a number of early Stuart preachers who neither approved nor practised bending the knee in communion, nor wearing the surplice, nor signing the cross in baptism, and yet who somehow remained within the Established Church. He was, it is reported, constantly troubled by Laud. Doubly deprived, censured and silenced, Sibbes became a model for his numerous disciples – among them Thomas Goodwin, John Davenport, John Cotton – who would later find their way into dissent. It is supposed that only the power of his lawyer-friends and noble patrons allowed him to retain his ministry at Gray's Inn for almost two decades. After his death, his writings became almost entirely the possession of Nonconformists and Sibbes came to be read through separatist spectacles. And yet, although remembered as espousing a robustly reformed theology, his moderation was particularly admired by those who followed him. Sibbes seemed to stand above the tumult of the times, ‘to preserve the vitals and essentials of religion, that the souls of his hearers, being captivated with the inward beauty and glory of Christ, and being led into an experimental knowledge of heavenly truths, theirspirits might not evaporate and discharge themselves in endless, gainless, soul-unedifying, and conscience-perplexing questions’.

A nineteenth‐century dancing master at the court of Württemberg: The dance notebooks of Michel St. Léon

The importance of dance in courtly societies in the fifteenth through the eighteenth centuries is well documented by dance historians who have chronicled the duties of dancing masters employed by royal and aristocratic families of Europe.' What may not be so well known is that this tradition continued into the nineteenth century, with responsibilities of a court dancing master continuing to include teaching dance technique, style, and repertoire; composing dances for social and theatrical occasions; giving fencing instruction; supervising court balls and festivals; and teaching correct deportment or manners. The dancing master, by definition, was also a musician, usually accompanying his lessons on a violin and often composing the music for his choreographies. Dance manuals written by dancing masters themselves testify to the high level of technical skill and complex choreographic repertoire that was within the range of their noble patrons and pupils.2 There emerges from these sources some four hundred years of remarkable consistency, both in the responsibilities of dancing masters and the masters' own high expectations of dance expertise

Friedrich Vogelfrei's Ferrarese Notebook

The author argues that fifteenth-century Ferrarese art should be regarded not as neurotic and disturbing but rather as witty and pleasingly stylized. Its noble patrons would have found the artificiality and variety of the style refreshingly novel. Other aspects of Ferrarese culture tend to support such an interpretation. Those who claim that the art of Ferrara is harsh and jarring are apparently using Florentine standards of normality as a yardstick.

NOBLE PATRONAGE, 1740s-1850*

NOBLE PATRONAGE, 1740s-1850*

Les Épîtres de Guiraut Riquier, troubadour du XIIIe siècle. Edition critique avec traduction et notes (review)

Joseph Linskill, ed. Les Épîtres de Guiraut Riquier, troubadour du XIIIe siècle.Edition critique avec traduction et notes. [Liège]: Association Internationale d'Etudes Occitanes, 1985. Pp. xviii + 364. Long the neglected stepchild of medieval Occitan studies, non-lyric poetry has come into its own in recent years as a subject of scholarly interest and research. Linskill's long-awaited edition of Guiraut Riquier's letters is a particularly welcome contribution to this trend. In addition to his lyric production, G. Riquier left fifteen "letters" (some are more like treatises) in verse, as well as responses from two of his noble patrons which he is also presumed to have written. Composed in riming couplets of six or (in a few cases) eight syllables, these poems vary in length from less than one hundred to nearly one thousand verses, representing about 6,000 verses in all. They thus constitute the largest part of the genre commonly known as "épîtres didactiques," a somewhat heterogeneous group of texts related to and often compared with the treatises giving advice to princes (De regimine principum), as well as the ensenhamens. They are not without literary merit, and two of them are justly famous: the Supplicano to Alfonso X of Castile concerning the appropriate distinctions to be made in the names applied to troubadours and to jongleurs, and the Expositio on an allegorical poem of Guiraut de Calanso written for a competition organized by Henry II of Rodez. But their chief interest is probably historical, for they paint a vivid picture of the difficulties encountered by both poets and patrons in the late-thirteenth century, in the wake of the Albigensian Crusade and Inquisition, in trying to maintain the rich but moribund literary traditions of southern France. Joseph Linskill's editorial skills are well known to Occitan scholars from his previous work on Raimbaut de Vaqueiras. His latest effort will again earn him the respect and gratitude ofhis colleagues for the high standard of scholarship which it maintains. His work also fills an important gap, for most of Riquier's letters were previously available only in the 1853 edition by S. L. H. Pfaff which formed vol. IV of Mann's Werke der Troubadours and which is now difficult of access. The present volume joins Ulrich Mölk's edition of Riquier's cansos to make available in recent, first-rate critical editions about two-thirds of the literary production of the "last troubadour." 68DON A. MONSON The introductory material includes a brief preface, devoted primarily to previous scholarship, as well as a bibliography which appears to be complete. The poems are presented in chronological order, the date of composition being known in most cases from the rubrics of the manuscript, and this makes it much easier to see the place of each within the development of Riquier's career; a table of concordance reconciles this ordering with the alphabetical order used by earlier scholars (but not with the manuscript order followed by Pfaff). The texts are printed in a single column, with verse numérotation marked in groups of four. Each is followed by a critical apparatus indicating rejected readings of the single manuscript (MS R = B.N.fr. 22543), as well as metrical irregularities, and by a brief notice giving precise references to the manuscript and to earlier editions, a schematic analysis of the versification, and the place of large capitals in the manuscript. The copious critical and explanatory notes include an introduction to each poem discussing its subject and the historical circumstances of its creation, as well as its composition, analyzed in terms of the medieval ars dictaminis, and its style. The notes also include a line-by-line discussion of difficult passages, corrections to the manuscript, divergences from Pfaffs readings, and the suggestions of earlier scholars. Finally, for each text is provided a smooth by appropriately literal translation into modem French prose. The volume concludes with an index of proper names, a useful index of major points of grammar and versification discussed in the notes, a glossary, and a table of contents. The glossary is rather brief, and no explanation is given as to the criteria for inclusion; about...