Nigerian Polity Research Articles

Trust in government and the politics of fuel subsidy removal in Lagos, Nigeria

Government’s incompetence causes public restlessness; nevertheless, it overlooks how this shapes public trust. This paper examines how government’s failure to meet the expectations of the governed has caused it to lose public trust in Nigeria. Using exchange theory as its theoretical framework, the survey research design, involving the use of qualitative and quantitative methods, was adopted. It covered the three senatorial districts in Lagos using data obtained from 220 respondents selected through a multistage sampling procedure. Three focus group discussions were conducted for complementary qualitative data. Data analysis involved the use of simple percentages, chi square and content analysis. The findings indicated that 90.0% of the respondents said subsidy proceeds were poorly managed by government, that they distrust government (85.0%), equate trust with votes (60.0%) and that dishonesty reduces public trust (60.0%). To develop trust in government, 80.0% of the respondents suggested transparency. The paper concludes that nonfulfilment of promises by government erodes its trust by public. Therefore, the paper suggests that for public trust in government to endure, the culture of impunity should be uprooted from Nigerian polity . Keywords : Democracy, trust, fuel subsidy, politics, Lagos, Nigeria

One Step Forward, Two Steps Back: The Political Culture of Corruption and Cleanups in Nigeria

In light of its pervasiveness, tackling corruption has become a priority on the Nigerian political agenda at local and national levels. This article critically examines the evolution of corruption in Nigeria, Africa’s most populous and oil-rich country. Specifically, the article examines how the corrupt practices of Nigeria’s ruling cabal have stunted the growth of a country with huge potential. The article contributes to the existing body of literature on corruption by explaining when, how and why corruption became entrenched in the Nigerian polity. In conclusion the article makes some prospective recommendations that may advance the anti-corruption campaign in Nigeria.

Historical Materialism and the National Development Question in Nigeria

Since the amalgamation of 1914 that culminated in what later came to be known as Nigeria, the question of national development has engaged the attention of scholars. There is every indication that the national development project has witnessed slow socio-economic hiccups to the dismay of analysts. The major obstacle to viable economic advancement in the Nigerian polity has been located in historical materialism which deals with ‘that view of the course of history, which seeks the ultimate and great moving power of all important historic events in the changes in the modes of production and exchange in the consequent division of society into distinct classes and in the struggles of these classes against one another’. It identifies the primacy of material conditions in the analysis of society, where the essence of democratic governance is propelled by a penchant for primitive accumulation of wealth, there will be little or no prospect for natural development. A comparative analysis unveils the fact that National Development Plans which have produced in-depth socio-economic transformations in Soviet Russia and China in the 20th century have left much to be desired in Nigeria. The obvious reasons with attendant consequences include ethno-religious crises, sectoral violence, electoral fraud, official corruption, militancy, environmental degradation, political instability and inter-alia. This paper posits that sustainable solution that thrives on focused transparent leadership, accountability and rule of law could be efficacious. DOI: 10.5901/mjss.2013.v4n3p195

Nation-building Initiatives of the Olusegun Obasanjo Administration in the Fourth Republic, 1999-2007

For much of its existence, Nigeria was governed by the military. From 1960 to 2007, a total of forty-seven years, the military ruled for twenty-nine years. The remaining eighteen years was taken up by civilian rule. The search for a functional and cohesive Nigeria was a constant leitmotiv that ran throughout the period. This search is what has been termed nation-building. The federal government of Nigeria was confronted with important nation-building challenges between 1999 and 2007. Some of these nation-building challenges are those of democracy, corruption, federalism and aggressive ethno-regionalism. By 1999, when Nigeria’s Fourth Republic was inaugurated, most of these nation-building challenges were yet to be resolved. When Chief Olusegun Obasanjo became the first civilian president in the Fourth Republic in 1999, he was confronted with the task of creating a functional and cohesive Nigerian polity. Thus, the central questions that this paper addresses are: 1. What are the mechanisms the Olusegun Obasanjo administration used to tackle Nigeria's nation-building challenges between 1999 and 2007? 2. What are the specific programmes the administration used in the nationbuilding process? 3. What are the nation-building challenges that confronted Nigeria between 1999 and 2007? Keywords: Nigeria, Nation-building, fourth republic, Obasanjo, challenges.

Cyber Criminals on the Internet Super Highways

The internet has impacted the lives of individuals, organisations, and governments all over the world. However, it is now viewed and adopted with caution due mainly to the criminal tendencies of some misguided elements within the society. The internet technology has evolved to become a weapon of “mass robbery” in the hands of criminals. Fraudulent mails emanating from Africa, in general and Nigeria in particular have received world wide attentions. These and more have dented the image of the country home and abroad. This study presents the various ways in which the internet is used for criminal purposes within the Nigerian polity. It further examined the various crime related laws, their adequacies, and implications. Findings revealed the interplay of different methods through which vulnerable individuals and organisations are defrauded. The strategies proposed for addressing these crimes with a view to giving the country a clean bill of health in the international community are as well applicable to other developing countries. The findings also lay solid foundations for further research within different strands of crimes. It also concludes with recommendations for policy makers, businesses, and internet services providers with emphasis on the need for greater awareness creation.

Political Scepticism: A Panacea for the Nigerian Political Leadership Quagmire

The paper blames the 'Nigerian political misfortune on the ignorance of the masses. It argues that the gullibility of the Nigerian masses has not fared well on the political climate of the country. As a way of taming this political monster, the paper proposes a sceptical attitude among the masses. The proposed political scepticism is differentiated from a wholesome rejection of the possibility of good governance in the Nigerian polity; rather it is an attitude towards the establishment of a critical and rigorous intellectual basis for national political culture. This attitude, the paper maintains, is impossible without the internalization of an appropriate education, a form of education tailored towards the attainment of sustainable development in the political sphere. It is believed that the projected appropriation would help maintain a high standard of political proficiency among members of the political class by pruning the Nigerian politics of incompetent and selfish persons who have grown to an unbearable proportion.

Muckraking Journalism: The Roadmap to National Development in Nigeria

Systemic corruption in the socio-economic and political terrain of Nigerian nation has become a major bane of national development of this country. The situation, without mincing words, is so worrisome that it can no longer be tackled by mere routine journalistic reportage because of its inherent danger in our strive to achieving milestones for nation building. It is on this premise, that this paper explores the dynamics of muckraking journalism as a recipe and roadmap to the path of national development of Nigerian nation. This paper argues that conventional journalists and anti-graft agencies in the country have not made appreciable progress in the fight against the monster called corruption in both private and public sectors of our economy and indeed, in Nigerian polity. Thus, the role of muckrakers becomes sacrosanct if we must journey to the path of national development without hiccups. Consequently, the paper advocates for effective synergy between muckrakers and anti-graft agencies such as EFCC and ICPC in the fight against the maladies of corruption and its masterminds. Similarly, the paper advocates for institutionalization of muckraking units in all key media establishments, Federal, State Ministries, Agencies and Parastatals with the ultimate aim of exploring, exposing and explaining corruption issues and their masterminds for the interest of citizenry. Keywords : Muckraking Journalism, Muckrakers, Roadmap and National Development.

Comparative Analysis of Traditional Institution to Democratic Stability in Nigeria

This paper presents a comparative analysis of traditional institution for democratic dispensation in the 21st century. Nigeria nation, more than anything else, the greatest obstacle to the nascent democracy is the pervasive insecurity of lives and property as evidenced by the spate of armed robbery attacks, political assassinations, power distribution coupled with the seeming helplessness of security agencies to handle criminal acts. The situation is worsened by the increasing number of unemployed Nigerians some of whom are ready recruits for criminal activities. The above statement from an editorial comment by a national daily in Nigeria indeed, epitomises the central focus of this paper, the aim of which is to analyse the nexus between democratic nurturing, sustenance and eventually consolidation vis-a-vis the battles with one of the major ills of Nigeria nation. Fifty one years after Independence, Nigeria still battles with one of the major fall-outs of democratic dispensation, the politics of trying to appease all sectors of the polity. This paper highlights and assesses the nature, quality and value of particular issues and matters that have dominated the Nigerian federal polity which have created untold unpleasant experiences and pains at one point or the other since independence. The Benin Traditional Council is an offshoot of the Benin Central Council and the institution seems to be unknown to many people who are not close to the Benin Traditional System and consequently, the functions of the Council in the traditional administration of Benin Kingdom remain vague to such persons. Such issues include the establishment, existence, coverage and functions of these very important institutions of Benin Traditional Council are similar to the functions being performed by the Council of State in the contemporary Public Administration for the Federal Republic of Nigeria. The paper painstakingly appraises many of these issues and concludes that all stakeholders in the federal policy should thread softly, be objective, rational, altruistic and magnanimous in order not to make the existence of true federalism (social, political and economic cohesive existence of the people, peace and tranquillity) a fleeting illusion and a mirage. It also focused on critical analysis of the problem of power distribution, the kind of crisis it has generated and the kind of measure that can ameliorate the ugly trend.

Nation-Building Initiatives of the Olusegun Obasanjo Administration in the Fourth Republic, 1999-2007

For much of its existence, Nigeria was governed by the military. From 1960 to 2007, a total of forty-seven years, the military ruled for twenty-nine years. The remaining eighteen years was taken up by civilian rule. The search for a functional, viable and cohesive Nigeria was a constant leitmotiv that ran throughout the period. This search is what has been termed nation-building. The different military and civilian administrations that ruled Nigeria between 1960 and 2007 were confronted with important challenges that impacted negatively on the country’s nation-building process. Some of these nation-building challenges are those of democracy, autarky, corruption, federalism and aggressive ethno-regionalism. By 1999, when the Nigeria Fourth Republic was inaugurated, most of these nation-building challenges were yet to be resolved. When Chief Olusegun Obasanjo became the first civilian president in the Fourth Republic in 1999, he was confronted with the Herculean task of creating a functional, viable and cohesive Nigerian polity. Obasanjo's administration successfully conducted federal elections in 2003, the second federal elections in the Fourth Republic, in which he was re-elected. The successful conduct ensured the sustenance of democratic rule in Nigeria. This means that during the Fourth Republic, Obasanjo governed Nigeria from 1999-2007. Thus, the central question which this paper seeks to address is what are the mechanisms the Obasanjo’s administration used to tackle Nigeria's nation-building challenges? This paper is divided into four parts. The first part is the introduction, which provides a historical overview of Nigeria's socio-political scene. The second part provides a brief historical overview of Chief Olusegun Obasanjo’s administration between 1999 and 2007. The third part is the conceptual clarification of nation-building. The fourth part, which is the main body of the paper, analyzes the various mechanisms used by the Obasanjo’s administration in Nigeria’s nation-building process between 1999 and 2007. The final part of the paper is the conclusion.

The Colonial Background to the Problem of Ethnicity in Nigeria: 1914-1960

It is quite disturbing to note that in Africa today, there is no country that is not prone to chaos and anarchy due to the bogey of ethnicity. And Nigeria is no exception. As will be demonstrated in this essay, ethnicity in Nigeria (like in many other African countries), with attendant difficulties, is not as a result of `ancient hatred’ among the people. But rather became so dominant in the domestic politics due to the deliberate policy of the British colonialists and the most heinous adoption of this colonial legacy by various Nigerian leaders in the political arena right from the period of decolonization. This essay primarily intends to expose some of the ways through which the colonialists actually entrenched fissiparous tendencies into the Nigerian polity; analyses how the early nationalists built on this atrocious colonial legacy in their quest for political independence and continue to spread the virus up till date in their quest for political power and influence. The essay concludes by suggesting some ways out of the quagmire.

Corporate governance regulation in Nigeria

PurposeWhilst taking Nigeria's peculiar institutional configurations into consideration, this paper aims to critically evaluate the Nigerian corporate governance regulatory system, which is characterised by endemic corporate corruption, and to explore how regulatory policy responses can be strategically formulated to ensure corporate vitality and prevent market failures. The paper investigates the antecedents of effective corporate governance regulation in Nigeria.Design/methodology/approachThis paper employs research method triangulation in order to provide an informative and comprehensive account. The following data collection methods were employed to conduct a survey of corporate governance professionals in academia, in practice (including board directors, managers, current and former CEOs and chairmen across different industries, as well as members of professional accounting and audit associations), and in the Nigerian polity: in‐depth interviews, focus groups, direct observations and case studies.FindingsThis study has provided some evidence to support the view that a country's peculiar institutional arrangements influence its predominant model and style of corporate governance regulation. These institutions may be regarded as integral and inseparable constituents of any particular nation, which can either aggregate to facilitate the success of regulatory initiatives and promote good corporate governance or constitute barriers to the implementation of good governance principles.Originality/valueThis paper primarily adds to the literature on corporate governance in sub‐Saharan Africa, whilst extending knowledge on the dynamics of corporate governance regulation in different institutional contexts. The paper further points out some transnational challenges, and suggests more caution, in the diffusion of corporate governance regulatory principles across different institutional environments. This further brings to the fore the need for countries to fashion out their corporate governance regulatory strategies in ways which deal with peculiar challenges, albeit within an umbrella of accepted principles of responsible corporate behaviour.

An assessment of the role of government health related policies in improving the oral health status of Nigerians

Achieving good oral health is now considered an important component of good health for any population and the inclusion of an oral health component in national health policies is a good strategy for promoting oral health. This paper sought to examine the existing health-related policies of the Nigerian government in order to determine the position accorded oral health within the policy framework and to determine the role of these policies in improving the oral health status of Nigerians. A detailed search of electronic sources and Nigerian government documents to identify the major health related policies of the government in the last decade was conducted. The policies identified and analysed were the Millennium Development Goals (MDG’s), Vision 20:2020, National Economic Empowerment and Development strategy (NEEDS), the seven point agenda and the primary health care policy. The analysis from this report indicates an exclusion of oral health from the framework of most of the policies designed by the Nigerian government. The most important barrier identified for excluding oral health is the inability of the oral health workforce to influence the policy process in Nigeria since policymaking is largely a political issue. Oral healthcare professionals in Nigeria need to be actively engaged in the politics of policymaking in order to promote the inclusion of oral health in the health related policies of government. This should stimulate positive action concerning oral health in the Nigerian polity.

Dealing with Local Satanic Technology: Deliverance Rhetoric in the Mountain of Fire and Miracles Ministries

ABSTRACT The 1980s and 1990s, an era of ‘oil doom’ and successive military dictatorship, marked a political and socio-economic watershed in the history of the Nigerian polity. Concomitant with this phase of abysmal collapse of social, economic, and political institutions was an unprecedented resurgence and rapid proliferation of new religious movements, particularly new Christian movements with Pentecostal and charismatic persuasions. In the wake of political crises and failing economies, religious communities also provided significant channels for expressions of frustration as well as avenues where claims as an alternative source of problem-resolution were negotiated and legitimized. This paper explores how this religious development marked a significant turning point in the history of Christianity in Nigeria; with its religious geography assuming a more complex and diversified posture through Pentecostal/charismatic forms of Christianity. One main thrust of African Pentecostal religiosity is the preponderance of deliverance and spiritual warfare rituals in their cosmological tradition. Using the example of the Mountain of Fire and Miracles Ministries (MFM) founded in Lagos in the 1980s, the paper examines its demographic expansion, its belief in, and appropriation of, spiritual warfare and deliverance rituals in Africa and the African diaspora. It shows how the MFM, through its preoccupation with the epistemology of demons and the extensive appropriation of warfare rhetoric, has carved out a niche for itself in African Pentecostal discourse in both local and global contexts.

The Resource Control Debate: Enthroning Parasitism or Instituting Self-Determination?

Conceptualized within the context of Nigerian polity, “Resource Control”describes the drive by geo-political zone(s), state(s), region(s), group(s) orany of the federating unit(s) to assert claim, not only of ownership overnatural resources found or produced in their territory(ies) but also theright(s) to determine the uses to which such resource(s) (or proceedstherefrom, may be put). Agitation for “Resource Control” is basically aresponse to perceived cheating, exploitation, alienation and marginalizationof agitators by those in power. There are those for (largely from the Nigerian South, and South-South in particular) and those against (largely from the Nigerian North) the principle of “Resource Control”. On the basis of this bipartisan divide, the agitators for “Resource Control” posit that twooutcomes await the choice of rejecting or accepting the principle, name:acceptance translates to self-determination for the marginalized anddispossessed; rejection translates to enthronement of parasitism of thosethat, for long, dominated (and still dominates) political power in Nigeria.The paper argues that there is nothing fundamentally wrong with theprinciple of “Resource Control” which is basically a product of the weirdbrand of federal system in Nigeria (I choose to call it “unitary federalism”).The conclude that the “Resource Control” debate is far from being over, foras long as Nigeria’s warped federal system remains unchanged.

Political Conflicts and Godfatherism in Nigeria: A Focus on the Fourth Republic

The conflict arising from godfatherism has become one of the greatest problems facing the Nigerian political system. The holder of the political position becomes a stooge to his godfather because he that pays the piper dictates the tune. By the time the godson refuses to meet their (godfather�s) demand, he is eventually impeached from political office. In Nigeria�s fourth republic dispensation (1999 till date), the Saraki-Lawal face off, Nwobodo � Nnamani quagmire, Adedibu �Ladoja crisis, Uba-Ngige saga and all other godfathers prot�g� crises in Nigeria do not only portray great danger to our democratic experiments, but also on the very essence and validity of our existence as a nation. The billions of naira expended by Nigerian godfathers for bankrolling the elections of their godsons have totally monetized elections in Nigeria which automatically disqualifies men of honour, character and integrity from holding elected public positions. The issue of godfatherism in Nigeria politics is as a result of societal decay, which has encroached into spheres of the Nigerian polity. It is therefore suggested that godfatherism should not be treated as a party affair, but should be offered political, social and legal treatment by the government and the stakeholders in Nigeria.

Revolutionary Pressures and Social Movements in Nigeria: The Niger Delta Experience

More often than not, social movements by their very nature are predicated ona penchant for change from below which embodies a revolution. An x-ray ofthe peculiar experience of the Nigerian polity with specific reference to theNiger Delta reveals deep-seated discontent whether expressed or otherwise.Right from the pre to post-independence era, the manifestations of grossmarginalization have formed the pivot on which revolutionary pressures andsocial movements revolve in the Niger Delta Region. Another dimension ofthis paper is a critique which adopts the political economy model insubjecting the variegated agitations in our study area to the crucibles ofscholarly analysis. There is an ethnic bias in the struggle for redress which,if not checkmated, might signal the emissary of national disintegration. In the light of ‘failed states’ our discourse will be incisively posited.

Electoral Crisis, Governance and Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria

It is a visible fact that ten years into the Fourth Republic, governance at all levels in the Nigerian polity has woefully failed to deliver the much expected socio-economic and political dividends of democracy. This persistent phenomenon of ineffective governance has also engendered a disillusioned citizenry, which has inevitably put a big question in the sustainability of democracy in Nigeria. Several factors have been identified as been responsible for the low output of governance. The paper, however, in its attempt to explicate the crisis of governance and comatose democracy in Nigeria, focuses on the nation’s inability to conduct credible, acceptable, and fair elections. It tries to establish a nexus between election, good governance and democracy by arguing that democracy is inconceivable outside the context of rule-based, fair and credible election as election supplies the essential platform and vitality for the building of democracy. The paper, therefore, posited that until Nigeria is able to put in place a robust, transparent and credible electoral process, the country will continue to experience governance devoid of all the fundamental trappings of a sustainable democracy.

Menace of Cultism in Nigerian Tertiary Institutions: The Way Out

The paper examined the menace of secret cults in the Nigerian tertiary institutions. The origin of cultism was traced to the Seadog confraternity (a.k.a Pyrates), founded by Wole Soyinka and six others at the foremost University of Ibadan in 1952. The peaceful, and non-violent confraternity set up then, in the 1980s, metamorphosed into a secret cult whose activities have been characterized by some bizarre and violent activities. It was against this background that this paper x-rayed the possible causes and consequences of cultism in Nigerian tertiary institutions. The major causes of cultism in tertiary institutions were influence of peer group; parental background; societal decadence; erosion of education standards; militarization of the Nigerian polity; lack of recreational facilities; quest for power and protection among others. However, some of the effects of cultism include loss of lives and properties, disruption of academic activities on campuses, unsafe university environments. It was therefore recommended that all the stakeholders in the university education system should fuse efforts to combat the menace. It was also recommended that government should be more aggressive in her quest to eradicate cultism in the universities.

The 2007 General Elections in Nigeria: An Account of the Politics of Personal Rule in an African Country by a former Presidential Aide

This article is an insider's account of the vicious political struggles that shaped the April 2007 general elections in Nigeria which were adjudged to be fraudulent. It argues that the form of political struggles that gave rise that election derive from the enthronement of a particularly vicious and violent form of personal rule which is itself a product of Nigeria's colonial rule and long history of military dictatorship which saw to the concentration of power and resources in the state in the context of the existence of a weak bourgeois class and generalized poverty for the generality of the population. The intrigues and power struggles in Nigeria during its 4th Republic 1999–2007, particularly the power struggle between the country's President and his deputy are discussed to illustrate the character of Nigerian (and perhaps African) politics. Some suggestions are offered for a more just and stable Nigerian polity.

Nigerian Poetry since 1990: History, Disillusionment and Regenerative Praxis

A significant attribute of Nigerian Poetry is its protean character. Every decade depending on its historical nuance, has engendered poetic offerings whose tenor and temper differ from the preceding one. Though, Nigerian Poetry is a recreation of one historical continuum, it can be calibrated into different thematics and technical realizations. The 1960s engendered poems that anchored on cultural nationalism and post-independence disillusionment, the poetry of the 1970s reflected on the Nigerian civil war, while the 1980s produced poetry with ideological orientation. The 1990s was the decade that saw the maturation of emergent poets who were born in the 1960s, and had undergone poetic apprenticeship in the Universities in the 1980s. These emergent poets, working on the canvas of history delineated the attendant disillusionment which draconian military dictatorship foisted on the Nigerian polity. The grim disillusionment in the poetry of the 1990s is mitigated by the regenerative trope adopted by the poets as they poeticize hope and imminent national rebirth. However, in spite of the commendable poetic output of that decade, the new poets are seldom given critical attention as critics, teachers and students of Nigerian literature continue to engage older poets. This paper‟s intervention, even though it does not loose sight of the older poets, is to draw attention to the emergent poets who mapped the historical reality of the 1990s.