Machiavelli Research Articles

Государственный интерес как политическая формула власти: по пути Н. Макиавелли

The article is dedicated to the state interest concept that emerged in the political science of the early modern period. State interest as a political formula is the basic concept of relations to power and legal understanding. A political and legal discourse on this matter was started by famous thinker Niccolo Machiavelli.

The Grand Turk vs. Machiavelli: Understanding Turks in Early Modern Period from Botero's Perspective

In his treatise named "Della Ragione di Stato", Giovanni Botero criticized the issue of reason of state, which was attributed to Niccolo Machiavelli. In general, this concept was based on the idea that religion did not have a binding force for the states, and it was associated with the thought that it was more ideal for an emperor to prefer what was advantageous for himself instead of following the eternal verities of God and Christianity. However, Giovanni Botero suggested the idea that the concept of reason of state did truly exist, but he also believed that the concept was merely based on the codes presented by God, and, accordingly, by Christianity contrary to what Machiavelli believed. Giovanni Botero tried to support his thoughts on the ideal nature of a Christian emperor in his treatise by exemplifying the issue based on Turks. Thus, Turks contributed Giovanni Botero's insights on the ideal Christian emperor with their qualifications on state government, taxes, army structure and military government. The depiction of the "Grand Turk" described the ideal Christian emperor and provided the ideality of this figuration. More importantly, "The Prince" was transformed into "The Christian Prince" by Giovanni Botero.

Unveiling the Nuances and Enduring Relevance of Machiavelli’s Theory: The Process of Acquisition to Power and Maintenance Statecraft in a Multipolar World

Niccolo Machiavelli, a pivotal figure of the Renaissance era, epitomized rationality and realism in his political philosophy, bridging the gap between medieval and modern political thought. His seminal works, including “The Prince” and “Discourses on Livy”, marked a revolutionary shift in political discourse, earning him the title of “First Modern Political Thinker”. Machiavelli's life was characterized by a quest for pragmatic knowledge and a deep engagement with the political landscape of his time. Influenced by a myriad of philosophers and writers, ranging from Thucydides to Dante Alighieri, Machiavelli synthesized diverse ideas to craft his unique perspective on statecraft. Employing historical, empirical, and inductive methods, he dissected the acquisition and preservation of power, emphasizing pragmatic realities over abstract ideals. The central theme of Machiavelli’s political theory was the notion of statecraft as a practical endeavor tailored to contemporary needs rather than a product of divine ordination. He delineated methods for seizing power, advocating for a blend of force, cunning, and citizen support. Machiavelli prescribed specific qualities for rulers, urging them to embody a combination of fortitude and cunning. Regarding morality, Machiavelli distinguished between state morality and personal morality, endorsing a pragmatic approach for rulers while upholding individual virtue for the ruled. He emphasized the separation of politics and religion, asserting that each realm should fulfill its distinct functions without interference. Despite criticism for perceived inconsistencies and immorality, Machiavelli’s enduring legacy lies in his transformation of political thought. His influence on practical politics and his role as a harbinger of the modern era underscore his profound impact on the trajectory of political philosophy. While his theories continue to provoke debate, Machiavelli remains an enigmatic figure whose ideas reflect the evolving ethos of his time.

Democracy and Reflections on 25 Years of Indonesian Reformation

Democracy has grown since the time of Ancient Greek civilization with the concept of Greek city states and Athens in 450 BC and 350 BC. Even in 431 BC, Pericles, a well-known Athenian statesman, defined democracy by putting forward several criteria: (1) government by the people with full and direct participation of the people; (2) equality before the law; (3) pluralism, namely respect for all talents, interests, desires and views; and (4) respect for a separation and personal area to meet and express individual personality (Roy C Macridis, 1983:19-20). In the same era, we can also get acquainted with the political thoughts of Plato, Aristotle, Polybius and Cicero, etc., to mention some of the thinkers of that time, who also laid the foundations for the notion of democracy. During its development, the concept of democracy underwent an increasing fertile phase and moved towards moderation during the Renaissance. So far, great thoughts have arisen about the relationship between the two rulers or the state on the one hand and the people on the other. There are new and surprising thoughts about the power and thought of Niccolo Machiavelli (1469-1527). On the Social Contract and the Separation of Powers by Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679), Jhon Locke (1632-1704). Many of these big names have thoughts of contributing significantly to efforts to redefine or implement the term democracy.

The human right to security in a foreign and domestic historical and legal view

The article examines the historical and legal context of scientific substantiation of the human right to security. The research is based on the classical legal scholarly works of Plato, Aristotle, John Locke, Jean- Jacques Rousseau, Niccolo Machiavelli, and other prominent lawyers and philosophers. The article also examines the current position of domestic lawyers, such as: O.B. Bondar, V.P. Vaskovska, Yu. Lutsenko,
 V.O. Melnyk, A.H. Stepaniuk, D.O. Tikhomirov, I.S. Yakovets and others. The purpose of the article is to analyze the phenomenon of security and, in particular, the human right to security at the stages of development of human civilization and to express its content; to summarize and explain the options for different interpretations of the category «security» in historical and legal thought. The methodology was based on a comparative approach using the epistemological, historical method, methods of analysis and abstraction. During the study, it was found that humanity and individuals are constantly striving to understand and implement security concepts. The main stages of the development of the understanding of the notion and concept of security were identified: the first was the ancient period - during which security had a mythological basis and color and was associated with the existence of belief in the concept of magic; the next was the Middle Ages - during which security was viewed through the prism of divine existence; the next period was the Renaissance, in which security was the subject of research regardless of the spiritual and mythological concept, but was not considered in the context of security for all, but its class-unequal character remains; the New Era comes with the realization of one’s right to respect for one’s honor and dignity, equality, and the elevation of human life to the pedestal of life’s values. An analysis of the stages of development of human civilization has led to the conclusion that regardless of the level of development of humanity, the peculiarities of its existence in different periods and socio-economic formations, the desire to achieve the maximum level of security in the life of an individual, the state and society remains unchanged.

The Prince, by Niccolo Machiavelli, edited by Jason P. Blahuta, translated by Manuela Scarci

The Prince, by Niccolo Machiavelli, edited by Jason P. Blahuta, translated by Manuela Scarci

«I Ghiribizzi al to Soderini» by a Florentine Secretary and Their Addressee (One More Hypothesis)

In 1969 Italian researchers made an important discovery for the study of the biography and works of Niccolo Machiavelli: the letter known as «Ghiribizzi al Soderini», previously attributed to 1512, when the Florentine secretary lost his post, was redated to 1506. It turned out that its addressee was not Piero Soderini, lifelong gonfaloniere of the Republic, but his nephew Giovan Battista. The significance of the letter, preserved in draft form and probably never sent, is that the ideas developed in it about the opposition between human valor and fortune, about the opposite paths leading to success and about the vicissitudes of political fates for 6-7 years anticipate the theses of Machiavelli’s main works: «The Prince» and «Discourses on the First Decade of Titus Livius». Over the past decades, scholars have repeatedly turned to analyze the above draft, trying to clarify the motives and circumstances of its writing, but some details still remain poorly understood, including the question of why the Secretary of the Council of Ten began to develop ideas important to himself in a letter to the nephew of the head of government. The hypothesis at issue here is a conjecture explaining this circumstance and related to the matrimonial plans of the Soderini family.

THE SCIENCE OF POLITICS BY NICCOLO MACHIAVELLI

The authors present the concept of modern political science proposed by Nicolo Machiavelli. In the authors' opinion, it was around the kingdom and the king, the sovereign state and one ruler that a new political doctrine was born, which took from tradition what could serve it, but was also built on new values, or at least on a new hierarchy of values. Niccolo Machiavelli was the thinker who best combined new, or rather renewed, political values into a coherent modern doctrine of the state and power, which would secularize it and liberate it from the tutelage of religion and morality. The authors point out that the personal experience of life on the divided Athenian Peninsula was crucial for the political thought of the famous thinker from Florence. The authors share the view of Albert Asor Rosa, who tries to find the reasons for this almost paradoxical concentration on the Italian experience of the founder of modern political science, a realistic, calculating, amoral and secularized study of the engines of action of leaders and crowds.This is why the central categories of Machiavelli's political thought are "state interest", "national identity", "raison d'état". The experience of the lack of statehood, on the one hand, and the democratic traditions of the Florentine Republic on the other, created a special amalgam of ideas and views on which a modern understanding of the science of politics was created, which is invariably associated with the name of Machiavelli.

Criminal Prosecution of Political Leaders: Narrative Analysis of Modern Power Elite Crimes

Political stories about deceit, terror and contract killings have a significant impact on the legal and political culture of all the nations. Crime narratives have the potential to fundamentally change international relations and national politics. From the description of the policy of violence pursued by Qin Shi Huang in ancient China to the criminal legends about Rodrigo Borgia in Rome, from the Sarajevo assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand on June 28, 1914 to the death of Salvador Allende on September 11, 1973 in Chile, we observe an aura of mystery around the motives of political crime and note the constant drama of the power struggle. Digital transformation has changed the format of criminal political stories by creating multimedia narratives around political leaders. It turned a traditional political detective story into a postmodern tragicomedy. The influence of end-to-end digital technologies on the modus operandi of terrorists, corrupt officials and political adventurers is due to the new opportunities that virtual reality provides for creating an image of the enemy in the political consciousness of the electorate. Stories about crimes possibly committed by the leaders of the party in power, and narratives about the betrayal of national interests by the opposition compete for the attention of the audience, whose worldview is becoming increasingly disenchanted in the context of a correspondence dialogue between Niccolo Machiavelli and Max Weber on the methods of legitimizing domination. Power elite’s crimes studied by narrative research methods reveal special patterns of actions of the party in power against the key opposition figures and vice versa, driven by their desire to destroy each other’s reputation. The analysis of political crime narratives confirms the hypothesis that the digital transformation of politics encourages the use of criminal narratives instead of physical violence in an attempt to defame and eliminate political leaders.

Niccolo Machiavelli’s views on public security

The article investigates and reveals the comprehension of how the concepts of the public security phenomenon are constructed in the philosophical and legal views of Niccolo Machiavelli.
 In Europe at that time, ensuring public security was an extremely urgent task for almost every state, which involved concern for the individual human salvation, i.e. the search for confidence in faith, at the individual level, and at the collective level – concern for the protection of subjects from violence, war, injustice, hunger, rising prices, poverty, and concern for public welfare in the broadest sense. It is emphasised that one of the most popular and detailed concepts of public security at that time was proposed by the prominent Italian philosopher, diplomat and politician Niccolo Machiavelli (1469–1527). There have been and still are heated academic discussions around its content, meaning and focus, which touch upon some controversial aspects of the security concept and help to clarify important nuances of Machiavellian vision of public security and key instruments for its guarantee better.
 According to the results of the study, it has been concluded that Machiavelli's security concept is characterised by rationalism, secularism, pragmatism, nationalism, an emphasis on a combination of power and legal elements with the predominance of the former, institutional and personal factors of public security with the priority of the former, instruments of psychological pressure (intimidation to keep the people in line), military force and diplomacy (to prevent external threats), separation of ethics and politics in the field of public security, a balanced attitude to the need to maintain internal and external security, and a high appreciation of the historical experience of ensuring security in antiquity and in modern centralised and absolutist states at an early stage.

Al-Ghazali in the Political Ethics and Governance: An Analytical Studies on Al-Tibbr al-Masbūk fī Naṣīḥah al-Mulk

This article discusses Imam Al-Ghazali’s views on political ethics and governance. This type of research is literature using analytical methods. The primary source used by researchers is one of Imam Al-Ghazali’s works, namely “Al-Tibbr al-Masbūk fī Naṣīḥah al-Mulk” and several other relevant works. This article answers the problem when in the 16th century, there was a separation between ethics and politics in the West which was pioneered by an Italian statesman named Niccolo Machiavelli which resulted in that the mindset of the government was based on its acceptance of the political system of its time. This discussion becomes important as a response to debates and dialectics about the importance of ethics in politics. This study concludes that Al-Ghazali proposed that the government system be made up of a board of directors in carrying out every government program in order to create productivity and effectiveness in running the government. The Diwan should have three institutions in the country: the deliberative council, the judiciary and the ministerial body. In addition, ethics needs to be included in the political system, this is a critique of scholars who reject ethical participation in politics. Al-Ghazali advised the rulers about the importance of ethics in politics and government. It is formulated in seven principles namely fairness, competence, humility, honesty, responsiveness, sincerity, and gentleness.

Taking Account

Taking Account

Representation of Political Communication Without Morality Perspective of Modern Philosopher Niccolo Machiavelli

The purpose of this study was to determine the representation of political communication without morality from the perspective of the modern philosopher Niccolo Machiavelli. The focus of this research is the concept of political thought without morality by Niccolo Machiavelli. Machiavelli's concept of thought is a completely new methodology in political studies. This change does not lie in its orientation to the analysis of real political behavior because in the previous centuries Aristotle had collected factual data as a requirement for political formulation. Instead he seeks to completely separate the ethical context from political reality. This study uses a qualitative method with the type of literature study in which the researcher traces the important relevant works of the political philosopher Niccolo Machiavelli. The results of the study describe the representation of political communication in the concept of politics without morals along with the functions of the concept.

Trust, Deceit, and Disgust Within the Marriage Between Lucrezia and Nicia in La Mandragola by Machiavelli

Niccolo Machiavelli (1469 - 1527) is most famous for his instructional book, The Prince, however, he experienced greater success during his lifetime for his play La Mandragola. The play is centred around one man's efforts, Callimaco, in having sex with Lucrezia, a young woman who is married to an older man, Messer Nicia. Despite being married for six years, the marriage between Lucrezia and Nicia has not yielded a child - this was unusual. Trickery ensues, with the play ending with Callimaco successfully duping Nicia and ‘getting the girl,’ with Lucrezia and Callimaco confident in their ability to continue this affair going forward. The unfortunate marriage dynamic of Lucrezia and Nicia was not one that was created because it differed from the norm, but rather the typical marriage culture and gender expectations of the time contributed to the discord of their marriage. Neither partner has respect for the other; Nicia has a certain level of complacency, perhaps even avoidance or fear, of Lucrezia and being reproached. On the other hand, Lucrezia sees Nicia as dim-witted and seeks many opportunities to avoid physical contact with him. Machiavelli provides a rich and nuanced picture of married life, albeit exaggerated at times as part of the larger plot of La Mandragola. The marriage of Nicia and Lucrezia also reveals that there is much more behind prescribed gender roles of being fertile and economically capable when it comes to compatibility within the confines of typical marriages in Renaissance Italy. The disrespect and dislike seen in the marriage between Lucrezia and Nicia is amplified through neither character satisfying gender expectations, and existing in a marriage dynamic that was, while common, still problematic.

Islamisasi Konsep Etika Politik Niccolo Machiavelli

Politics is known as an activity that is synonymous with negative and 'evil' things, as well as in The Prince, Niccolo Machiavelli describes politics with the impression of putting aside morals, even to conquer a territory or advance to become a leader, it can be through cunning ways, vile, and evil. This paper will discuss the Islamization of Niccolo Machiavelli's political ethics by using the concept of Islamization promoted by Syed Naquib al-Attas, and the concept of political in Islam. It is carried out by library research which in collecting data relies on data from the literature. As for the result, in Islamic political ethics, religious values must color the behavior of power holders. Al-Qur'an as a source of ethical values, if applied in power will produce a government with high moral values, so as to be able to realize happiness and justice equally for the community.

Influence of Machiavellian Principles of Political Power, Religion and Development on Successive Regimes in Kenya, 1963-2007

This paper interrogates Kenyan politics through the lenses of Niccolo Machiavelli’s ideas on political power. It analyses the relevance of Machiavelli’s political ideas, as they have applied by different political leaders in Kenya. It pays special attention at how over the years Kenyan politicians at the helm of Kenyan political stage, the state house, have shrewdly mastered and used religion channelise politics of their times. Colonial rule in Kenya witnessed the emergence of a profoundly unbalanced institutional landscape and underdevelopment. With all capacity resided in a strong prefectural provincial administration, political parties remained underdeveloped making Kenyan politics to be leader centred. Politics is perceived as a game in which interests clash and political leaders attempt to establish stability amid conflicting interests. This reality is captured in the ideas of Machiavelli, whose works in political philosophy created the ideological ground for the emergence of Machiavellianism. The most significant aspect of colonialism in Kenya was political domination control, underdevelopment and authoritarianism. Colonialism in Kenya between 1895-1963 was characterized by economic exploitation and colonial expression. Sadly, the spectre of repression, exploitation and underdevelopment persisted in independent Kenya all against the hopes Kenyans had at independence. In this work, we argue that the post independence history of Kenya is replete with key aspects of Machiavelli’s conception of political power, ‘ misuse’ of religion by leaders and glaring underdevelopment all in the name of managing politics. Therefore, this paper examines the application of Machiavellian principles in the independent Kenya between 1963 and 2007.

Hronologija antropološkog pesimizma Nikola Makijavelija

The point of the article is to determine and consider the Niccolo Machiavelli's ideas about the human nature. N. Machiavelli believed that historical patterns repeat cyclically over the time. Therefore, the key to consideration hypotheses about the negative human nature, which is especially manifested in politics, was historical method. As the foundation of Machiavelli's theory is seen through a pessimistic view based on human nature, the genesis of this idea's development is revealed through chronology. The research focuses on several segments. First is presented the basic idea and assumption of human political nature in antiquity. The ideas of ancient thinkers are presented as an introduction to the thought of N. Machiavelli. A detailed account of the consideration of social life through the philosophical thought of Aristotle, shows the first ideas and explanation of the negative nature of people in politics. As the detailed historical method was the way of understanding N. Machiavelli's concretization of ancient ideas shows more clearly the way of thinking of anthropological pessimism. The Principe, as the key work N. Machiavelli's is considered through a comparative analysis with the rest of the writ ten legacy. After determining the thought of N. Machicavelli the entire idea of anthropological pessimism is linked to human rights and the chronology that follows the development of mechanisms for the protection of this set of rights. New facts and understanding of anthropological pessimism are presented as an opportunity for better acquaintance, but also for better normalization of relations within the framework of functioning of the social community

Niccolo Machiavelli as a Symbolic Personality: from Political Theory to Political Pedagogy

The paper analyzes in detail the concept of “Machiavellianism” — a constantly emerging and growing giant intellectual segment that combines historical, psychological and philosophical interpretations with frankly vulgar ideological speculations. Modern concepts of personality are being explored, the synthesis of which is well represented in the works of Hans Jürgen Eysenck. W. Colman’s theory of symbols is also analyzed because of its great contribution to understanding the reasons why Machiavelli’s personality gradually began to turn into a kind of symbol that characterizes the process of forming a very specific “cultural code” of human thinking and behavior. The authors also examine the reasons why modern discussions around the personality and cultural heritage of Machiavelli are increasingly moving into a very specific theoretical area called “political pedagogy”.

The Model of a Polish Diplomat and Its Evolution From the 16th to the 21st century, in the Context of Education, Axiology, Professionalism and Socialization

The contemporary model of a Polish diplomat is the result of a long evolution. The first mentions of the topic date back to antiquity and the Middle Ages. It was not until modern times, however, that more interest was vested in this issue. In Western Europe, Niccolo Machiavelli, Torquato Tasso, Abraham de Wicquefort, François de Callierrès, Harold Nicolson, and others have commented on this topic. In Poland, Jakub Przyłuski, Krzysztof Warszewicki, Wawrzyniec Piaseczyński, Stanisław Miński, Tadeusz Morski, Adam Czartoryski – and currently Jerzy M. Nowak, Roman Czyżycki, and Bogdan Grzeloński – have discussed the virtues and vices of diplomats. Their remarks provide a sufficient basis for developing a model of a diplomat and following its evolution over the span of five centuries. To achieve this goal, I utilized my proprietary method of pattern research, analyzing the four components of genealogical, personality, professional, and social conditions. The first is related to one’s birth, which can lead to a comprehensive education, good physical condition and inherited wealth. The last one was important in the past, but of no importance now. The second concerns the personal predispositions of a diplomat, in which effectiveness initially took precedence over morality, but morality is now on par with effectiveness. The next set of determinants relates to professionalism, which entails a great responsibility for the position of the state in the international arena and for the fate of one’s fellow citizens. Thus, it is more than a profession, as it constitutes a kind of mission and service to one’s country. The last component – social conditions – determines the relationships with members of the diplomatic corps, which is especially important today, now that diplomacy has become a team sport. Such a pattern remains difficult to follow, both for past and present generations. However, it is still a desired object of aspiration meant to transform into actual patterns.

ІСТОРІОГРАФІЧНІ ТА МЕТОДОЛОГІЧНІ АСПЕКТИ ПОРІВНЯЛЬНОГО АНАЛІЗУ ПІДХОДІВ ФРАНЧЕСКО ГВІЧЧАРДИНІ І НІККОЛО МАКІАВЕЛЛІ У РАМКАХ ПРОБЛЕМАТИКИ «ДЕРЖАВНОГО ІНТЕРЕСУ» ТА ТЕОРІЇ АБСОЛЮТИЗМУ

In the presented article, the author defends the idea that the argumentation system of Quentin Skinner (Quentin Robert Duthie Skinner), Maurizio Viroli (Maurizio Viroli) regarding the methodological foundations of the origin of the political theory of Niccolo Machiavelli in The Sovereign cannot cast doubt on the approach of the German-American political philosopher Leo Strauss (Leo Strauss). The same emphasis is proposed to be used for the most part in the final value judgments regarding the meaning of the “Sovereign” within the framework of the problems of “state interest” (raison d’état) and the theory of absolutism. In addition, the strengths and weaknesses of the concept of the British historian Nicholas Henshall are comprehensively considered. It is argued, with the involvement of a wide background of historiographical assessments and methodological remarks, the productivity in the general historical context of a comparative analysis of the positions of Machiavelli and Guicciardini in the framework of the analysis of the theory of absolutism. The further development of the theory of absolutism, presented within the framework of social and political thought by the works of, first of all, Thomas Hobbes allows us to see a direct relationship with Machiavellianism as a phenomenon. The analysis of the positions of the representatives of British historiography on the studied issue shows the characteristic features of their evaluations of the interesting author of the issue. Thus, Nicholas Henschel in the work “The Myth of Absolutism” bypasses the analysis of “The Prince”, which would add an additional possibility in substantiating the insufficient character of the theory of absolute power. However, it seems to us that Henschel was perfectly aware in his work that it is difficult to blame the author of “The Sovereign” for the lack of justification of the goal in the expressed theory of absolute power. Turning to the comparative analysis of the positions of political thinkers of the Italian Renaissance is of significant interest for modern Ukrainian society in a practical sense. The Italian political crisis of the specified period was reflected in the persistent search by the best minds of the Renaissance era for ways out of it, a thorough understanding of the historical and political reality that surrounded Italians. The result was the emergence of impressive theoretical generalizations of key aspects of historical development. The author comes to the conclusion that without Machiavelli, the ideology of absolutism, which was further developed in the works of the same Thomas Hobbes, could not have received its inherent conceptual outlines. In order to accomplish this, Machiavelli had to make a break with the classical tradition of political philosophy, just as the formation of a centralized state required the concentration of political power in the hands of the monarch, that is, a break with the feudal tradition of political thinking in general.