New System Of International Relations Research Articles

Новая интеграция в многополярном мире

Currently, in the context of the UN crisis and significant transformation of bilateral interstate relations, there is a transition from a unipolar to a multipolar structure of the world order. At the same time, international institutions of regional integration are becoming the basic element of building a multipolar world. In the second decade of the 21st century, along with traditional, primarily economic forms of international integration that emerged in the 20th century, new models of integration are also emerging, based on interstate interaction in the areas of coun-teracting global and regional threats. The article examines new integration processes based on civilizational interaction, and considers the goals of new interstate associations of states that are part of the World Majority group. The thesis is substantiated that the paradigmatic basis for studying the new system of international rela-tions in a multipolar world is the concept of political will.

Transatlantic Relations in the Perception of the American Ruling Elite: the Economic Aspect

The article is dedicated to the analysis of the perception in the United States of the J. Biden administration transatlantic policy in economic sphere and role of the European countries in forming the new system of international relations. Considering this policy in the context of the process of fragmentation of the global economy, the authors analysed the views of the most active political and ideological groups within the American ruling elite. Although the overwhelming majority of politicians and experts agree with the administration's strategic line on the formation of integrated transatlantic economy as the core of a new system of international relations, nevertheless, they see different ways to achieve this goal. Thus, centrist Democrats believe that the United States should use its leadership to organise rapid and tough integration; conservative Democrats emphasise gradual transition and a soft policy towards the EU; progressive Democrats insist on climate priorities; moderate Republicans are for strategic control without European access to the US market; conservative Republicans see the basis of the unification only in center-right unity. At the same time, most groups agree with the administration on key issues related to the need for EU countries to withdraw from the Chinese market, the use of protectionist tools, countering the antitrust policy of Europeans, etc. It is concluded that in its transatlantic economic policy the administration receives confident support from the main groups of the American elite.

Prospects of Cooperation in the Commonwealth of Independent States

The modern world is going through global changes that to some extent affect all nations. The goals, institutions and principles that were considered to be the basis of international relations have turned out to be unstable and often discredited. In this context, a new system of international relations is being formed, which should reflect the national interests of all states. The current crisis has a major impact on the Commonwealth of Independent States, and the effect is both negative and positive. Western sanctions directly target Russia and Belarus and indirectly they also affect other members. At the same time, such challenges contribute to greater cohesion within the CIS and can give impetus to closer cooperation. Thus, international tension can be the launch point to help intensify integration processes in the CIS and to form a new quality of relations in it. This article aims at determining the current state of relations between the member states of the Commonwealth of Independent States, assessing its strengths and weaknesses as an international organisation, and predicting possible prospects for the development of relations between the states. The article focuses on the current trends in the activities of the Commonwealth of Independent States. It examines the problems of cooperation within the CIS, as well as the causes of these problems, including both internal contradictions and increasing foreign influence. The author explores the advantages and disadvantages of the CIS and proposes three different scenarios of the further evolution of interaction between the Commonwealth’s member states.

A paradigm shift in international security as a consequence of the Russia-Ukraine war

This article presents the main features of the historical genesis of the international security paradigm shift from its institutionalisation to the present day. It is shown that such genesis is sinusoidal in nature and related to the well-known 'Kondratiev waves', except that, unlike the latter, it is not economic in nature, but security in nature. In a historical and geopolitical context, five successive shifts in the international security paradigm (Pre-Systemic, Westphalian, Vienna, Versailles, Yalta-Potsdam, Unipolar) are distinguished as a normatively recognised system of international relations of war and peace, based on all countries' adherence to universally recognised principles and norms of international law, as enshrined in relevant international treaties. The main factors of the end of the era of the unipolar world and the growing role of 'fragile' states in the international security environment as potential objects of international military interventions and spaces for the deployment of local conflicts and wars were characterised. It was concluded that the war in Ukraine is a key trigger for a new paradigm shift in international security and the emergence of a new system of international relations, and that the outcome of the Russian-Ukrainian war will determine the 'starting positions' and strong arguments in the hands of the United States of America and its allies against China and its allies during the inevitable new global security conference on the creation of a new world order.

Schramm, Lucas. 2024. Crises of European Integration: Joining Together or Falling Apart? Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. XVII, 303 pp. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-54748-5.

The book analyses the main factors of European integration crises, taking into account eight major cases from the early 1950s to recent times. The author pays special attention to constitutional crises, the euro crisis and the migration crisis, thus showing that crises have been an integral part of the process of European integration from its very beginning. Although the book does not analyse the current confrontation between Russia and the West, the author argues that European integration began with a serious setback, when member states failed to implement plans to create a European army through the European Defence Community. The global scale and radicality of the ongoing changes allow many researchers to suggest the formation of a new system of international relations. In parallel with these processes, many provisions and phenomena characterizing the system of international relations itself are being revised.

Lithuanian Diaspora in Uruguay During the Beginning of the Cold War

This article studies the problems behind the involvement of the Lithuanian diaspora of Uruguay in the political processes at the beginning of the Cold War (second half of the 1940s – early 1950s). The author considers the history of the formation of the Lithuanian diaspora in the South American country starting from the later period of the Russian Empire and its status in the interwar period in the context of the development of the Lithuanian statehood. Additionally, the article describes the emergence and solution of the problem of refugees and displaced persons after World War II in the international context. It is noted that the refugees and displaced persons were mostly representatives of the Soviet Union (including the Baltic states that became part of the USSR in 1940), Poland, Yugoslavia, and other countries of Eastern Europe. The study proves that in the new historical conditions, there was a change in the social composition of the Lithuanian emigration of Uruguay, which was replenished with political opponents of the Soviet regime, collaborators fleeing retribution, and “Westerners” (defectors). Formed as a result of a global conflict and a new system of international relations, this type of diasporas was called “communities of exiles”, “exiled communities”, or “political diasporas”. The politicised nature of such diasporas, which included post-war Lithuanian emigration to Uruguay, led to its participation in the information confrontation with the USSR in the framework of the Cold War that had begun. In this regard, the author examines the attitude of the Uruguayan authorities to the “emigration governments of the Baltic countries”, and, more particularly, the so-called “Lithuanian government” headed by Mykolas Krupavičius in the USA and his “mission” headed by Kazimiro Grauzhinis in Uruguay. The specifics of the situation with the problems of repatriation in the USSR, which is revealed using materials from the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation and emigration periodicals, showed the reaction of the Soviet leadership to the position of Uruguay in relation to Soviet displaced persons (including within the new borders). The author concludes that in the context of intra-diaspora splits, immediately after the war, the nationalist-minded part of the Lithuanian emigration was an active participant of all anti-Soviet campaigns, using finances and all possible information resources for this (primarily, the United States). Hence, the unconditional orientation towards Washington of this part of the diasporas, including the Lithuanian one, which was called upon to sow anti-Russian sentiments and support the negative image of the USSR in the public opinion of the West, becomes obvious and logical.

Diplomacy of European States and the Revolution of 1830 in Belgium

The nature of interstate and international relations in the post - Napoleonic period was determined at the Vienna Congress of 1814-1815. Maintaining peace and stability in Europe, preserving the legitimacy of the ruling dynasties and controlling the balance of power were considered one of the main tasks of the Vienna system of international relations. The main obstacles to compliance with these principles were the revolutionary events of 1820-1830, which arose in different regions of Europe. The response to the “challenges” of the new system of international relations was both diplomatic and military measures to maintain the status quo of European states. The purpose of the article is to analyze the positions of the leading European states at the initial stage of the revolution in Belgium, which began in August 1830. In the context of the growing revolutionary crisis in Europe, it is important to understand what motives guided the Russian, French, Austrian, Prussian and English sides in developing their positions, what were the motives of their foreign policy in Belgium and how they influenced multilateral relations during the Belgian revolution. The study of the diplomatic correspondence of representatives of European countries through the channels of foreign ministries made it possible to identify the differences that existed between Russia, England, France, Austria and Prussia on the Belgian issue, to trace the changes in the positions of the countries in the process of developing a joint solution. An analysis of the process of European countries making decisions about the future of Belgium showed the desire of the participants of the “European concert” to comply with the principles of the Vienna system of international relations.

«Дипломат поневоле»: страницы биографии Николая Васильевича Новикова

Introduction. The article analyzes the biography and diplomatic activities of Nikolai Vasilievich Novikov (1903–1989), a Soviet diplomat who represented the USSR in Cairo and in Washington during World War II and took part in the efforts to establish a new system of international relations at the beginning of the Cold War. Methods and materials. The article is based on published texts by Nikolai Novikov himself, diplomatic documents, periodicals, and materials from his personal archive, deposited in the Archive of the European University at St. Petersburg by the diplomat’s family. Analysis. The authors examine Novikov’s biography, the reasons for his rapid career in the People’s Commissariat of Foreign Affairs, his relations with Soviet foreign policy managers, and the circumstances of his resignation at a relatively young age. Special attention is paid to Novikov’s activities in the United States in the context of the emerging Cold War, the place of Novikov’s note (cable) in the process of shaping Soviet approaches to relations with the United States, and his own attitude to these approaches. Results. Novikov’s contribution to the shaping of the postwar world is underappreciated, as are his attempts to resist the changes that were breaking Soviet-American cooperation in the international arena. In fact, the strategic concepts formulated by Novikov in a memo to Molotov were the basis of the official Soviet interpretation of the causes and nature of the Cold War and were included in Soviet school and university textbooks on universal history and the history of international relations. Authors’ contributions. A.I. Kubyshkin analyzed the most important stages of Nikolai Novikov’s diplomatic activity and the general situation in relations between the USSR and the USA during the Second World War. He assessed Novikov’s activities from the political leadership of the USSR and foreign countries in which the Soviet diplomat worked. He also examined the most important aspects of the activities of Soviet diplomacy reflected in Novikov’s memoirs and carried out their internal criticism as a historical source. I.I. Kurilla processed the archive of Nikolai Novikov and identified and analyzed the corpus of sources of personal origin. He also analyzed the contents of Nikolai Novikov’s personal diaries, reviewed the personal contribution of N.V. Novikov in developing a strategy in relations with the United States in the initial period of the Cold War, and compared the contents of the “long telegram” of J. Kennan and the “Novikov telegram”.

ОСНОВНІ ТРЕНДИ ТРАНСФОРМАЦІЇ СИСТЕМИ МІЖНАРОДНИХ ВІДНОСИН (СВІТОУСТРОЮ)

Background. The vast majority of world events at the end of the 20th century. and the beginning of the 21st century. caused by various conflicts, political and economic instability. This indicates the ineffectiveness of the existing mechanisms for coordinating the interests of the subjects of the system of international relations, and therefore the need to create new mechanisms that would take into account the main trends in the transformation of the system of international relations. Therefore, the identification and comprehensive analysis of the main trends in the transformation of the system of international relations in the context of the prospects for the formation of new centers of global and regional influence on the formation of the international agenda is an urgent task, as it allows to clarify the outlines of the architecture of the world order for the long term. The purpose of the work is to identify and comprehensively analyze the main trends in the transformation of the system of international relations in the context of the prospects for the formation of new centers of global and regional influence on the formation of a new world order. Methods. The article uses a number of general scientific and special methods. So, in particular, when researching such international institutions as the EU, NATO, SCO and BRICS, the comparison method was used. Using the method of analysis, the most obvious trends of modern international relations were determined. Results. The peculiarities of the formation and functioning of the system of international relations (world order) in certain historical periods in the context of defining world events are analyzed. It was found that the main determinant of the formation of the specified world order systems was the so-called redistribution of the world, namely the rejection (annexation, seizure) of certain territories from some countries and their entry into others. Globalization and informatization of all spheres of social life lead to an increasing dependence of states on each other. This prompts the creation of a new system of international relations (world order), which would be able to respond more adequately to the specified threats without the use of force instruments. Conclusions. Analysis of the general context of the formation of a new system of international relations suggests that the formation of a multipolar system should be completed in the near future, which will lead to a certain stabilization in the field of international relations, which are currently largely in a chaotic state. At the same time, Ukraine, which is currently at war with Russia, faces an extremely difficult task of winning the chance to become a full-fledged subject of the new system of international relations (new world order).

A.A. Gromyko and Security Policy: Strategic Detente Project

The article continues the study of the role of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR A.A. Gromyko in the shaping, development and maintenance of security policy, its principles and structural elements. The relevance of the article is determined by the importance of strategy and strategic thinking in modern foreign policy and diplomacy, their influence on interstate cooperation, the evolution and manageability of international relations. The subject of the article is the study of the strategic project of detente developed by A.A. Gromyko to 1972-1973. The chronological framework of the study is limited to 1972 and 1973. The article consists of three subsections. The first subsection examines the criteria for bilateralism and presents the conditions for concluding new agreements, substantiates the importance of purposeful work on new agreements. The second subsection analyzes the differences between formal balance and equal security. At present, the concept of «equal security» has become a structural element of the foreign policy doctrine and security doctrine of the Russian Federation. The third subsection characterizes the content of the strategic project, the features of differentiated cooperation - the interaction of the USSR with small, medium and large countries, shows the meaning of the concept of «pure national interest», mechanisms for the transition to a «long-term detente» of international tension. The author explores the approaches of A.A. Gromyko to a new system of international relations during the negotiations on the Moscow Treaty. The possible practical application of the main elements of the project in modern times is determined. The sources of the article are published documents of the Foreign Office of the Federal Republic of Germany. The author conducts the analysis on the basis of the foreign partners' assessment of the statements made by the Soviet Foreign Minister during official negotiations.

Chinese Media Representation of the SCO: A Study of People’s Daily and Global Times

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) is one of the first international organizations in which the PRC played a key role. However, according to some researchers, over the past 20 years the Chinese leadership’s interest in this mechanism of international cooperation has decreased. This article explores the place of the SCO in Chinese foreign policy by analyzing the representation of this organization in the PRC’s media - Chinese-language publications in the newspapers People’s Daily and Global Times , which both belong to the Chinese Communist Party. Such focus allows better understanding the value of the SCO to China and its position vis-á-vis other Chinese initiatives in Central Asia. The authors use methods of quantitative and qualitative content analysis, namely counting the frequency of single words, identifying and counting the most common frames, and discussing the ways these frames are constructed. Frame analysis demonstrates that the articles focus on the achievements of the SCO in solving regional problems, while existing difficulties are ignored. The SCO is represented as an important element of China’s foreign policy, along with the Belt and Road Initiative, while the details of their interaction are not discussed. It should also be mentioned that the SCO is framed as an association of countries opposing Western hegemonism and advocating a new system of international relations. An extremely positive representation of the SCO serves legitimation of the political regime in the PRC: the articles focus on China’s role as a leader in the SCO and its successes in addressing domestic problems, such as poverty reduction and fighting the coronavirus infection. This narrative is often created by quoting the opinions of high-level foreign politicians and average citizens.

РАЗВИТИЕ ЯПОНО-АМЕРИКАНСКОГО ВОЕННО-ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОГО АЛЬЯНСА В ПЕРИОД 1990–1996 ГОДОВ

The end of the Cold War and the subsequent collapse of the bipolar international political system forced all participants in international relations to begin the process of reforming the usual tools of foreign policy communication. The moderator of the new collective security conjuncture was the United Nations under the auspices of the United States. Japan, as an ally of the United States and a direct member of the UN, needed to adapt the principles of its foreign policy to effectively integrate into the new system of international relations. Military conflicts around the world have challenged not only the fledgling system of collective response, but also its participants. This article attempts to determine the impact of new security challenges on the transformation of Japan's foreign policy and interaction with the United States within the framework of the Japan-U.S. politicalmilitary alliance. It uses materials declassified by the U.S. National Security Archive.

THE FIRST EUROPEAN WAR OF THE THIRD MILLENNIUM: PROLOGUE OR EPILOGUE? (political notes on the Russian-Ukrainian war of 2014-2022)

The article examines the course and consequences of the first (and so far only) European war of the new century - Russian-Ukrainian in the time interval of 2014-2022. The main definitions of this war, which does not have a single meaningful interpretation on the part of the scientific, information-analytical and mass media community, are given. The main international and institutional consequences of the Russian-Ukrainian war are detailed. The conclusion is formulated that security structures of the XX century are inefficient regulators of armed and force interstate relations of the 21st century. Some geoeconomic and geopolitical consequences of Russian aggression against Ukraine are revealed. The new accents of NATO development, new dimensions of the geopolitical behavior of China and Turkey, a new vision on the security prospects of humanity on the part of English-speaking countries, primarily Great Britain and the United States, are detailed. The uncertainty of the future of the Russian Federation, which is at a crossroads of sorts, is emphasized. It is emphasized that the consequences of the Russian-Ukrainian war, in view of their scale and global security and political resonance, will have increased importance for the affirmation of a new system of international relations, the formation of which will take place with the participation of Ukraine. In general, it is proven that the world has irreversibly entered a new phase (epoch) of development, which denies the logic, rationality, experience, and legal basis of past historical periods.

The impact of the Russian-Ukrainian war on international relations

The Russian-Ukrainian war is not just a regional war. It is the war that marks a rupture in relations between Russia and the West, a war that will have profound repercussions for both Europe and the world. The invasion of Ukraine by the Russian Federation tends to become the most important military conflict since the end of World War II. This article aims to highlight the impact of the Russian-Ukrainian war on the system of international relations. Thus, the actions of the Russian Federation in Ukraine and the response of the West will accelerate the process of restructuring a new system of international relations. From the new situation conditioned by the Russian-Ukrainian war, the United States and China will become the main actors that will form the new architecture of international relations. The war in Ukraine that we are witnessing also shows the growing strength of EU and NATO unity. We are moving to a new geopolitical order in which the EU strengthens its role as a defender of democratic values, peace and international law.

The critique of the Westphalian peace narrative

The article studies perceptions of the Peace of Westphalia that were formed in the fields of international relations history and the general theory of international law as a result of conflicting doctrines, with some claiming the Westphalian treaties of 1648 are of universal significance for these scientific fields, and others, conversely, denying that these treaties had any sort of influence on the formation of a modern system of international relations and the formation of international law as a legal system. The article concludes that the treaties of the Peace of Westphalia does not actually contain many of the provisions attributed to them. These norms often arise only from their interpretation. However, the critics of the treaties’ significance for the history of international relations and their international legal regulationwho focused their attention only on the verbatim text of these documents while ignoring the historical conditions surrounding their development and adoption, failed to properly assess their impact. The Westphalian Congress was the first congress in world history that was pan-European in character. Its widely representative nature, the lengthy period of time during which it was held, the content of the treaties and the universally binding nature of their provisions, as well as the protocol rules, allow us to claim that the states of this world region started to identify themselves as part of a single pan-European international community. Moreover, the Congress also saw the creation, in a relatively short time, not only of treaties, but also of customary norms of general international law that were of fundamental importance for the formation of a new system of international relations. Despite the fact that most of the provisions of the Peace Treaty of Westphalia of 1648 havean applied nature, it is by no means an insignificant medieval treaty, the only virtue of which lies in it ending the Thirty Years' War. The Peace of Westphalia is an example of the first pan-European international treaty in world historywhich formulated a number of binding norms for all states of this part of the world. To sum up, the Westphalian Peace Treaty was, a historic breakthrough the creation of treaty norms of general international law, and therefore the it should be deemed a historical milestone in the creation of international law as a legal system.

КОНЦЕПТ СПРАВЕДЛИВОЙ ВОЙНЫ В РОССИЙСКОМ ОБЩЕСТВЕННО-ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОМ ДИСКУРСЕ (1914–1916 гг.)

The article analyzes the representations of the Russian socio-political discourse of 1914–1916, dedicated to the justification of the First World War as a just war on the part of Russia and its Allies. It considers the role of the factors that shaped the image of a just war in the minds of the European political and intellectual elite and the younger generation, as well as the emergence of the idea of “spirituality” of war as the basis for its legitimation. The author stresses the influence of the international conventions on the laws and customs of war on the image of a just war in Russia as well as the specifics of the socio-cultural situation at the turn of the 20th century, which made it difficult to conduct ideological and psychological preparation for world clash that could affect the mass consciousness. The image of a just war began to take shape in Russia after the country entered the conflict and was based on the idea of a defensive war against an external aggressor. The fact that Germany was the first to declare war on Russia, the realities of bloody confrontation contributed to the formation and broadcast the ideas about the “Second Patriotic War”. The concept of the “Second Patriotic War”, which appealed to historical memory, became the embodiment of the idea of a just war in the 1914–1915 Russian socio-political discourse. An important component of the image of a just war in Russia was the notions of the spiritual and religious sense of confrontation. They were embodied in ideas about the implementation of the sacred mission of liberating Europe and the world from “Germanism”, the protection of the Slavs, the “struggle for truth”, the affirmation of the renewed ideal of “Holy Russia”. The ideas of a “holy war against Germanism” got embedded in the discourse of the press into the system of ideas about the fairness of the goals and objectives of the Allies. Another basis for the legitimacy of war was the concept embodied in the slogan “the war to end all wars”. The influential concept of Entente propaganda received a wide response in the Russian liberal and democratic press, which interpreted the meaning of the world conflict in a political and legal terms. The war was seen as a way to establish a new system of international relations based on the rule of the “force of law” as opposed to the “law of force” personified by Germany. Illusions about the possibility of establishing “eternal peace” after the war were widely broadcast in the press, becoming an element of ideas about a just struggle for a better future of mankind. The notions about “German atrocities” widely broadcast by propaganda in the Entente countries were important element of the justification of violence against the enemy and legitimization of the war. In Russia, despite the enemy’s violation of international conventions governing conducting the war and the presence of this topic in the press, the image of “German atrocities” did not play the significant role in socio-political discourse in comparison with the Entente countries.

The “War Alert” in the Middle East in 1923: The Story of a Forgotten Crisis

This article focuses on a previously unexplored episode in the history of international relations, related to the temporary suspension of the Lausanne Conference on the Middle East in February 1923, which threatened to revive a state of war between Turkey and the Entente powers. This crisis, which unfolded at the same time as the Franco-Belgian occupation of the Ruhr, had a significant impact on the final outcome of the peace settlement in the Middle East enshrined in the Lausanne Treaty. The aim of the article is to determine the place and role of this crisis in the process of establishing a new system of international relations after the Great War and its interconnection with other major events and processes of this period. The author consecutively analyses two phases of this crisis, the first relating to the Turkish demand for the withdrawal of the ships of the Allied Powers from its ports, and the second to the sharp aggravation of the situation on the Turkish-Syrian border. The crisis demonstrated the inability of France to defend its interests in the Middle East “single-handedly” and its forced dependence on British policy. Thus, its role in the development of international relations in the Middle East was similar to that played by the Ruhr Crisis in Europe. The paper draws on numerous sources, primarily British, French and Italian diplomatic documents.

Внешняя политика в программах чешских политических партий на рубеже XX–XXI вв.: история изучения вопроса

The paper presents a historiographical overview of the evolution of foreign policy concepts of Czech political parties at the turn of the 21st century in terms of cardinal geopolitical changes and formation of a new system of international relations in Europe. After the emergence of the independent Czech Republic, scholars from different countries began to show interest in the foreign policy of the new state in the region of Central and South-Eastern Europe. The present research groups academic papers according to the centers of study of the topic in Russia, the Czech Republic, Great Britain and the USA, also following chronological order, starting from the 1990s and ending with the end of the 2010s. For the first time the author designates a “watershed” in the history of the issue, when in the scientific literature the study of Czech foreign policy in general turns to a narrower range of topics. Many researchers specializing in international relations turned from studying general issues of Czech foreign policy to specific topics, such as the positions of parties regarding further European integration, military cooperation with NATO, relations with Russia, etc. This fact allows us to talk about the growing interest of the scientific community in deep processes shaping the foreign policy of the Czech Republic.

PERSONNEL MANAGEMENT DEVELOPMENT ISSUES IN MULTINATIONAL CORPORATIONS OF THE WORLD ECONOMY

Today the modern world is on the verge of a redistribution of transnational corporations, which compete with each other for new spheres of influence, markets of production and outlet, technology and maximum possible profits. Globalization and internationalization of production and capital, privatization, the creation of world political and economic associations, and the liberalization of trade have placed them at the center of modern economic development. The article reveals the issues of personnel management development in transnational corporations of the world economy. On the basis of the research theoretically and practically grounded theoretical and methodological approach to the organization of activities of transnational corporations in the globalization processes of the economy. The practical significance of ways and forms of organization of activities of transnational corporations in ensuring the development of international production, sales, trade and financial complex with a single decision-making center in the host country with its branches, representative offices and subsidiaries is analyzed. Research shows that transnational corporations have an important function in the development of the modern world economy. They directly affect the economies of recipient countries, accelerate the internationalization of economic life, as well as the scientific and technological process. Attracting foreign direct investment gives a country access to the financial resources of TNCs, as well as facilitates its integration into global economic processes and access to foreign markets. Transnational capital has created a new system of international relations, which has led to the formation of supranational institutions of governance. In addition, TNCs are actively influencing the processes of globalization. This article discusses the risks associated with the personnel of TNCs and the ways of economic and social protection of employees. In recent years, the international labour market has used the social package as a form of remuneration for work, which should be broadly understood as the employer's provision of material benefits in the form of fringe benefits, compensation, privileges and social guarantees. The social package can be implemented with the help of existing legislative mechanisms, such as contractual regulation of collective labour relations, normative regulation of labour in local legal acts of business entities, the written form of the employment contract.

The Black Sea Region in the Contest of Geopolitical Projects of the Great Powers, 1991-2019

The Black Sea region (BSR) is becoming a geopolitical space of clash - a frontline zone for the formation of a new system of international relations. After the Cold War, the region from the peripheral became one of the centers of competition between regional and global powers. It has mostly geopolitical rather than simple geographical character, significantly expanding its borders in at least four variations: the BS as the space of seven coastal states, the BS as the Baltic-Black Sea region, the BS as the Black Sea-Caspian Sea region, and the BS as the nerve center of the Greater Mediterranean. The article analyzes the geopolitical projects of great powers in relation to the Black Sea region in 1991-2019. The aim is to study the evolution and dynamics of these geopolitical projects by comparing the conceptual and doctrinal levels, as well as the level of practical policy of the key actors in relation to the Black Sea region. The scientific novelty lies in the systematic analysis of the geopolitical projects of great powers in the BSR after the Cold War, which becomes one of the critically important regions in the current period of world history. The authors conclude that the United States, the EU and Turkey follow an offensive strategy in the BSR, while Russias strategy is aimed at maintaining the status quo. After 2014, the USA and its allies have embarked on a third attempt to implement the Euro-Atlantic Black Sea project and the Greater Black Sea project, which involve the displacement of the Russian Federation from the Black Sea region. The geopolitical significance of the BSR is determined by its strategic location at the intersection of the interests of key actors. Their competition in the BSR is carried out both at the regional (Russia - Turkey - EU) and global (USA - Russia, Turkey, Iran; EU - Russia, Turkey, USA; China - USA, EU, Russia) levels, determining the content of conceptual approaches to the political structure of the region and specific integration (and infrastructure) projects. The complexity of the current geopolitical situation in the region is determined by a large number of competing powers and changing contours of the international system. The main axis of intra-regional competition in the BSR is focused on achieving a balance of power between Russia and Turkey.