New Style Of Politics Research Articles

Oh Jeremy Corbyn! Why did Labour Party membership soar after the 2015 general election?

This article investigates the remarkable surge in individual membership of the Labour Party after the general election of May 2015, particularly after Jeremy Corbyn was officially nominated as a candidate for the leadership in June of that year. Using both British Election Study and Party Members Project data, we explain the surge by focussing on the attitudinal, ideological and demographic characteristics of the members themselves. Findings suggest that, along with support for the leader and yearning for a new style of politics, feelings of relative deprivation played a significant part: many ‘left-behind’ voters (some well-educated, some less so) joined Labour for the first time when a candidate with a clearly radical profile appeared on the leadership ballot. Anti-capitalist and left-wing values mattered too, particularly for those former members who decided to return to the party.

Jokowi's First Year: A Weak President Caught between Reform and Oligarchic Politics

When President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) took office in October 2014, he promised to usher in a new style of politics, generating optimism among many Indonesians that his government would enthusiastically promote reform. Yet Jokowi has since placed greater value on realpolitik than on reform, as evidenced by his choice of cabinet members, his response to the controversy surrounding senior police officer Budi Gunawan, and his handling of attempts by the police and others to weaken Indonesia's respected Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK). This article shows that Jokowi failed to deliver on his promises of reform largely owing to a combination of personal and external factors. He failed to show leadership on anticorruption and human-rights issues, for example—in part because he prefers economic development over democratic reform, but also because he is not immune to the oligarchic politics that dominate Indonesia's political life and promote the interests of Indonesia's elite.

Selling the Right: Republican Rhetoric and the Shaping of Party and Nation

Selling the Right: Republican Rhetoric and the Shaping of Party and Nation Katherine Rye Jewell (bio) The Door of Hope: Republican Presidents and the First Southern Strategy, 1877–1933. By Edward O. Frantz. Gainesville: University of Florida Press. 2011. The Reagan Rhetoric: History and Memory in 1980s America. DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press. 2011. During the 1952 election, to defend his personal and political reputation, Richard Nixon took to the nation’s airwaves and gave his famous “Checkers” speech. Referring to his wife’s “respectable Republican coat,” Nixon countered charges of improper use of campaign gifts and funds by asserting his family’s modest means and history of hard work and public service. His one caveat: he would keep “Checkers,” the black-and-white pup gifted to the family, because his children adored their new pet. The speech, given in the midst of the first televised presidential campaign, marked a turning point in presidential politics and media relations. Presidential rhetoric moved from out of the shadows of radio and into full view; image and appearance rose in importance alongside policy and presidential actions. As president, Ronald Reagan—, the former actor [End Page 103] turned “Great Communicator”—mastered this new style of politics. The “party of Reagan” is as much a reflection of modern American political culture as it is the New Right grassroots movement of the 1960s and 1970s. Reagan’s ability to fuse disparate factions of conservatives—social and religious conservatives, neoconservatives, Wall Street business interests, and white southerners—into a political juggernaut owed as much to his rhetoric as to his policies. Nixon’s foray into televised politics presaged Reagan’s command of the medium but could only begin to approach the former General Electric Theater star’s finesse. Much had changed in political culture since Woodrow Wilson held the first press conference in 1913, let alone the age of whistle-stop tours. Nixon in 1952 and Reagan in 1980 not only occupied different political cultures, but also very different Republican parties. The distance between the political culture of the 1950s and that of the 1980s has received intense scholarly focus for nearly three decades. The rise of the organizational and grassroots conservative movement, the changing role of media and technology, and the demands of liberal internationalism shaped a new GOP by the time of the 1980 “Reagan Revolution.” Civil rights, the culture wars, stagflation, tax revolt, and Vietnam reshaped American politics, and during the 1960s Republicans at last broke one-party rule in Dixie. A region once lost to the party of Lincoln became crucial to Reagan’s success, with Nixon having made inroads in 1968 and 1972. Eisenhower and Hoover managed to swing the outer South, but generally speaking, before the 1970s the Deep South remained out of reach of Republican candidates. Together, Edward Frantz and Toby Bates blur the distinction between the Republican Party of post-Reconstruction and post-Reagan Revolution as well as the political culture of pre- and post-television ages. Region, the input of advisers and planners, the crafters of message, remain factors in the eras of both trains and television. Together, the books reveal that presidents’ words, their meaning, and legacy bridge technological gaps, and suggest that the political culture of the late twentieth, and perhaps twenty-first, century United States is not that far removed from post-Reconstruction style politics after all. Their two books demonstrate that presidential rhetoric has been and remains a significant factor in political culture and collective memory. The Door of Hope demonstrates the GOP’s focus on the South and the transformation in its regional approach during the post-Reconstruction era. His thesis is ambitious: through the Republican presidential tours of southern states from Hayes to Hoover, “we see how the party of Lincoln became the party of Reagan” (3). Frantz advances the idea that the GOP became the “vehicle of white resentment,” invoking Reagan’s Neshoba speech in 1980, but he looks to the post-Reconstruction years to understand how southern presidential tours shaped the Republican Party strategy towards the region. Deemphasizing Nixon as the southern strategy’s master, Frantz shows that the GOP experienced myriad internal divisions and “centrifugal forces” (2) between 1877...

Parliament and Citizens in Italy: An Unfilled Gap

This article analyses the current relationship between parliament and citizens in Italy, after almost two decades of change and adaptation following the collapse of the post-war party system. All the remarkable changes experienced since the early 1990s, such as the alternation in government of two opposite coalitions, the consolidation of more pronounced adversarial politics and the emergence of political personalisation, have not improved the image of the Italian parliament, which enjoys a low level of trust. The article explains the parliament's effort to become more open and transparent, the role of parties and individual MPs to represent and communicate with their voters and the mechanisms through which citizens try to raise issues directly with parliament. Finally, the main elements of change and continuity between the first and the second republic are assessed. While much is to be done to achieve a better relationship between parliament and citizens, we argue that no institutional reform can have immediate effect if not accompanied by the emergence of a new style of politics.

Some Reflections on the Limitations to Public Participation in the Post-Political City

Neoliberal practices are the new orthodoxy within urban governance imposing limits to participatory and more democratic forms of engagement in the city, particularly where they challenge the official discourses through which cities strive to be competitive spaces in the globalizing economy. This paper offers a theoretical understanding of these limits through two related propositions. First, that urban governance has assumed a post-political configuration; second, and reflecting such a configuration, urban entrepreneurialism is becoming defined by a new style of politics, urban neo-populism. Against the disciplining imperative of creating the competitive city, neo-populism becomes defined around the manufacture of consensus politics, the effect of which is to marginalize protest and dissensus.

Participative democracy in post-devolution Scotland: has the ‘people's parliament’ lived up to its name?

SUMMARY The Scottish Parliament established in 1999 as part of the Labour government's ambitious programme of constitutional reform aimed at modernizing the governance of the United Kingdom, was expected to inaugurate a new style of politics, based upon a ‘participative approach to the development, consideration and scrutiny, of policy and legislation’, as recommended by the Consultative Steering Group on the Scottish Parliament in its report published in December 1998.1 As we look back to its first eight years of existence, can it be said that the ‘people's parliament’ has lived up to its name? The engagement of Scotland's civil society in the constitutional debate and the Scottish constitutional tradition of popular sovereignty have informed the ethos of the new Scottish Parliament, which has committed itself from the outset to encouraging civic participation. While it has developed innovative ways of providing access to the policy making process, thereby differing decisively from the conventional model of representative democracy embodied by Westminster, the Scottish Parliament does indeed combine elements of both the representative and the participatory models, which makes it a particularly interesting case to study in the context of the general dissatisfaction observed in Western democracies with the representative model of governance.

The contested politics of technology: biotech in Bangalore

A new style of politics and policy-making is emerging in the ‘new economy’ era in India, and in Bangalore, Karnataka in particular. This is dominated by a science-business elite who present a particular vision of the future to the exclusion of others. This paper tells the story of the making of the Karnataka Millennium Biotechnology Policy, asking what policy-making means in practice, who are the policy-makers and what are the technical, political and bureaucratic processes underlying policy-making? By examining the contested politics of biotechnology, the paper examines the limits to such elite-driven, technocratic approaches in the democratic context of India, pointing to the need for more inclusive and accountable policy processes in the future. Copyright , Beech Tree Publishing.

Learning lessons? The registration of lobbyists at the Scottish parliament

PurposeThe Scottish Parliament was founded on principles of openness and accessibility and signalled the potential for a new style of politics after devolution. In the aftermath of allegations of political sleaze early in the life of the new institution, the Standards Committee of the Scottish Parliament conducted an inquiry into the registration of lobbyists. This process attracted much comment and criticism from public affairs practitioners and the Scottish media. Based on original empirical research, numerous interviews and first‐hand observation, the purpose of this paper is to offer a response to some of these criticisms.Design/methodology/approachThe research reported here is based upon extended fieldwork and observation of the developing lobbying industry around the new Scottish Parliament, spanning the period from late 1998 until summer 2003. It involved some 73 interviews with various corporate and voluntary sector lobbyists, public servants and elected representatives. It also draws on participant observation at more than 70 official, public and private meetings for those involved in public affairs in Scotland. In addition, the paper monitored the popular and specialist media in Scotland for news and analyses of issues relating to lobbying at the new Parliament, undertook focus group research to test public opinion on the issue of registration, designed and administered an e‐mail survey of public servants in the USA and Canada charged with maintaining registers of lobbyists and conducted archival research at the Scottish Executive's library at Saughton House in Edinburgh.FindingsThe paper suggests the efforts by parliamentarians to regulate their relations with lobbyists need to be grounded in principles that apply to all outside interests seeking to influence the democratic process.Originality/valueThe paper challenges the assertions that lobbying is misunderstood by elected representatives and that the lobbying industry is entirely committed to increasing transparency.

Democratic media activism through the lens of social movement theory

This article considers how we are to understand democratic media activism, which has recently burgeoned in Canada, the UK and the USA. What is its political significance and potential? Is it a new social movement, a new style of politics cutting across movements, or are new concepts needed? Drawing illustratively upon interviews with media activists, notably in Vancouver, we explore insights offered by social movement theory - including resource mobilization formulations and the new social movement theories of Melucci, Habermas, Cohen and Arato, and Fraser. While all these traditions offer valuable insights, media activism reveals limitations in existing conceptualizations. It has some of the characteristics of a movement, but lacks a distinct collective identity or niche within movement ecology. It may be destined to be a boundary-transgressing nodal point for other movements, articulating a coherent project for radical democracy, rather than a movement-for-itself.

Hegemonía conservadora y movilización republicana en la dinámica electoral del reinado de Alfonso XIII : las elecciones de 1907 en Valencia

This work deals with the 1907 elections in Valencia, through the study of unpublished documents mainly from the private archive of the Minister of the Interior, Juan de la Cierva, and focuses on several factors that had a bearing on the electoral results, such as the organization of political parties, the political influence of local power, government pacts and interference, and the level of electoral mobilization and confrontation. An analysis of the elections reveals a duality, consisting of the persistence of the old style of politics on the one hand, clearly borne out in the electoral process and the fight against Republicans in various districts, while on the other, features specific to a new style of politics are evident, such as Republican mobilization, and the concern shown in certain sectors of the Conservative party for achieving a wider support base as well as an improved organization and image, in order to meet the challenge of a situation of growing electoral competition.

Support for Protest Methods and Political Strategies Among Peace Movement Activists: Comparing the United States, Great Britain and the Federal Republic of Germany

Recent studies of public involvement in postindustrial democracies have suggested that a new style of politics has emerged over the last two decades (Dalton 1988). This new style of politics is characterized in major part by an expansion of the parameters of appropriate political action beyond reliance upon conventional political channels. Some commentators argue that support for new modes of participation arise out of sociopolitical changes occurring in the postwar period (Ciglar and Loomis 1983: chap 1; Inglehart 1977). Economic growth, prosperity and political stability arising from the absence of global warfare have given rise to new demands on government by an increasingly knowledgeable public. It has been further argued that contemporary citizen organizations and social movements are more likely than were those of older generations to engage in elite challenging political activities such as demonstrations and boycotts (Szabo 1983). Contemporary political conflicts arising over increasingly complex and technically sophisticated issues have generated the advent of many new interest groups (or the revival of extant groups) which draw a wide range of citizens into the politcal process via single issue concerns. One such policy area where this type of political conflict has arisen falls within the domain of nuclear deterrence (Dahl 1985). Traditionally, the politics of nuclear deterrence was largely insulated from

Chicano politics: reality and promise, 1940-1990

This political history of Mexican Americans analyses and interprets the last fifty years in the movimiento. Written by a leading Chicano historian who spent many years as an activist, this study evolved from Juan Gomez-Quinones's participation and reflection. Examined are the leaders and organisations that waged struggles for political rights as well as the evolution of their goals and strategies. Beginning in the 1940s, Mexican Americans viewed the advocacy process in party politics coupled with the selected use of the courts as effective means to redress problems. But by the mid--1960s, the persistence of discrimination, inequality and poverty led many to question the so-called gains made through piecemeal reform. A new style of politics, based on wide mobilisation and an insistence upon democratic rights, coalesced into an ethnic populism known as the Chicano Movement.

Social Change, Bureaucratic Rule, and Emergent Political Issues in Hong Kong

Hong Kong's postwar economic “miracle” has been sustained by a minimally integrated social-political system, the two constituent parts of which are a laissez-faire bureaucracy and a “self-sufficient,” atomistic Chinese society. Until recently, this system has operated to keep politically salient issues to a manageable minimum. Secular, asymmetrical changes, however, have opened up cracks in the system; their disruptive effects have become increasingly visible. Because of its overly rapid economic growth, the organizational fabric of the Chinese society has worn away, making it more dependent on the government for need satisfaction. Together with the administrative imperatives befitting a complex industrial society, this dependence furthers the emergence of a professionalized and expanded bureaucracy. The problem of linkage between the government and the Chinese society is aggravated by the inadequacy of existing intermediary devices. As a result, a new style of politics is emerging in Hong Kong, reflecting its troubled structural conditions.

Protest Movements in Japan: A New Politics

Research Article| November 01 1972 Protest Movements in Japan: A New Politics Yasumasa Kuroda Yasumasa Kuroda Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar Far Eastern Survey (1943) 12 (11): 947–952. https://doi.org/10.2307/2643115 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Twitter LinkedIn Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation Yasumasa Kuroda; Protest Movements in Japan: A New Politics. Far Eastern Survey 31 May 1943; 12 (11): 947–952. doi: https://doi.org/10.2307/2643115 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu nav search search input Search input auto suggest search filter All ContentAsian Survey Search This content is only available via PDF. Copyright 1972 Regents of the University of California Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.

Canada and Southern Africa in the Seventies

During the early nineteen sixties the frontiers of freedom in Africa swept steadily southward towards the Cape of Good Hope. With the breakup of the federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland and the independence of Zambia and Malawi in 1964, with the encouraging progress of the nationalist struggles in the Portuguese colonies, and with the mobilization of world opinion against South Africa, the complete liberation of the continent seemed only a matter of time. Yet the high hopes of the first half of the decade were not realized during the second half. Instead, the freedom movement quickly found itself bogged down along the Zambezi. Apart from the special cases of the former High Commission territories, the tide of independence ceased to flow and even threatened to ebb. Rhodesia, in defiance of Britain and the world, moved swiftly along the path of apartheid. South Africa, having regained her selfconfidence and prosperity, not only effectively crushed domestic opposition but launched a powerful counter-offensive disguised as an 'outward-looking foreign policy'. The International Court of Justice shattered hopes of the rule of law opening the door to long overdue international remedial action in South West Africa. And in Portugal the change of prime ministers produced a new style of politics but not a new policy on Africa. More recently three new trends have become painfully apparent. The first is the steady consolidation of the White South politically, economically, militarily, and even ideologically. This has come about largely informally and sometimes reluctantly, but it is now a fact too obvious to ignore. Secondly, there is the depressing disarray in the ranks of the liberation movements, a

Social Deviance and Political Marginality: Toward a Redefinition of the Relation between Sociology and Politics

The traditional distinction between social problems and the political system is becoming obsolete. Behavior which in the past was perceived as social deviance is now assuming well-defined ideological and organizational contours; while political marginals are adopting a deviant life style. This merger of social deviance and political marginality creates a new style of politics, based on strategies that are traditionally considered illegitimate. The result of this trend is estimated to be an increase in the use of violence as a political tactic, and the development of a revolutionary potential among the expanding ranks of deviant sub-groups. In the light of such developments, sociology and political science must revise their theoretical formulations to take into account the merger of social deviance and political marginality.

Intellectual and Class Alienation: Oxford idealist diagnoses and prescriptions

Few terms have had more complex fortunes than “alienation” and “intellectuals”; few at this time are more modish and less clear. It would be instructive to devote an entire paper to tracing their histories and plotting all their variations in present usage; it would be no less enlightening to determine just why these two concepts are so often coupled. Perhaps the single most important reason is to be found in the numerous attempts to classify and explain the great modern revolutions, particularly those of France and Russia. These have been frequently characterized as qualitatively different from all those that preceded them. Inspired by, or producing in their course, total ideologies, these revolutions have produced a new style of politics. Its origins and patterns of development have received increasingly close scrutiny. Among the most consistently favored hypotheses has been that linking revolution to intellectuals. This theory need not be phrased as did Burke and Taine, who seem to have believed that the world would be spared great political convulsions, if only there were no radical intellectuals, subverting by their impractical speculations, the bases of society and politics. Tocqueville, whose views are occasionally confounded with those of Burke and Taine, did assert that thorough-going revolutions cannot occur without the existence of a general theory about the nature of the good society, a theory that cannot be realized except by changing completely, and possibly violently, the status of persons and property under the existing order (1).