New Order Of Things Research Articles

Other Recent PublicationsPaul E. Rivard, A New Order of Things: How the Textile Industry Transformed New England. Hanover, N.H.: University Press of New England, 2002. 156 pp.; black and white and color illustrations, bibliography, index. $50.00 (cloth); $29.95 (paper).

Other Recent PublicationsPaul E. Rivard, <i>A New Order of Things: How the Textile Industry Transformed New England</i>. Hanover, N.H.: University Press of New England, 2002. 156 pp.; black and white and color illustrations, bibliography, index. $50.00 (cloth); $29.95 (paper).

The Nature of the People

Since 1986, the National Network for Educational Renewal (NNER) has attempted to persuade 41 institutions of higher education (IHEs) in partnership with schools to build collaborative networks among education faculty in colleges, schools, and departments of education (CSDEs) and to put into practice a new order of things leading to improvement in schooling and the renewal of teacher education. In an effort to describe the level of participation of special education in the commitment to the NNER agenda, we conducted a survey of the 28 NNER member IHEs who had departments or units of special education within their CSDEs. The chairs of departments of special education or their equivalent were asked to rate how well the NNER agenda and the new order of things was being accepted and carried out at their institution. IHEs were surveyed in four areas: the degree to which special education faculty are viewed as true (parity) partners within and across elementary and secondary education departments; the degree to which elementary, secondary, and special education faculty have been willing to surrender specific ownership of courses and content in order to create an interdisciplinary teacher training program; the willingness of elementary, secondary, and special education faculty to create a shared training program that provides all preservice teachers with learning opportunities in both general and special education settings; and the degree to which CSDE faculty across departments are training preservice teachers to use an array of educational services and accommodations for students with disabilities who are participating in the general education curriculum and settings.

A New Order of Things: Property, Power, and the Transformation of the Creek Indians, 1733-1816

A New Order of Things: Property, Power, and the Transformation of the Creek Indians, 1733-1816

Courage, Passion, and Vision: Leading Systemic School Improvement

There is nothing more difficult, more perilous, or more uncertain of success, than to take the lead in introducing a new order of things. —Machiavelli

A New Order of Things: Property, Power, and the Transformation of the Creek Indians, 1733-1816

Journal Article A New Order of Things: Property, Power, and the Transformation of the Creek Indians, 1733–1816. By Claudio Saunt. (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999. xiv, 298 pp. Cloth, $49.95, ISBN 0-521-66043-2. Paper, $17.95, ISBN 0-521-66943-X.) Get access Kathryn Holland Braund Kathryn Holland Braund Dadeville, Alabama Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Journal of American History, Volume 87, Issue 4, March 2001, Pages 1470–1471, https://doi.org/10.2307/2674762 Published: 01 March 2001

A New Order of Things: Property, Power, and the Transformation of the Creek Indians, 1733-1816

A New Order of Things: Property, Power, and the Transformation of the Creek Indians, 1733-1816

A New Order of Things: Property, Power, and the Transformation of the Creek Indians, 1733-1816

A New Order of Things: Property, Power, and the Transformation of the Creek Indians, 1733-1816

The Real Military Revolution

military implications of new organizational sciences that examine internetted, nonhierarchical versus hierarchical management models are yet to be fully understood. TRADOC Pam 525-5, Force XXI Operations [1] Digitization of the battlefield is producing a in military affairs, but not the one the architects of the military future have in mind. It is occurring because the American military, more than any other, has seized on the digital information and is adapting it for combat as rapidly as possible. Using a carefully networked array of sensors, shooters, and automated information systems, the US armed forces expect to dominate 21st-century battlefields. Farther down the road, beyond 2010, the Army expects to marry these knowledge-rich attributes to new speed and agility, and to the increased range and lethality of new weapons. [2] These innovations are to become not merely part of, but the basis for, day-to-day military operations. What is likely to happen, however, is more than just a new way to conduct old business. The work of complexity theorists (notably Andrew Ilachinski, Margaret Wheatley, and J. M. Epstein) suggests that something wholly new is going on. [3] In this case, revolution is not just a metaphor for rapid change. It really is a in the basic sense, a new order of things that is sweeping away the old order whether we want it to or not. The implications of these new electronic networks for the structure of human institutions, including armies, are far more profound and far-reaching than most commentators seem to recognize. Dr. Wheatley, a behavioral theorist, put it this way: They [the US Army] have the technology to move information down to the lowest level so that it is possible for the men inside tanks to have as much information as their commanders have.... But once you give that information to tank crews, and they start working for their own safety, their own victory, how are they going to respond to commands from above? And what happens to battle strategy? Is it in the head of the commander, or do you just train the crews and let them figure it out for themselves as the situation demands? [4] Dr. Wheatley focuses on the decisionmaking questions posed by widespread use of automated information systems on the battlefield. This is a serious question, but it becomes urgent when the expected speed, agility, and lethality of the 21st-century Army is added to the equation. The urgency is generated not only by the ongoing digitizing of headquarters or large crewed vehicles such as tanks, but also by the effort to ensure that even individual soldiers are wired into the digital battlefield. [5] One important outcome of this may be the destruction of the long-standing, traditional military hierarchy. If so, one of the important instruments of this destruction could be the Land Warrior system, a set of personal information components designed to make individual soldiers an integral part of the digital battlefield by connecting them with Force XXI Battle Command Brigade and Below--the computer system and software at the heart of the Army's digitization effort. [6] The Land Warrior system in its test and evaluation version includes a helmet eyepiece that folds down, presenting a computer screen or the display from a combination sighting system and video camera on the soldier's rifle. A personal computer and two radio systems are worn underneath the rucksack. On the chest strap of the soldier's ballistic protection vest is a folding handgrip that acts as a computer mouse, allowing him to operate the radios and manipulate his computer. Land Warrior's capabilities are impressive, but they are directed toward traditional battlefield functions such as quicker response times, better reconnaissance, faster communications, more accurate artillery, and so forth. [7] All this will undoubtedly happen, but it won't happen in isolation. …

Transition of Power: Britain's Loss of Global Pre-eminence to the United States, 1930-1945

Acknowledgments Prologue: power and purpose in Anglo-American relations, 1919-29 1. The end of Anglo-American naval rivalry, 1929-30 2. The undermining of war debts and reparations, 1929-32 3. Disarmament and security in Europe and the Far East, 1930-2 4. The unravelling of cooperation, 1932-3 5. Moving away from the United States, 1933-4 6. Britain, the United States, and the global balance of power, 1934-5 7. From Abyssinia to Brussels via London, Madrid and Peking, 1935-7 8. Appeasement, deterrence, and Anglo-American relations, 1938-9 9. Belligerent Britain and the neutral United States, 1939-41 Epilogue: 'A new order of things', 1941-5 Select bibliography Index.

A new order of things: property, power, and the transformation of the Creek Indians, 1733-1816

The story told here is a critical yet unknown chapter in the creation of the American Republic. Claudio Saunt vividly depicts a dramatic transformation in the eighteenth century that overturned the world of the powerful and numerous Creek Indians and forever changed the Deep South. By 1800, some Creeks, whose most valuable belongings had once been deerskins, owned hundreds of African-American slaves and thousands of cattle. Their leaders, who formerly strove for consensus, now ruled by force. New property fostered a new possessiveness, and government by coercion bred confrontation. A New Order of Things was the first book to chronicle this decisive transformation in America's early history, a transformation that left deep divisions between the wealthy and poor, powerful and powerless.

A New Order of Things: The Future of Academics in Pediatric Orthopaedics in the 21st Century

A New Order of Things: The Future of Academics in Pediatric Orthopaedics in the 21st Century

A New Order of Things: Property, Power, and the Transformation of the Creek Indians, 1733-1816

Journal Article A New Order of Things: Property, Power, and the Transformation of the Creek Indians, 1733–1816 Get access A New Order of Things: Property, Power, and the Transformation of the Creek Indians, 1733–1816. By Saunt Claudio. (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999. xiv + 298 pp. Illustrations, maps, notes, index. $49.95, cloth; $17.95, paper.) Joshua Piker Joshua Piker University of Oklahoma Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar Western Historical Quarterly, Volume 31, Issue 4, Winter 2000, Pages 508–509, https://doi.org/10.2307/970126 Published: 01 November 2000

Indian Policy in the Age of Jefferson

Jefferson and the Indians: The Tragic Fate of the First Americans. By Anthony F. C. Wallace. (Cambridge: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1999. Pp. xiv, 394. Documents, illustrations, maps. $29.95) Conspiracy of Interests: Iroquois Dispossession and the Rise of New York State. By Laurence M. Hauptman. (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1998. Pp. xix, 304. Illustrations, maps, tables. $34.95.) Seeds of Empire: The Revolutionary Conquest of the Iroquois. By Max Mintz. The World of War. (New York: New York University Press, 1999. Pp. xi, 232. Illustrations, maps. $28.95.) The Iroquois in the War of 1812. By Carl Benn. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1998. Pp. xiii, 272. Illustrations, maps. Cloth, $50.00; paper, $21.95.) A New Order of Things: Property, Power, and the Transformation of the Creek Indians, 1733-1816. By Claudio Saunt. (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999. Pp. xiv, 298. Illustrations, maps. Cloth, $49.95; paper, $17.95.) Playing Indian. By Philip J. Deloria. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998. Pp. 249. Illustrations. Cloth, $30.00; paper, $13.95.) The British Museum Encyclopedia of Native North America. By Rayna Green with Melanie Fernandez. (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1999. Pp. ix, 213. Illustrations. Cloth, $39.95; paper, $27.95.) Thomas Jefferson has received a series of bad raps recently for his racial policies, and Anthony F. C. Wallace's critique of his various contributions to Indian removal does nothing to revive what is left of Jefferson's reputation as a disinterested inquirer and philanthropist. Analogizing segregation, removal, and the assumptions underlying them to more recent essays in ethnic cleansing, Wallace argues that Jefferson, though an occasional scholarly admirer of Indian character, language, and mounds, could be a real shape-shifter when it came to policy. In the end, he played his part in one of the great tragedies of recent world history . . . the dispossession and decimation of the First (viii). Jefferson was born into a family and a class of land speculators interested in acquiring claims in the Ohio Country. His bellicose remarks when the Cherokees attacked the Wataugans in 1776 nearly matched his agreement with George Rogers Clark in 1780 that the Shawnees ought to be exterminated. Once he became president, Jefferson prodded agents like Benjamin Hawkins in Georgia and William Henry Harrison in Indiana to acquire land by persuasion, bribery, and intimidation at prices that would not burden the taxpayer. His commitment to laissez-faire and low-priced government reduced the military protection the United States offered Indians whose treaties guaranteed them against intrusion. His purchase of Louisiana offered, as he saw it, an opportunity to extend the segregation several tribal hunting bands had already sought west of the Mississippi to the whole of the Indians east of the river. To be fair, he also proposed to move several thousand white Louisianans east to make the separation complete. American politics and St. Louis fur traders prevented that effort; Indian opposition temporarily frustrated removal. Yet Jefferson continued to press Harrison to an 1809 treaty that drove the followers of nativist prophet Tenskwatawa and his warrior brother Tecumseh to a course that landed them on the British, or in this case, the losing side in the War of 1812. Jefferson's philanthropic alternative was civilization, the policy that gifts of farm animals, tools, and education would transform native Americans into make-believe white men who would need less land and make more acceptable neighbors than the hunters they supposedly were. Although he pressed the American Philosophical Society into the study of Indian languages and even became convinced that Indian antiquities were the real thing, Jefferson's observations of living Indian communities were scant and careless. From childhood through the presidency, he met traveling Indian leaders, but his own travels never took him west of Staunton, Virginia. …

Caveat Emptor? Integrating the Schengen Acquis into the European Union Legal Order

It must be considered that there is nothing more difficult to carry out, nor more doubtful of success, nor more dangerous to handle, than to initiate a new order of things. Niccolò Machiavelli, The Prince It was born, with much rejoicing, at a party near a quiet Luxembourg village; it died, alone and unlamented, on a desk in a non-descript Brussels office. On May 1, 1999, the fourteen-year old Schengen legal order finally breathed its last; but nothing quite became its life as the ending of it. For it was immediately reincarnated, with much confusion, into a legal system born in Rome over forty years ago. Long a byword for obsessive secrecy, unaccountability and complexity, the Schengen legal system has with one stroke moved from the “black market” of European integration into the mainstream.

Authorial Shadows in Marcel Benabou

Authorial Shadows in Marcel Bénabou Catherine Lorente (bio) Translated by Roxanne Lapidus “Quelle est cette aventure? Et qu’en puis-je augurer?” — Molière Marcel Bénabou’s writing is multi-referential, invoking history, religion and personal memories, and becoming what he calls a “proliferating memory” (Genèse, 100). The result, while homogeneous in appearance, is an assemblage of fragments from various sources, reworked to form one voice, and where one textual element may refer to several authors simultaneously, as Philippe Lejeune has shown. 1 A closer look at Bénabou’s work, however, reveals an attitude towards literature and its past that distinguishes his work from the tradition of Lautréamont and the Surrealists and all of this century’s authors, artists and composers who have made recycling an important component of their practice. The past—literary and personal, historical and memorial—severely paralyzes Marcel Bénabou. Yet it is this very paralysis that allows him to write his first book, Pourquoi je n’ai écrit aucun de mes livres (Why I have not written any of my books). The Other is a Dream His alleged impossibility to exist as a writer of fiction springs from an “obsession for singularity,” invoked through the voice of the narrator of Pourquoi (91). The book recounts the difficulties of a man at the mercy of his inability to finish a book, and how he transforms his handicap into a springboard for his writing. The narrative’s opacity is due to a desire to avoid the autobiographical genre and to say things without being explicit. Nonetheless, it is not difficult to understand that this “obsession” comes from two concurrent heritages, one familial and the other literary. To understand the former, we must place ourselves in the context of nineteenth-century Moroccan society, where access to French culture was a deciding factor in differentiating people. Marcel Bénabou’s ancestors had received Pierre Loti in their home at Meknès: “this marked symbolically for us the new order of things” (Pourquoi, 85). 2 This visit differentiated the family [End Page 62] from their group of origin, while assimilating them to another group, which rendered the distinction completely relative: they differentiated themselves from one side, only to identify with another. Thus they could only define themselves by conforming to an other, but to an other who did not embody alterity, since it was an imagined, idealized other. Marcel Bénabou inherited this paradox, since his family saw him as the one who would prolong the destiny begun by Loti’s visit: “It goes without saying that the singular destiny thus promised to me was also a glorious destiny, and that a predilection for literature should play a principal role in it” (Pourquoi, 84). But for him the desire to be singular by identifying with an imagined other is even more complex, since it is enriched by a dual cultural identity—Judeo-Arabic through his family, and French through his schooling. Thus he finds himself with a dual “je” [“I”], forcing him to play a dual “jeu” [“game”], as the narrator of Pourquoi wittily explains (89). In order to escape from this cumbersome duality, he invents “a completely new me,” a “superb me of the heights” (Pourquoi, 90), a sort of dreamed self. The second legacy, that of literary history, reinforces this problem. In his own way, Marcel Bénabou accepts the misleading post-romantic notion of “the work of genius,” which breaks with the classical aesthetics of admiration. 3 Since originality and invention are of prime importance, any recourse to imitation or pillaging is forbidden. One must be an original genius, one must create something new. Thus every author must be singular not by imitating, but by obliquely relating himself to the masterpiece, by placing himself next to it and on the same level. But herein lies the problem: the masterpiece overwhelms by its monumental presence. It gives the impression of being impossible to equal. 4 This implies that the author can only proclaim his identity in relation to the literary past, 5 which gives him a feeling of indebtedness and saturation 6 —feelings that the narrator of Pourquoi associates with French literature, not...

Caveat Emptor? Integrating the Schengen Acquis into the European Union Legal Order

It must be considered that there is nothing more difficult to carry out, nor more doubtful of success, nor more dangerous to handle, than to initiate a new order of things. Niccolò Machiavelli, The PrinceIt was born, with much rejoicing, at a party near a quiet Luxembourg village; it died, alone and unlamented, on a desk in a non-descript Brussels office. On May 1, 1999, the fourteen-year old Schengen legal order finally breathed its last; but nothing quite became its life as the ending of it. For it was immediately reincarnated, with much confusion, into a legal system born in Rome over forty years ago. Long a byword for obsessive secrecy, unaccountability and complexity, the Schengen legal system has with one stroke moved from the “black market” of European integration into the mainstream.

New order of things: An international overview of air medical transport

To give an impression of where the development of helicopter EMS (HEMS) may lead in the future, we first need to look back at where we came from. With the use of fixed-wing aircraft in World War II, the first ideas about how to evacuate victims from the battlegrounds were tested. But the technical limitations of the systems prohibited large-scale use at that time. In the Korean War, an estimated 100,000 casualties were airlifted by helicopter; in Vietnam, only 10 years later, the Bell Huey made approximately 1 million transports and became a crucial instrument for transport and helicopter rescue. Admittedly, only the military had access to this form of trauma care, which was merely a form of fast transport from remote areas. On-scene medical treatment was-and had to be-confined to a minimum. Inspired by these wartime experiences and considered in the context of an increasing incidence of motor vehicle crashes, the need for civilian prehospital care was addressed on an international scale with ground-based rescue. Although the “emergency doctor service” worked quite well in major cities, accidents in suburban and rural areas still presented problems because of large service areas and long response intervals in heavy traffic during rush hours and holiday seasons. The countryside continued to be a virtual ground EMS wasteland-response times of 30, 40, or more minutes were normal. In rural and remote, mountainous, or coastal areas, the helicopter therefore became and continues to be the transport system of choice. In these regions, the HEMS system offers a faster means of medical assistance with a significantly larger action range, coupled with the ability to transport the patient directly to the appropriate specialized medical center.

On Initiating "A New Order of Things"

The author refutes Schwartz's thesis that "political correctness" (PC) stems from a narcissistic, unconscious desire to substitute unconditional love for objective standards of performance. The author argues that "objective" assessment is not achievable; that supporters of PC seek standards based on more inclusive criteria, not the abdication of standards; and that Schwartz's dichotomized "biparental" model for universities excludes other sources of support and standards available to students.

"A spectator of life-A reverential, enthusiastic, emotional spectator"

”A Spectator of Life—A Reverential, Enthusiastic, Emotional Spectator” Joshua Brown (bio) Metropolitan Lives: The Ashcan Artists and Their New York, 1897–1917, at The New-York Historical Society, 1 May–4 August 1996 (organized by and previously exhibited at the National Museum of American Art, Smithsonian Institution, 17 November 1995–17 March 1996). Curators: Virginia Mecklenburg, Rebecca Zurier, and Robert W. Snyder. Design (New York installation): Roundtable Design, Irvington, N.Y. Catalog: Metropolitan Lives: The Ashcan Artists and Their New York. By Rebecca Zurier, Robert W. Snyder, and Virginia M. Mecklenburg. New York: National Museum of American Art in association with W. W. Norton and Company, 1995. 232 pages. $50.00 (cloth). $35.00 (paper). Visiting Metropolitan Lives at the New-York Historical Society in mid-1996 (its second and last installation after its opening at the National Museum of American Art), something more than the occasional scampering tot and chiding guard disrupts the normatively austere and hushed setting. The spirit of another exhibit, separated by a mere year and a half, haunts the rooms displaying the work of Robert Henri, George Bellows, William Glackens, George Luks, Everett Shinn, and John Sloan, who [End Page 356] together composed the loosely-defined and retrospectively-titled Ashcan School. Although not immediately apparent, the modestly mounted Metropolitan Lives contends with a more lavish predecessor’s verdict on these six artists who moved to New York at the turn of the century. The “debate” is hardly explicit, but is rather carried out in the indirect diplomacy of curatorial politesse. Nevertheless, visitors with some memory, or in possession of the exhibitions’ respective catalogs, have the rare opportunity of encountering and evaluating strikingly different interpretations about art and its relationship to a particular time and place that, at the same time, also pose alternative methods of presenting information and analysis. Opening in New York’s Metropolitan Museum of Art in May 1994 and subsequently traveling to four other museums during the course of the next year, American Impressionism and Realism: The Painting of Modern Life, 1885–1915, posed an overtly revisionist thesis. The two movements have usually been set in formal and thematic opposition to one another, but they actually shared similar attitudes and subject interests. While Impressionists such as William Merritt Chase and Childe Hassam “preferred to capture the tranquil beauty of the rural landscape and the enclosed safety of the domestic sphere,” and the Realists, exemplified in the work of the Ashcan painters, “explored a greater range of urban themes . . . bring[ing] the viewer into the midst of the city and its activity,” both groups responded to the life around them and expressed “the temper of the times.” Divided into three thematic categories—”The Country,” “The City,” and “The Home”—the exhibit compared the two schools’ formal attributes and treatment of social themes. And, as observers of the contemporary scene, both groups of American artists were found wanting: The American Impressionists and Realists were attracted to the new order of things but retreated from recording it directly, often framing their compositions to edit out some of the less appealing aspects of modern life. They preferred to seek reminiscences of an older, more rural nation even within flourishing American cities. Amid the clatter and crowds they painted remnants of the poetic and the picturesque, approaching urban subjects with a noticeable measure of genteel euphemism. 1 For the American Realists, celebrated for their fascination with the life of the streets, this blinkered view was particularly paradoxical. Their palettes might have been more subdued than the American Impressionists, their minds might have been imbued by the Progressive Era’s “liberal social doctrine,” and their sympathies might have been aroused by the struggles of their working-class subjects, but their artistic vision “was not as tough, [End Page 357] bitter, or pessimistic” as that of their French contemporaries who, according to the curators, served as their inspiration. Positioning themselves as rebels against the art establishment of the day, the Ashcan painters nonetheless hewed more closely to the status quo within the confines of their canvases, “rarely creating images that were too harsh or disturbing.” Shaped by the very American “tendency toward euphemism, optimism, nationalism, and nostalgia,” their...

McLuhan, or modernism in reverse

Our lives are increasingly dominated by new forms of image, sound, data, and language media. Marshall McLuhan called this new order of things the Global Village, and he strove to be true to it as the media-popular 'McLuhan.' Having little use for traditional critical forms or values, and courting instead the discourses of popular culture and big business, McLuhan displayed the authentic, ambivalent place of critical self-reflection in our media-centred world. McLuhan, according to Willmott, must be understood as a vital link in a generation of modern and postmodern critics, one who extracted modernist forms and values from the deconstructions of postmodern culture, and one who forced into public view the emergence of the critical intellectual as 'being-in-media.' Willmott's book fills the need for a first critical, historical, and theoretical re-reading of McLuhan's literary and cultural projects. He re-evaluates McLuhan as a thinker and writer who moved along the borders of academic and popular culture, and locates him as an integral presence in the history of modern critical thought. The book is divided into two parts, representing modern and postmodern periods. Willmott examines McLuhan's relationship to critical and aesthetic modernism, and political and historical sense of modernity in North America, from the early 1930s to the 1950s. This relationship led McLuhan to articulate and practise what Willmott calls a 'modernism in reverse.' Willmott examines the postmodern practice of this critical aesthetic, from the 1950s to the 1970s, which entailed McLuhan's self-commodification in art, business, and popular culture. McLuhan, or Modernism in Reverse thus aims to retrace and synthesize McLuhan's work in order to illuminate his unexpected meaning and value for critical practice today.