post-Soviet Research Articles

The relationship between energy consumption and GDP in countries of the world

The article provides analysis of the influence of energy consumption on GDP in various regions and countries of the world (America, Europe, Post-Soviet space, Middle East, Africa, Asia-Pacific region). It is shown that: 1) there is a direct linear causal relationship between the growth of energy consumption and economic development in the absence of external effects in the field of energy efficiency; 2) external factors that contribute to the efficiency of energy consumption – ​institutional environment and scientific and technological achievements in the field of energy efficiency; change of the structure of the economy in favor of less energy-intensive industries. Models based on linear algebra, such as the Leontief model, can be used to describe the relationship between energy consumption and economic growth. Energy consumption in different sectors of the economy can have both positive and negative relationships with economic growth. A reduction of the share of industry and agriculture does not guarantee a simultaneous decline of energy consumption in the service sector. There is a direct linear relationship between energy consumption in the services sector as well as in the transportation sector and economic development of different countries around the world. Increased energy consumption in the transportation sector which supports economic development is connected with an increase of the well-being of the population in several countries. The inverse relationship shown by some of the study results does not indicate that all countries studied are more energy efficient. This outcome reflects only the presence of external influences that encourage energy efficiency. Energy saving is not a limiting factor for economic growth, but it does not occur in economic system without a set of external incentives in different sectors of economy.

Legal regulation of the activities of Soviet and party bodies in the fight against the fascist-nationalist underground in the Baltic States (1944-1953)

The relevance is due to the theoretical and practical significance of scientific problems related to the study of the legal regulation of the activities of Soviet and party bodies in the fight against the fascist-nationalist underground in the Baltic States in the last years of the Great Patriotic War and the post-war years. The experience of fighting nationalism in the post-war decade, when the Soviet state managed to cope with the fascist-nationalist underground in a relatively short time, seems instructive at the present time.Purpose. Сlarification in the historical and legal aspect of the peculiarities of the struggle of Soviet and party organs, as well as organs and troops of the NKVD-NKGB of the USSR with the fascist-nationalist underground in the Baltic States in 1944-1953.Objectives: to analyze the main normative legal documents regulating the fight against the fascist-nationalist underground in the Baltic States in 1944-1953; to determine the features of the counteraction of Soviet and party organs, organs and troops of the NKVD-NKGB to the activities of participants in the fascist-nationalist underground in Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia in the last years of the Great Patriotic War and the first decade after the end of the war.Methodology. The dialectical, historical, comparative legal method was used as the methodological basis of the study due to the historical and legal nature of the article.Results the research was of a historical and legal nature and made it possible to identify the specifics of the activities of the Soviet authorities in the fight against the fascist-nationalist underground in the Baltic States. Not only operational-Chekist, military operations were carried out, but also criminal and repressive measures were carried out, but also administrative, agitation and propaganda measures corresponding to the "current moment" were applied. The struggle against the fascist-nationalist underground was led by party and Soviet bodies, both at the republican and all-Union levels.Conclusion. The complex of measures carried out in 1944-1953 in order to combat the fascist-nationalist underground in the Baltic States has historical and legal significance. The experience of its implementation can be used by the troops of the National Guard of the Russian Federation, state security agencies and other law enforcement agencies, both now and in the future, including as part of a special military operation.

Official discourse of nation-building in the post-Soviet space: the cases of Russia, Kazakhstan and Belarus

Official discourse of nation-building in the post-Soviet space: the cases of Russia, Kazakhstan and Belarus

Strategizing on the riverbank: State-owned enterprises, paradoxes, and the success of Sberbank

Prior to February 2022, Sberbank was the largest bank operating in Russia and one of the top 20 banks globally. This paper asks how it achieved this position despite facing intertwined strategic and operational paradoxes at the heart of the firm. In particular, Sberbank faced the unenviable position of simultaneously providing an outlet for Russian savings and powering Russia’s development as an agent of the state while also aspiring to be an innovative and full-service financial institution. Exploring how Sberbank coped with these paradoxes in the post-Soviet era, we show how management followed a package of various tactics, including delaying, ignoring, or manipulating directives. In this manner, space was created for management-inspired change, but success was only achieved when tactics were appropriate for the external environment. This reality shows how important context and time are in adopting a strategy for dealing with paradoxes.

An Overview of the Eurasian Economic Union as an Economic Integration Supranational Organization

The Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), founded on May 29, 2014, represents a significant effort to enhance economic growth and prosperity among former Soviet states, notably Kazakhstan, Belarus, and Russia. Tracing its origin from the dissolution of the USSR and the subsequent establishment of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) in 1991, the EAEU emerged after overcoming initial challenges faced by the CIS, formalizing its structure in 2015. This paper provides a comprehensive analysis of the EAEU's historical evolution, institutional framework, and the dynamics of its economic integration. By examining the EAEU's impact on member economies, including achievements like the creation of a unified labour market and increased trade volumes, the study stresses its role in advancing regional economic cooperation. It also addresses persistent challenges such as disparities in energy resources and the union's limited supranational authority. Furthermore, this paper draws comparisons between the EAEU and the European Union (EU), offering perceptions into their differing organizational structures and levels of integration. Through this comparative lens, it elucidates how each union shapes regional dynamics and influences global economic relations.

Тенденции распределения доходов между трудом и капиталом в странах с высокой долей труда в ВВП

The work provides quantitative estimates of trends in the distribution of income between labor and capital in countries in which the share of labor in GDP exceeds the average level. The work used UN data for a set of European countries, postSoviet countries, the USA, Canada and Israel. To assess trends, linear econometric models were built depending on the share of the labor force in the GFP for the period 2012–2021. The highest level of labor share was observed in Belgium, Iceland, the Netherlands and Switzerland. The study found that Belgium, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Denmark, Spain, the Netherlands, Portugal, Finland and France have seen a decline in labor’s share of GDP. In the Netherlands and Portugal this trend is weak. Germany, Greece, Iceland, Luxembourg, the Czech Republic, Switzerland and Estonia have seen an increase in the labor share of GDP. In Germany and Switzerland this trend is weakly expressed. There are no significant trends in the redistribution of income between labor and capital in countries such as Austria, Armenia, Italy, Canada, Slovenia, the United Kingdom, the United States of America, Croatia and Sweden. Trends in the redistribution of income between labor and capital can be determined by institutional conditions in the country’s economy.

Vicente Lombardo Toledano and the Soviet Approach to the Mexican Left After the Second World War

In the history of relations between the USSR and Latin American states, support for the Soviet foreign policy course from non-communist forces – national reformist parties, trade unions, and leftist intelligentsia associations – was of great importance. The Mexican syndicalist Vicente Lombardo Toledano, founder of the Confederation of Latin American Workers and the Socialist People’s Party, had the greatest political weight among the members of all these organizations. He proclaimed himself a supporter of orthodox Marxism, always supported the USSR in the international arena, and actively interacted with the communists. In this article, the author examines the formation of Lombardo Toledano’s views, his ideas about the significance of the Russian revolution and the USSR for the development of Mexico and other Latin American countries. He notes that communication with him helped the Soviet party and state leadership to avoid excessive dogmatism in assessing the domestic and foreign policies of Mexico in the 1940s–1960s. The author places special emphasis on the extent to which contacts with Lombardo Toledano enabled the CPSU Central Committee and the Soviet Ministry of Foreign Affairs to better understand the state of the Mexican left-wing forces and, above all, the Communist Party of Mexico. The author also demonstrates that he was of interest to Soviet strategists as someone who both had access to the Mexican ruling elite and enjoyed prestige in the Latin American and international labour and anti-war movements. He shows that Lombardo Toledano tried to benefit politically and materially from friendly relations with the USSR, while in return supporting Moscow in its struggle against its ideological opponents such as the Trotskyists and Maoists. The source base of the study comprises Lombardo Toledano’s polemical and propaganda writings, documents from Russian archives (the Russian State Archive of Social and Political History and the Russian State Archive of Contemporary History), declassified archival materials and published documents emanating from the U.S. Department of State and the Central Intelligence Agency.

Changing situation of Chinese migrants in the Far East at the late 1920s

In the 1920s a significant number of Chinese migrants lived in the Far Eastern region. They carried out their activities in various branches of local industry and participated in the development of trade. The living conditions of Chinese migrants were influenced by both the transformation of the domestic political and economic situation as well as changes in Soviet-Chinese relations at the international level. The end of the 1920s was characterized by an increase in international tension, including the intensification of confrontation between the Soviet state and China. The conflict on the Chinese Eastern Railway and the subsequent rupture of Soviet-Chinese diplomatic relations had a significant impact on Chinese migrants living in the Far Eastern region. The situation of Chinese migrants has deteriorated significantly, and their displacementt has been observed. Arrests, searches, and detention were used by Soviet law enforcement agencies, and therefore many Chinese migrants decided to return to their homeland. These factors contributed to a reduction in the number of Chinese entrepreneurs and industrial workers in the region. The conflict on the Chinese Eastern Railway also resulted in the appearance of Chinese prisoners of war in the territory of Transbaikalia, with whom appropriate political work was carried out by Soviet state and party bodies.

Foreign Policy of Germany towards Kazakhstan

After the collapse of the Soviet Union, a large number of newly formed states appeared on the geopolitical map of the world, some of which are located in Central Asia. As one of the largest and most influential countries in Europe, Germany sought to establish strong economic, political and cultural ties with these countries. The author pays attention to the stages of development of bilateral relations from the early 90s to the present.Aim. The aim of this study is to identify key aspects of German foreign policy in the region, focusing on relations with Kazakhstan.Tasks. Study the main stages of the development of diplomatic relations between Germany and Kazakhstan. Identify the current state of relations between Germany and Kazakhstan. Explore possible expansion of economic ties and prospects for future cooperation. Show the importance of studying the foreign policy of Germany in relation to Kazakhstan for the Russian Federation.Methods. The research methodology is based on historical analysis, which helped to identify the stages of development of international relations between the two states. The comparative analysis defines the differences in the foreign policy line of Germany towards Kazakhstan at different stages. Regular summit meetings were the objects of event analysis.Results. By examining historical context, economic partnerships, and geopolitical considerations, it is possible to investigate the dynamics shaping German engagement in Central Asia.Conclusions. The genesis of the development of interstate relations was the collapse of the USSR, which served to form sovereign states in the post-Soviet space. The development of bilateral relations is characterized by several stages: some of them were characterized by stagnation, others, by an increase in the attention of Germany to Kazakhstan. The beginning of 2022 served to intensify Germany’s foreign policy in the region. At the present stage, Germany uses a multi-pronged approach that includes diplomatic, economic, cultural and educational components. Germany’s foreign policy in the region is aimed at protecting its national interests. Secondly, the partnership with Kazakhstan is a symbol of Germany’s shared foreign policy goals, emphasizing the importance of cooperation, dialogue and joint development efforts in the heart of Eurasia.

The Concept of an Administrative Act in the CIS countries: Comparative Legal Analysis

The article is devoted to the concept of an administrative act, which is developing in the friendly legal systems of the CIS countries, considered in three aspects: doctrine, legislation and judicial practice. It is stated that the Russian theory of administrative act, on the one hand, is a creative development of the French and German doctrine, and on the other hand, it continues to have a certain influence on the post-Soviet space. On the contrary, in terms of legislation on administrative acts, Russian reality is lagging behind, since the rest of the CIS countries have already adopted westernized laws that, along with the rules on administrative procedures, also establish the material legal basis for the institution of administrative acts. Finally, it is substantiated that in terms of judicial practice on issues of control over the legality of administrative acts, the Russian legal system, despite a certain lag in the regulatory framework, is among the progressive among other CIS countries. The conclusion about the advisability of integrating the achievements of the CIS legal systems for the purposes of their further development is substantiated.

Deprived of Masculinity?

Abstract This article explores how Soviet soldiers were impacted by captivity in German-run POW camps within the USSR during World War II, focusing specifically on how the camps stripped POW s of their ability to act out their masculinity. Using the Slavuta POW camp as a case study, it argues camp life prevented prisoners from embodying two dominant versions of masculinity from the 1940s: the heroic Red Army soldier, and Lilya Kaganovsky’s concept of the masculinity of lack. This was true according to the Soviet state, but also reflects the narratives of POW-survivors, who made no attempts to claim that their struggle to survive in the notoriously deadly German POW camps was heroic. It draws on written accounts from POW survivors, sketches created by two POW-artists who spent time in the camp, and documentary photographs taken by Soviet state investigators after the camp’s liberation, all of which can be found within the files of the Soviet investigative body the Extraordinary State Commission.

Post-war Soviet elections 1947–1953: features of conduct and social significance (based on materials from the city of Gorky)

The article examines the features of the conduct and social significance of elections to Soviet authorities in 1947–1953. The importance of studying this topic is associated with the need to study the state of Soviet society during the designated period. The study of elections to local authorities allows us to reconstruct the tasks that the Soviet authorities set when conducting election campaigns, the features of their conduct in different localities, the reaction of citizens, their orders and expectations from election campaigns and electoral actions. In the course of the study, using new data from archival documents, it was possible to establish the dates and features of the election campaigns to the Soviet authorities in 1947, 1950, 1953. It was noted that regular election campaigns contributed to increasing the political knowledge of citizens, introducing them to Soviet political culture, and also formed a «positive image» of the authorities in the eyes of Soviet citizens. At the same time, election campaigns revealed that Soviet citizens had a number of critical comments about the nominated deputies, which suggests the existence of dissatisfaction with certain aspects of everyday life that did not affect the main directions of Soviet state policy.

Soviet historiography of the period of «late Stalinism»: on cultural and educational work in the Red Army during the Great Patriotic War (22.06.1941–09.05.1945)

One of the essential reasons for achieving the victory of the Soviet people in the Great Patriotic War (22.06.1941–09.05.1945) was that the Armed Forces of the Soviet state carried out, and permanently, purposefully, actively, proactively and creatively, party political work. Its inalienable part was cultural and educational work, which had a small degree of independence. The historical phenomena mentioned above were constantly in the sphere of scientific interests of Soviet historians. Meanwhile, in post-Soviet historiography, they did not become significant in research practice. In modern Russian historiography at the beginning of the XXI century, such a bias is gradually being eliminated. The author of this small historiographical study, carried out in the format of a short scientific article, presents to the scientific and historical community an analysis of Soviet historiographical sources published during the period of «late Stalinism» (1945 – about the first half of the 1950s), that is, at a time when the cult of personality of I.V. Stalin reached its peak the highest point. The author, revealing the subject of his research, took into account in every possible way the historiographical situation that developed in Soviet historical science during the period of «late Stalinism», in particular, the development of historiography in the coordinate system of the Stalinist theoretical and methodological paradigm (and even more rigid than in the second half of the 1930s); a small number of historiographical and historical sources what was published in the chronological framework indicated above, as well as the absence of a proper historiographical elaboration of our problem. The article is carried out from the standpoint of modern theoretical and methodological approaches.

International Regulation of Pensions in the EAEU: Problems and Development Prospects

The EAEU countries, having adopted the Agreement on Pension Security in 2019, took a big step forward to form the pension rights of migrants from the EAEU countries. However, existing difficulties caused by economic, demographic characteristics and institutional differences make us think about further steps to harmonize, unify and coordinate the pension systems of the EAEU countries.Aim. Consider themechanisms and the principles of international regulation of pensions in the EAEU countries and identify limitations and opportunities for its further improvement.Tasks. Explore global experience of cooperation in the pension sector; conduct an analysis of international regulation of pensions in the post-Soviet space and in the EAEU countries; identify difficulties in forming pension rights for migrants from EAEU countries; to find possible directions for the further development of pension legislation in the EAEU countries.Methods. The comparative analysis method was used to study national old-age pension systems; when determining the directions for the development of old-age pensions for migrants in the world, the historical and legal method was used.Results. The world experience of international regulation of pensions is considered.Differences were discovered in the formation of pension rights in the EAEU countries.The mechanisms of harmonization and coordination, as well as the territorial and proportional principles of legal regulation of old-age pensions are analyzed. The difficulties of forming pension rights for migrants from the EAEU countries are shown.Conclusions. The current approach to regulating pensions in the EAEU is not perfect, but it allows countries to remain independent in their national pension policies. Overcoming the existing difficulties in the formation and implementation of pension rights is possible with further harmonization, unification and coordination of the EAEU pension systems, which are complicated by the economic and demographic operating conditions and the lack of a unified strategy for the development of pensions in the EAEU. A fundamental issue for all countries is to determine the role of the state in the pension process.

Causes and consequences of language manipulation with the concept of «patriotism» and criteria its distinction with nationalism

INTRODUCTION. The concepts of “nationalism” and “patriotism”, “nazification” and “denazification” are used in the modern context without taking into account the history of their formation, which increases the possible escalation of social conflicts. The purpose of study – is to identify the causes and consequences of linguistic manipulation of the concept of “patriotism” and the criteria for its distinction with the concept of “nationalism”.MATERIALS AND METHODS. The studied facts of history examine the stages of development of nationalism and patriotism in the countries of Europe, the Russian Empire, the USSR and in the post-Soviet space. To study their interaction, a comparative historical method of understanding reality is used.RESEARCH RESULTS. The types of states that are built on different principles depending on the attitude of the power elites to patriotism and nationalism are analyzed: (1) protonationalism of Ancient Greece, formed on the basis of slavery; (2) nationalism in Europe with an amendment to the inviolability of property and individual freedom in bourgeois states, justifying the colonization of “unenlightened” peoples; 3) patriotism in the Russian Empire, established on the basis of Orthodoxy and citizenship, taking into account national and territorial covertness; (4) Soviet patriotism, built on the ideology of internationalism, equality and unity of national republics; (5) neopatriotism, which excludes nationalism as an ideology of superiority “titular” of a nation or state.CONCLUSION. The signs of nationalism are determined, revealing its destructive essence and making it possible to consolidate the social essence of patriotism in the structure of personal, state and interethnic relations. the significance of the model of openness of cultures, economies, religions and languages that create conditions for the formation of multipolar civilizations is substantiated.

Inclusive education in schools in Russia and Kazakhstan: Attitudes and well-being of teachers as related factors in the formation of an inclusive environment

Inclusivity has become the cornerstone of many government policies for the development of education in the two largest post-Soviet countries, namely Russia and Kazakhstan. In this study, we focus on teachers’ attitudes towards inclusive education, taking into consideration individual and institutional factors that may promote or hinder the implementation of appropriate policies. The study was conducted in 2020 in Russia and Kazakhstan, and is based on a survey of secondary school teachers (N = 3444). The use of latent class analysis allowed us to demonstrate how exactly satisfaction with professional activity, assessment of support from colleagues and school administration, ideas about responsibility for the success of educational inclusion of different actors, professional burnout (both general and related to diversity), attitudes towards inclusive education of children with disabilities, and readiness to implement inclusive practices in professional activities are connected in the perception of teachers. Thus, the research presented in the article contributes to understanding the mechanisms and prospects for the development of educational inclusion in the post-Soviet space, taking into account the needs of teachers as key actors of inclusion, the satisfaction of which creates a stable support for the cultivation of inclusive values and practices of overcoming inequality in education.

The Eurasian Space in Chinese Official and Academic Discourses

The «Belе and Road Initiative» (BRI), proposed by China, marked a new phase in its external openness and growing desire to influence regional and global processes. However, BRI should not be viewed solely as a Chinese blueprint for restructuring Eurasia. The broad interpretative and geographical scope set by Chinese authorities allows flexibility in adapting the initiative to specific regions and countries, which is strategic for modifying or withdrawing commitments as needed. This paper examines why BRI has not become the foundation for a Chinese concept of Eurasia despite its significant impact on regional geopolitics.Our analysis begins with a critical examination of President Xi Jinping's speech at Nazarbayev University in 2013, identifying the nuanced usage of «Eurasia» that primarily refers to the post-Soviet space rather than the entire Eurasian continent. We delve into the subsequent official documents, noting the delay and ambiguity in defining the geographical and conceptual boundaries of BRI. The 2015 document, "Vision and Actions on Jointly Building Silk Road Economic Belt and 21st-Century Maritime Silk Road," illustrates the initiative's extensive and vague geographical scope, indicating that China did not initially aim for a broad Eurasian strategy.By employing Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), we uncover how China's official rhetoric strategically frames BRI. The analysis reveals that Chinese discourse emphasizes bilateral rather than multilateral engagements within Eurasia, reflecting a «point-to-point» rather than a networked approach. This strategic ambiguity allows China to navigate its relationships with key regional players, notably Russia and the Central Asian states, without committing to a comprehensive Eurasian integration framework.The findings highlight the cautious and adaptive nature of China's engagement with Eurasia. The shift from a regional to a global scope in BRI discourse underscores China's pragmatic approach in balancing its regional ambitions with global aspirations.

Small arms procurement and corruption in small NATO countries

PurposeThe study aims to assess military procurement strategy in NATO countries labelled as emerging markets (Czechia, Slovakia and Lithuania) and capitalist Norway, which vary in national culture as indicated by the Hofstede Culture Compass.Design/methodology/approachThis comparative case study analyses the procurement of a simple, mass-produced, off-the-shelf military product (FN Herstal MINIMI gun) in four small but very economically free countries from 2008 to 2023. The study answers the research question of how the unit price of MINIMI guns varies across post-communist and historical NATO countries distinguished by the variables operationalising national culture.FindingsThe general disability of the government to control corruption deviates the strategy of military procurement in post-communist defence institutions from an effective strategy of liberal capitalism, minimising the unit price and risks (Norway), to an odd strategy maximising the unit price and risks by preferring middlemen as agent of hidden agenda (Czechia).Research limitations/implicationsSome defence institutions in post-communist countries may be burdened by legislature capture, and detailed research is needed to determine this.Practical implicationsThe authors argue that national culture may contribute to significant goal displacement in the procurement strategy adopted by the government in an economically liberal state.Social implicationsWithout perfecting the control of corruption in post-communist defence institutions, the NATO burden-sharing debate on 2% of GDP will remain controversial.Originality/valueWith variables characterising national culture and the government’s ability to control corruption, the study elucidates a slow pace of convergence of post-communist countries to NATÓs values and procedures.

Troops Management Systems And The Difference Of Cultures. Part Ii (Variants and Lessons of Russian, Soviet and Other Models for Us)

Due to the absence of domestic military science as a separate branch of science, the topic touched on by the USSR’s GS and management culture, the largest bearer of the German model after the FWW, remains an open topic. The Russian and especially the Soviet model was based on the Prussian model and even more today continues to bear the influence of the latter, but in a more refined form. The Russian army was one of the first in the world to follow Prussian innovations. The British model was and still is unacceptable to the Russian mentality and value system. The problem is that liberalism has always been punished in this country, serfdom is still very deep in public perception. It should also be noted that the influence of the Soviet model among the post-Soviet countries was quite large and is still large. But in the second decade of the 20th century, a number of post-Soviet countries began to abandon this model one after another. Although the Soviet model seems to be the main one among the CSTO countries, nevertheless, as a result of the reforms taking place in the Armenian Army after the 44- Day War of 2020, there are tendencies to abandon that model. We hope that they will have a fundamental nature

The English Revolution of the 17th Century as Interpreted by the Representatives of Two Generations of the «Russian Historical School»

This article examines the interpretations of the causes, features, development, and outcomes of the English Revolution of the 17th century by scholars from the «Russian historical school» (école russe). Its older and younger generations were primarily focused on the history of France and the French Revolution. While renowned for their studies on revolutionary France, they also covered other topics. N.I. Kareev (1850–1931), M.M. Kovalevsky (1851–116), P.P. Shchegolev (1903–1936), and I.L. Popov-Lensky (1893–1931) addressed the problems of revolutionary England during the 17th century. Their complex works analyzed the revolutionary process of that period from all angles. Therefore, the theories of the English Revolution and their interpretations by the «Russian historical school» determined the subsequent development of English studies in both Soviet and post-Soviet space.