Neoliberal Theory Research Articles

Of men and markets: Hayek, masculinity and neoliberalism

A key aspect of Friedrich von Hayek’s thought is the importance he places on the concept of complexity and the way that it limits human capacities for knowledge and control. Interrogating the intersection of complexity, neoliberal theory and systems of gender relations, this paper examines the place of masculinity in Hayek’s work. Reading against the grain of Hayek’s texts, I draw out the gendered assumptions that are embedded in them to consider how hegemonic masculinities may provide sustenance to neoliberalism. Focusing on The road to serfdom and The fatal conceit, the paper argues that Hayek ultimately fails to fully embrace complexity because his texts enact and rely upon a masculine subject position that limits awareness of human embeddedness in social and natural systems.

The ‘Optimistic Cruelty’ of Hayek’s Market Order: Neoliberalism, Pain and Social Selection

This article argues that cruelty, as a willingness to see or orchestrate the suffering of others, is not an unfortunate side-effect of neoliberal theories put into practice but is constitutive of the neoliberal project from its theoretical inception. Drawing on Lisa Duggan’s concept of ‘optimistic cruelty’ and treating the canonical texts of neoliberal economic theory as literary artefacts, the article develops this argument through a close reading of one of the central architects of the neoliberal project, the philosopher and economist Friedrich Hayek. The first part of the article examines how Hayek attempts to justify the brutality of the market order he imagines – the catallaxy – by arguing that this brutality is the natural consequence of the spontaneous evolutionary processes that move civilisation forward. The second part brings to the fore the eugenicist undertones that suffuse this vision, despite Hayek’s apparent rejection of Social Darwinism. I analyse how Hayek’s market order operates through a series of disciplinary and biopolitical technologies that use pain, frustration, punishment and stigmatisation to eliminate bad habits, practices and subjectivities. These cruel mechanisms enable the catallaxy to sort between productive and unproductive lives to ensure that available resources are directed towards the former – even if it means that the others might be left to die. As such, cruelty is an affective atmosphere that permeates the catallaxy.

Evolving approaches to civil society participation in governance processes

Political theories of civil society often apply the concept of civil society, which is considered holistic, containing norms and quasi-legal mechanisms that distinguish it from the state, economy and family, and regulating social relations. These theories often defi ne civil society as a social sphere opposed to the state. Civil society and the notion of civil society are currently being transformed by factors such as new governance, including neoliberal reforms and network development,and democratic transitions. Civil society is also linked to other concepts, including participation, development, the third sector and inclusion. Thus, the essence of civil society is linked to the context in which it is situated and implemented. This article aims to analyse the evolution of the understanding of civil society and its participation in the governance of social processes in the context of new approaches to governance practices articulated by theories of rational choice, neo-institutionalism, neoliberalism and the concept of the Third Way. The understanding of civil society is a historically determined phenomenon and depends on the specifi c context of social relations. In the 1990s there was a rethinking of the liberal concept of civil society, in which it was opposed to an oppressive state. At the same time, the ineffi ciency of state management and the failures of the common welfare state forced the search for new models of organisation of management processes, primarily by involving civil society organisations in the decision-making process and in performing some functions which previously belonged exclusively to the state. The theories of rational choice, neo-institutionalism and neo-liberalism provided the theoretical basis for changes in governance practices, which, however, failed to fully address two major problems: the lack of accountability mechanisms for CSOs and their representativeness – to what extent they are independent and how fully they represent the interests of the whole society. Key words: civil society, governance, neoinstitutionalism, neoliberalism, rational choice theories, participation, networks, the Third Way.

INCLUSIVE EDUCATION EFFORTS FOR CHILD REFUGEES IN INDONESIA WITHIN MULTI-STAKEHOLDER PARTNERSHIP (MSPS) FRAMEWORK

This research aims to explain various inclusive education efforts for child refugees in Indonesia within Multi-Stakeholder Partnerships (MSPs) framework involving the government, international organizations, non-governmental organizations, and academic sector. By using qualitative research methods and neoliberalism theory, the results show that there are various MSPs collaborations to implement inclusive education for child refugees in Indonesia. These collaborations include collaboration between UNHCR Indonesia, Dompet Dhuafa, Human Initiative, and PKBM schools to provide preparatory classes before entering national schools, collaboration between UNHCR and universities, as well as collaboration between IOM Indonesia and the government through the Rudenim to provide home-schooling for refugees. It concluded that inclusive education efforts for child refugees in Indonesia have been carried out quite well by several actors, but this commitment must continue to be improved by increasing national regulations related to the refugee education and providing legal certificates for refugees who have completed their education
 child refugees; inclusive education, Multi-Stakeholder Partnership; cross-sector collaboration.

Judging Hardworking Robbers and Lazy Thieves: An Experimental Test of Act- vs. Person-Centered Punitiveness and Perceived Redeemability

This study explores whether Americans’ punitiveness and perceptions of redeemability are shaped more by the type of crime committed or by judgements about an offender’s moral character. Guided by theories of neoliberalism, we focus on laziness as an indicator of flawed character that is independent of criminality. A sentencing vignette experiment administered to a national sample of the U.S. population tested the effects of crime type and a defendant’s employment status, work ethic, and race on respondents’ preferred punishment and perceptions of the defendant’s redeemability. Both crime type and work ethic significantly affect perceived (ir)redeemability and sentencing preferences, but the effects are not identical. Work ethic exerts the largest effect on perceived (ir)redeemability, whereas crime type most strongly influences sentencing preferences. We discuss the implications of our findings for act- vs. person-centered theories of punishment, as well as the role of laziness stigma in social responses to lawbreakers.

THE CONTRIBUTION OF SEVENTH DAY ADVENTIST TRANSNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS IN BUILDING GLOBAL PEACE THROUGH TOLERANCE: A CASE STUDY IN INDONESIA

Seventh day Adventist, as a religion-based transnational organization, have the potential to support global peace building. Seventh day Adventist exist in various countries in the world, including in Indonesia, as one of the plural countries that officially recognizes Christianity. This study aims to analyze the contribution of Seventh day Adventist transnational organizations to building global peace through tolerance by using case studies in Indonesia as the focus of research. This research is qualitative in nature with an intrinsic case study method. Data was collected using in-depth interviews, observation, and document studies. Informan include Seventh day Adventist regional church leaders, women administrators, Youth Ministries, Pathfinders, Adventists, other religious leaders, and non-adventist communities to support the triangulation of informan. The analysis is supported by the theory of neoliberalism and Huntington's clash of civilizations. The study found that the contribution of the Seventh day Adventist can be seen through a global identity that is firmly structured and consistent so that it is able to build and strengthen the value of tolerance of its members in various countries, which in turn encourages the building of global peace. As a religious-based transnational organization, Seventh day Adventist in Indonesia has activities that are consistent with a clear line of coordination from the regional to the international level. This is able to influence the values held by its members. In this way, these transnational organizations contribute to the quality of global peace.

Analyze of Saudi Arabia international trade policy under the perspective of neo-liberalism theory

The globalization, privatization, and opening-up process of developing countries attract the world. These policies are helpful for the development of developing countries. This article uses Saudi Arabia as an example to study the execution of globalization, privatization, and opening-up policies. The article also discusses the influence of these policies in Saudi Arabia. The literature review method is applied in this article to explore the privatization and open-up policy of Saudi Arabia. This study mainly relies on information gathered from former academic reports and articles analyzing the economic reform of Saudi Arabia and some media articles. This article studies Saudi Arabia's economic globalization process and uses neo-liberalism theory to conduct qualitative research on the decisions of Saudi Arabia. The economic structure of Saudi Arabia profoundly relies on its resources. The economic system of Saudi Arabia also has some flaws, including the corruption and low efficiency of its bureaucratic system and public sector. The economic system highly relies on the global oil market, and there is also potential employment risk. The article uses the neo-liberalism theory to analyze globalization, privatization, and geopolitics in Saudi Arabia. The article studies the intentions of Saudi Arabia to strengthen its oil industry and financial market and solve the problem of low-efficiency public sectors and the contradiction between economic development and geopolitics conflict between Israel. This article found out that the neo-liberalism theory does influence the decisions made by the authorities of Saudi Arabia. However, the decisions of Saudi Arabia are also influenced by some factors, like the geopolitical conflict with Israel, which is outside the paradigm of the neoliberalism theory. This article may help developing countries make decisions in the international trade system, especially developing countries that are highly reliant on natural resources.

Saudi Arabia Neoliberalism Theory in International Relations

For the purpose of this essay, we will look at how Saudi Arabia's admission to international organizations has caused a significant shift in the country's ability to become a better nation. Saudi Arabia's oil sector, which is the largest in the world, has supplied the Kingdom with a number of benefits. The fact that Saudi Arabia earns a considerable amount of recurring foreign currency income, which can be used to enhance the Kingdom's economic growth and the well-being of its population, is undoubtedly the most crucial factor. When it comes to international relations, Saudi Arabia is studied through the perspective of Neoliberalism. A piece of work titled Neoliberalism and International Organizations is applied in this essay to examine the dominant political theory driving international relations today. When it comes to international relations and politics, the ideology of neoliberalism has been a relatively outspoken option, as indicated by the readiness of nations to collaborate and to expand their own sphere of influence into other countries' spheres of influence. Aside from that, during the last 30 years, the governance of international cooperation to confront the most serious global crises, such as the forced migration crisis and the global financial crisis, has improved in terms of efficiency and effectiveness. In order to effectively manage regional governing bodies, it is necessary to grasp the decision-making process. By becoming members of organizations such as the World Bank, the World Trade Organization, and the Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), these organizations have demonstrated their ability to make significant advances in either the condition of international relations or the economic position of the country in which they are active. According to this assessment, the neoliberal theory of international relations is a valuable tool for understanding the dynamics of international organizations, as well as the dynamics of international conflict and cooperation in general.

“Only the intervenor cared”: Tracing the neoliberalization of environmental policy in Wisconsin's Dairyland

Drawing from Peck and Tickell’s (2002) theory of roll-back and roll-out neoliberalism and Brenner et al.'s (2010) theory of variegated neoliberalism, this paper uses comparative historical analysis to understand how the state of Wisconsin suppressed its legacy of progressive environmentalism and embraced neoliberal policy over time. Specifically, this paper examines the rapid expansion of concentrated animal feeding operations (CAFOs) in Wisconsin’s dairy industry since 1995. As these large CAFOs have grown in size, so have the social and environmental problems related to their use, including pollution of drinking water sources for rural communities. Based on analysis of newspaper articles between 1965-2010, I observed that that a turning point towards neoliberalism occurred with the demise of the Office of the Public Intervenor (OPI), a legally designated adversarial force unique to the state that was created in 1967 after a powerful coalition of environmental social movements defeated an attempt to merge the offices of development and environmental protection. Despite the continuous efforts of industry, the effort to weaken environmental regulations and institutions in Wisconsin failed not only in 1967, but in 1984 as well. However, by 1995, immediately after the passage of the North American Free Trade Agreement, the state switched their support from populist environmental social movements to industry. Through deregulation, elimination of the OPI, and the gradual dissolution of environmental social movements, the state of Wisconsin created the conditions that enabled CAFOs to expand without the “burden” of environmental regulation. Subsequently, through re-regulation, Wisconsinites lost access to legal remedies that could curb polluting practices of large CAFOs. This research is part of a larger project to understand the environmental impacts of regulatory failure in the Core as states in the Global North continue to adopt neoliberal environmental policy.

COAGGLOMERATION AND NEW ECONOMIC ACTIVITY: EVIDENCE FROM FORMAL AND INFORMAL MANUFACTURING FIRMS

For much of the twentieth century the predominant belief was that informal entrepreneurship would disappear with higher rates of economic growth. However, the informal sector has persisted in most countries and has grown in some, which calls for a re-evaluation of the existing notions of informal entrepreneurship. An important strand of literature in the form of structuralist and neo-liberal theory provides an alternative explanation. We use the coagglomeration framework to understand the relevance of these theories in the case of India. Using firm-level data, we use the Coagglomeration index to calculate the tendency of formal and informal firms to locate in the same region. We also calculate three types of linkages between formal and informal sectors: buyer-supplier, labor and technology. Further, we use panel data to estimate the relative importance of these linkages in explaining coagglomeration between formal and informal manufacturing firms. We find that coagglomeration in India is driven by buyer-supplier linkage. We then use count data models to determine the effect of coagglomeration and agglomeration measures on new firm birth in the formal and informal sector. We find that coagglomeration positively affects new firm birth in the formal sector but not in the informal sector. The evidence provided in the paper supports the structuralist theory.

THE DYNAMICS OF TURKISHROMANIAN RELATIONS IN THE WIDER BLACK SEA REGION. A NEOLIBERAL PERSPECTIVE

The Wider Black Sea Region is a complex geopolitical construct. On the one hand, the area has a huge potential in terms of raw material extraction, while facilitating the trade between states. On the other hand, within this geographical area there are several frozen conflicts caused by state and non-state actors. In this context, regional geopolitical developments are issues of interest for both Romania and the Republic of Turkey, countries that have numerous common energy, trade and security goals. For this reason, the study starts from the premise that the Romanian-Turkish relations in the Wider Black Sea Region can be viewed from the perspective of the neoliberal theory of international relations. In order to ensure a comprehensive analysis of the subject, a brief history of the political dynamics between the two states, as well as a presentation of the geopolitical aspects of the area were included in the article.

The gentle way in governing: Foucault and the question of neoliberalism

This essay challenges some of the recent scholarship which claims that Michel Foucault was more sympathetic to neoliberalism than is typically acknowledged. Accordingly, it considers the possible motivations for Foucault’s 1978-1979 lecture course, The Birth of Biopolitics; the relationship between liberalism and the various forms of power identified by Foucault; and, finally, claims that Foucault’s account of the ‘care of the self’ was itself informed by the neoliberal theory of human capital. It finds that Foucault regarded neoliberalism as coercive social arrangement on par with the other forms of power/knowledge targeted by his work. And it concludes with some reflections on how Foucault’s account of the ‘aesthetics of existence’ might facilitate resistance to neoliberalism.

The effects of neoliberalism in European labour law: The meaning of labour and the need for a different constitutional compromise

This article aims to identify continuity between the main neoliberal schools that had a role in the making the European legal order and the conception of labour and 'work activity' embedded in the European legal framework. The consequences of this contiguity are also discussed. In particular, the concepts of 'working activity' and 'undertaking' elaborated by the Court of Justice are used as a driver of the analysis to detect signs of these influences. A two-phase approach is adopted to develop the research. First, a review is undertaken of relevant ECJ judgments that testify to the Court's position on the topics discussed in the article. Second, the cultural common ground between the interpretation of the legal framework found in case law and specific neoliberal theories is highlighted. The meta-principles that are identified through the analysis are then compared with those derived from the rights recognised in the constitutions proclaimed in the second half of the 20th century to show the significant discontinuity that endangers the very existence of the European Union as a political project and has destabilised the constitutional order of many European countries. As the founding principles of the EU legal order kickstarted a containment of labour and social rights, the call for change at the roots of European constitutional law is becoming increasingly urgent. The formal proclamation of the Charters of Fundamental Rights at the European level (not least because of the way in which rights are recognised) has not in itself proved to be capable per se of transcending the original matrix of the European order.

The reform process of the Procedural Labor Code: labor law, social actors and languages of valuation. Three key elements of social and labor policy in Costa Rica, 1998-2016

En este artículo, concebido como “historia del tiempo presente”, analizamos las relaciones entre política socio-laboral y poder para identificar cuáles son los actores sociales y cuáles son los grupos de interés que participan en el proceso de formulación del problema y del planteamiento de políticas públicas, desde un enfoque relacional. Planteamos que una arena política en la que se debaten los actores y las posiciones del desarrollismo y del neoliberalismo en Costa Rica es la de las reformas de la institucionalidad laboral. Por eso se estudiarán las redes de actores y los lenguajes de valoración, presentes en los procesos de construcción de legislación laboral en Costa Rica. Para ello, se utiliza como caso de estudio las etapas clave en la construcción de la reforma al Código Procesal Laboral, Proyecto de Ley aprobado en diciembre de 2015.

Where are the Neoliberals?

Abstract Are “neoliberal” policies/institutions related to concomitant beliefs and values worldwide? While disputing the term “neoliberal,” theories of economic freedom expect such policies/institutions to promote what the author here calls “perceived freedom” and should theoretically be related to people’s “free market” values. Theories of neoliberalism equivocate on this question, but class-based strands of them anticipate class divisions in these beliefs and values. Using “economic freedom” indices to proxy the policy/institutional dimension of economic freedom and neoliberalism alike, this study tests these and other hypotheses through multilevel modeling analyses of the sixth wave of World Values Survey data from 55 diverse countries/territories. Economic freedom indices are not significantly related to average perceived freedom in the main. Economic freedom indices are positively related to some free market values, but less robustly so after controls. People who identify as upper/upper-middle class perceive greater freedom and support free market values more than their counterparts. Implications are discussed.

The Neoliberal Utopianism of Bitcoin and Modern Monetary Theory

ABSTRACT Advocates of Bitcoin and Modern Monetary Theory present their ideas as radical utopian alternatives to the neoliberal dominant, but these claims neglect the utopian strain in neoliberal monetary theory itself. This strain manifests in that theory’s faith in the capacity of markets to perfect human society. Bitcoin and Modern Monetary Theory express this same faith. After a brief survey of the older, more radical money utopias of More and Proudhon, this article traces the origins of Bitcoin and MMT in the more conventional monetary theories of metallism and chartalism and then analyzes the utopian discourse of both movements, revealing that Bitcoin sees state intervention as the only obstacle to properly functioning markets, while MMT blames disfunction on an inadequate mobilization of labor, proposing state intervention as the remedy. In both cases, their policies only seek to enable the utopian potential of the market, falling in line with neoliberal orthodoxy. The conclusion offers some speculation about what the emergence of these two theories might tell us about the future of neoliberalism.

МАКРОРЕГІОНАЛЬНЕ СПІВРОБІТНИЦТВО ТА ІННОВАЦІЙНИЙ РОЗВИТОК ЄС

One of the critical problems of the global economic space is the issue of ensuring innovative sustainable development both for individual countries and for international integration associations. The article aims to identify drivers of innovative development of Member States based on the research of modern macro-regional strategies of the European Union. The research methodology involved extensive tools for analysis and synthesis, comparison, generalisation and foresight forecasting. The results revealed the positive effect of macro-regional strategies. There is a higher level of integration of macro-regions compared to the EU average. The practical significance of research results. It is concluded that the implementation of macroregional strategies of the spatial development of EU Member States achieves positive effects in the form of equalisation of innovation potential of regions and their levels of development. It increases their competitiveness through regional cooperation, business support, business and science development. Foresight analysis replaces the "short-sightedness" of planning, conditioned by time (rather than achieving strategic goals), existing resources and the need to achieve financial results. This allows identifying essential innovation priorities for regional development (including the "smart" specialisation). Moreover, foresight methods as prognostic components of EU innovation policy are gradually displacing traditional ideologically oriented neoconservative and neoliberal theories of individual EU Member States. Systemic and institutional approaches replace them with pragmatic content. Today's most effective macro-regional strategy is the EU Strategy for the Baltic Sea Region (EUSBSR), which brings together 8 EU Member States at different stages of economic development. Still, it has excellent potential to build knowledge that supports innovations.

Opšta shvatanja o građanskom društvu

The first idea of civil society was encountered in the ancient Greek philosopher, Aristotle. He defined a state as a community of citizens voluntarily united for the sake of a happy life. The first interpretation of the dualism of the political community and society was found in the works of the Christian scholars St. Augustine and Thomas Aquinas. First concepts of civil society in Hobbes' teachings are presented in his work Leviathan. He starts from the so-called illusory condition, which is characterized by a war of all against all. Another concept of civil society is presented by John Locke. Unlike Hobbes, Locke apparently defined it as a state of peace, goodwill, mutual assistance, and maintenance. Early liberal theories of civil society base their teaching on the limitation of state power i.e., that civil society has the ability to conduct its own affairs, which limits the state interference. Hegel's conception of civil society is determined by the position of the citizen in the state. Citizens are private individuals who have their own interests for specific purposes. Neo-liberal theory of civil society appeared in the early 20th century. The cause of the intensifying debate about the relationship between society and state in the mid-20th century is the danger that the civil society is in from excessive political intervention of the state. Predecessors in the framework of the contemporary approach pointing to this danger were John Stuart Mill and Alexis de Tocqueville, and Robert Nozick.

“Un petit entraînement physique, pour l’acceptation du monde”. Christophe Tarkos and the neoliberal counter-revolution as the Revolution

Christophe Tarkos, a self-defined “poète révolutionnaire”, does a revolution of a weird kind. His texts maximise the duplicity of the revolutionary idea in the 1990’s neoliberal context. On the one hand, as Graeber notes: “the Left had largely abandoned utopianism”; on the other: “the Right [...] had catastrophically appropriated [...] the idea that the revolutionary is the agent of the inevitable march of history” (Graeber: 2014). As the onslaught of neoliberal capitalism on all of life’s aspects is declared complete (Dardot and Laval: 2009), Tarkos formulates the depleted the critique of capital in the counter-revolutionary idiom of neoliberalism – “L’argent est la seule valeur universelle”, “l’argent est révolutionnaire” (Tarkos: 2008). In so doing, he lays out a political double-bind: that of neoliberalism itself, consistently destroying humans’ bodies, psyches and their living milieu, and that of the impossibility for revolutionary forces to bring the counter-revolution to a stop. In providing his reader with “un petit exercice musculaire de remise en forme pour supporter, accepter le réel” (Tarkos: 2014), he devises the poetical counterpart to Gary Becker’s extension of Homo œconomicus to humankind: “someone who accepts reality” (Becker: 1962). Yet most critics interpret Tarkos' texts in light of Left-wing emancipatory ideals: either in the indirectly subversive manner of Deleuze (Barda: 2018; Sainsbury: 2018; Caillée: 2014) or through a Marx-inspired exposition of capital’s hidden contradictions (Farah). Focussing on the poems L’Argent (1997) and Oui (1996), I argue that Tarkos does nothing of the sort. Claiming that neoliberalism and the political context of the 1990’s is more relevant to interpret them than the emancipatory tradition, I show that Tarkos' poetry “littéralise” the worldview in which there is indeed no alternative (Gleize: 2009). Comparing Tarkos' poems to the foundational kernel of neoliberal thought (W. Lippman; L. von Mises; F. Hayek; G. Becker and Paul H. Rubin), this article highlights their disturbing proximity and explore the socio-literary effects of the quashing of non-capitalist revolutionary hopes. Focussing on L’Argent, part 1 analyses how capitalist contradictions are weaponized, capitalism absolutised, and the Marxian revolution is equated with the neoliberal one. In part 2, a close-reading of oui shows Tarkos' language to be a free-evolving and indeterminately plastic entity which manages to combine freedom and determinacy in a way neoliberals have hitherto failed to conceive. From this, part 3 presents the foundations of neoliberal theory which are at work in Tarkos' texts. In accordance with this tradition, Tarkos instrumentalizes the evolutionary view of history in which capitalism is the “Great Revolution” (Lippman: 1937) to which the “intuitive” mind of “common men” (Paul H. Rubin: 2003) has to be adapted. Given that their “mental architecture” is “adapted to life in the small roving bands” (Hayek: 1988), it follows that the true task of revolutionaries, for Tarkos and neoliberals alike, is to foster “the revolutionary re-adaptation” of humanity to market fundamentalism, the division of labour, heightened competition and the universalisation of the commodity form. “La valeur de l’argent, he writes, réconcilie l’ensemble de soi et du monde, elle fait de soi l’adaptation elle-même” (Tarkos: 2008). In a poetical tour de force, Tarkos effectively invents the dream idiom of neoliberalism. The pre-determined horizon of capital as human’s necessary destiny is thereby reconciled with the metamorphic, unpredictable and internally “plastic” (Malabou) features of life and thought. A better player of this fool’s language-game than France’s game master Emmanuel Macron (Révolution: 2016), Tarkos' poems square the revolutionary circle in neoliberal times.

The Dilemma of War and Peace in the Trend of the XXI Century (Russian – Ukrainian case)

In the presented article the author asks how the essence of the relationship between such states of international relations as war and peace has changed under the influence of the trends of the XXI century. A clear empirical example for such an analysis was the modern Russian-Ukrainian war, a manifestation of which we see on the Donbass. This war was largely the result and manifestation of these new trends in international relations at both the regional and global levels. First of all, these trends and their destructive consequences are typical for the security sphere. From so the dilemma of war and peace takes on a new dimension and becomes one of the most pressing problems of the theory of war and peace and the theory of international relations.
 The purpose of this article is to understand how the essence of the relationship between such states of international relations as war and peace has changed under the influence of the 21st century trends. In order to properly investigate this problem, was chosen as an object, a striking manifestation of which we see on the Donbass. Research questions relate to changing approaches to understanding the dilemma of war and peace and the nature of the relationship between these states of international relations under the influence of the 21st century trends.
 To address this research challenge, a systematic review of contemporary research on various aspects of war and peace has been carried out. The answers are based on a study of the criteria for determining the state of war and peace and the determinants that influence the dynamics of change in these states. The study used deductive methods, comparative, political and conflict analysis, as well as neo-realistic and neoliberal approaches to treating the dilemma of war and peace.
 The article based on the assumption that the modern Russo-Ukrainian war became a consequence and manifestation of these new trends in international relations both at the regional and global levels. The conclusions drawn from this study require a conceptual rethinking and a new reading of the dilemma of war and peace, which are becoming hybrid. Therefore, understanding the new quality of these hybrid forms of war and peace is a very important and necessary task. To solve it, it is necessary to determine how the parameters of the relationship between peace and war have changed. Empirical observations show that one of the new features of this relationship is the blurring of the boundaries of war and peace.
 The objectives of the study are based on the discovery of a new content of the categories of war and peace and their interdependence due to the influence of 21st century trends in the modern system of international relations. The results of the study are based on the analysis of modern research on various aspects of the war and peace, as well as empirical data on the course of the Russian-Ukrainian war.
 This article provides an overview of current research on various aspects of war and peace, identifies the interrelationships, interdependencies, and boundaries between hybrid warfare and hybrid peace. The author tried to define the criteria for such a distinction between war and peace, based on the neoliberal and neorealist theory of international relations. The scientific novelty of this publication is that the author clarified the methodological reasons for the unresolved dilemma of war and peace in the current trends of the 21st century. The article concludes with a forecast of the consequences of the unresolved dilemma of war and peace for national and international security. Recommendations are given for a possible solution to the problem of war and peace on Donbass.
 The research presented in this article is an attempt to conceptually rethink and re-read the dilemmas of war and peace that are becoming hybrid. The article greatly expands the understanding of how the parameters of the relationship between peace and war have changed.