Neoliberal School Research Articles

The importance and role of theoretical economics in contemporary higher educational process with a review of the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina

After pointing out the importance and role of theoretical economics in contemporary higher education and in creation of a long-term stable and successful economic and general social development, the authors analyze in this paper the status of theoretical economics and representation of theoretical economics courses (Political economy, Economic Doctrines, Macroeconomics, Microeconomics...) in the Curricula of the Faculties of Economics and other Faculties in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) (Law, Political Science). Thereby it is ascertained that Neo-Liberal School and its concepts still dominate in both, economic politics of transition, and in creation of Curricula within the Bologna System of Higher Education in BiH and its entities. However, the Neo-Liberal School has been undergoing a crisis for a long time, as it is not able to explain properly neither the global financial crisis, nor the transitional processes and crisis in BiH. Therefore, the knowledge of Keynesian, Marxist, and other schools of economic thought and learning, should be used more in creating the Curricula of general education courses. In analyzing the representation and role of courses of theoretical character in current high education of economists, lawyers and political scientists in BiH, the authors highlight the thesis that 'Political Economics' and other disciplines of theoretical economics have been repressed, while business and specialist disciplines, which study the skills and techniques of business management, are more and more present. The authors consider that this state of affairs is unacceptable and that it should be changed in direction of reaffirmation of 'Political Economics' and other general education disciplines from theoretical economics domain, since only these disciplines provide fundamental knowledge for creation of economic system, economic policy and achievement of a successful economic and general development of every socio-political community.

Marketing Small Schools in New York City: A Critique of Neoliberal School Reform

The objective of this article is to critically examine a school reform effort that has taken hold in New York City over the past seven years. A largely privately funded venture, the New Century Schools Initiative (NCSI), opened hundreds of new small high schools in poor urban communities in New York City starting in 2002. The theory behind opening small schools on a such a large scale has come from market principles of competition and consumer choice. By flooding the market with hundreds of schools, competition for students would, in turn, drive up the quality of the schools. Although support appears to be ubiquitous for the market-based reforms in New York City, this article argues that we need to look critically at reforms like NCSI, especially with the recent failure of market-driven policies to deliver on their promises. Using neoliberalism as a conceptual framework, this article asks two main questions: (a) How do neoliberal school reform policies play out in individual schools? and (b) To what extent do neoliberal policies contribute or detract from educational equity?

The emotional geographies of neoliberal school reforms: Spaces of refuge and containment

This paper draws from a larger research project about the post high school transitions of young people who were at school during New Zealand’s neoliberal reforms. Our participants included a group of four young men excluded from school and redirected to an Alternative Education programme. Their accounts of their experiences at school differed starkly from what they said about their Alternative Education programme. The emotional content of their accounts reveals how the social and material practices of these respective education sites are constituted differently. Alternative Education operated as a space of refuge from alienation experienced in mainstream schooling as well as a site of containment, separating Alternative Education students from their mainstream peers. Focusing on the emotional geography of one Alternative Education programme offers insight into the emotional geographies of mainstream schooling and, more broadly, of neoliberal education reforms. Drawing on ideas from Massey and Bondi, we demonstrate how alienation is produced and manifested on different scales: teacher–student interactions, school exclusions and policies establishing Alternative Education. The Alternative Education programme discussed here provides a barometer of the broader emotional geographies of New Zealand’s neoliberal education reforms.

“I am a Worker-Professional”: Teachers and their Classes in Puerto Rico

This article examines economic and cultural capital in the lives of public school teachers in Puerto Rico across the last half of the twentieth century to examine the processes through which their class relations have formed and reformed with shifts in Puerto Rican political and economic conditions from the early days of United States rule through neoliberal school reforms of the 1990s. It traces the historical development of the “teacher class” as a female-identified, poorly paid, professional workforce, and examines the impact of class and gender ideologies in this process.

Para uma formação dialógica do professor: reflexões a partir de um estudo de caso

Quando se trata de ensino/aprendizagem e da formação de professores, é comum, em nossos dias, falar de co-construção do saber/do conhecimento, de diálogo, interação e ética. Na prática, algumas vezes, “co-construção” serve de pretexto para professores/formadores no processo, fugirem das suas responsabilidades – por exemplo, na falsa opção do “aprender a aprender”, subproduto da escola neoliberal, que busca “adestrar” os alunos e reduzir a função do professor a um neutro apresentador de alternativas não valoradas. Dessa maneira, naturaliza um saber imposto como o único saber, ou na idéia do professor/formador como o detentor de um saber transformador que o “formado” apenas assimilaria.

Politics of Formalized River Cooperation

While much of the extant literature has focused on the potential of international rivers to generate militarized conflict, this study builds on more recent works that examine the politics of river cooperation. The article focuses on the efforts to regulate the use of international rivers formally by the means of treaties. The theoretical framework incorporates prominent variables from the (neo)realist and neo-liberal schools of thought as well as the need for potable water and river-related geographic factors. The framework is used to generate expectations about whether riparian countries will enter into the treaties dealing in particular with the issues of water quantity and quality. Systematic empirical evaluations covering the entire world in the 1948—2000 time period confirm some while challenging much of the conventional wisdom on the topic. Specifically, preponderant power distribution, economic interdependence, democratic governance, and water scarcity all increase the chances for formalized river cooperation between contiguous riparian states. In contrast, the findings suggest that the roles of allegedly important and problematic factors such as the upstream/downstream relationship and recent militarized conflict have been exaggerated in earlier research. Cumulatively, the findings sound a cautiously optimistic note for the prospects of the spread of formal river cooperation in the less developed parts of the world.

The Legacy of Neo-liberal School Reform in England

The Legacy of Neo-liberal School Reform in England

Thaksinomics in Light of the Heterodox View on Economic Development

The victory of the People Power Party in the 23 December 2007 general elections in Thailand ultimately illustrated former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra’s (2001 – 2006) unbowed popularity in most parts of the country. The election result was all the more impressive when one takes into account that the figurehead of the People Power Party, Thaksin himself, had been literally absent for sixteen months. The coup against Thaksin’s Thai Rak Thai (TRT) government on 19 September 2006 had drawn on widespread dissatisfaction within the urban middle-class, sparked by Thaksin’s authoritative and alleged corruptive practices. This dissatisfaction was especially visible in early 2006, when anti-Thaksin rallies took place in Bangkok. The coup makers, led by General Sonthi Boonyaratkalin, tried to legitimize the overthrow by stating several reasons, such as the rift in Thai society, corruption, power abuse, and lese majeste charges. During its term, the military-installed government under Prime Minister Surayud Chulanont more or less effectively banished everything associated with Thaksin. Popular policies were either removed or renamed and media coverage on the deposed Prime Minister restricted, among other things. In early 2008, shortly after the elections, top executives of the People Power Party announced a revival of most policies introduced during the TRT government’s period. Thaksin’s socio-economic policies have constituted the main reason for his sustained popularity. “Thaksinomics” – the development strategy during his term - claimed to be an alternative to the “Washington Consensus,” which through powerful institutions, such as IMF and World Bank, promote neoliberal policy making (through export orientation, attraction of foreign direct investment, minimal market intervention by the state, liberalization, privatization, the rule of law etc.). Aside from Thaksinomics, another set of development theories has emerged to challenge orthodox – meaning neoliberal - economic theory. The latter type shares with Thaksinomics the perception that orthodox economic theory as promoted by the IMF usually fails to solve the economic problems of crisis-ridden developing countries. Moreover, some nations have achieved economic success despite ignoring such liberal policies, China being the prime example here. This “heterodox” view on economic development first emerged within the neoliberal school, but it has slowly become an alternative to it (Sabel, 2005, p. 4). Whereas the global institutions IMF and World Bank still promote economic development according to the neoliberal model, the heterodox view on economic development seems to increasingly have gained ground within institutions of the United Nations. 1 As the development model of this school of thought includes all factions within societies, it ensures democracy and compliance with human rights. Since the Thaksinomist development strategy is likely to shape Thailand’s future under the banner of the People Power Party, this paper will outline the most promi

Economic and Non-economic Determinants of Poverty in Developing Countries: Competing Theories and Empirical Evidence

ABSTRACT This study conducts cross-national research on 97 developing countries to test competing hypotheses of poverty. Four major theories from the social sciences were examined, including (1) economic development and openness, (2) geographical and demographical disadvantages, (3) regime characteristics and war, and (4) social policy and human capital enhancement, to determine their explanatory power by modelling the ratio of the poor to total population in those countries. Poverty is defined by living below an income of US $1 or $2 a day. Both the incidences of poverty and the poor's income shortfall from the non-poor are analysed with ridge regression modelling. Empirical outcomes reveal that besides a country's income level, tropics, landlockedness, population growth, and secondary schooling opportunity are significant predictors of poverty reduction, whereas political factors (democracy, military spending, and war) and government social spending are only weak predictors. No evidence was found to support the economic openness proposed by the neoliberal school.

Corporate social responsibility in international development: an overview and critique1

AbstractWithin the literature focusing on CSR's role in development, three ‘schools of practice’ appear to be emerging: the neo‐liberal school (focused on self‐regulation by industry according to the risks and rewards of CSR activity), the state‐led school (focused on national and international regulation and co‐operation) and the ‘third way’ school (focused on the role of for profit and not‐for‐profit organizations. Yet, each of these schools of practice may be critiqued using theories applicable to the broader field of development. Namely, the neo‐liberal school fails to address the resource misallocations caused by CSR. The state‐led school fails to address the underlying politics behind government encouraged CSR. The ‘third way’ school fails to address the self‐interest involved in CSR. Copyright © 2003 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment.

Going Against World Trends

Abstract Neo-liberal social and economic schools of thought and changing demographics appear to be leading to a worldwide retreat in the provision of universal social benefits. However, Botswana seems to be taking the opposite route. The article examines the country's major safety net schemes and suggests why her sociocultural and political milieus mitigate against a more selective approach to providing social benefits.

A regulatory framework for a policy of sustainability: lessons from the neo-liberal school

In this paper, targets, institutions and policy measures for describing and implementing sustainable development are evaluated in terms of their conformity with the economic framework of a market system. From the viewpoint of neo-liberal economic thinking as conceived by the German Freiburg school of economists, a general set of criteria is developed. It includes issues of operationalization and legitimation of goals as well as institutional and instrumental issues. On this basis, general rules for designing an ecological framework guaranteeing the greatest possible degree of conformity with a market system are derived. The concrete application of these rules leads to recommendations for a policy of sustainability with respect to the setting of goals, the establishment of institutions as well as the use of appropriate instruments.

China and the Future of Security Cooperation and Conflict in Asia

There is considerable uncertainty, indeed serious controversy, over the future role of China in the emerging structure of world politics. This article evaluates China's future role in the Asia-Pacific with reference to the larger debate between the proponents of the neo-realist and neo-liberal institutionalist schools of international relations theory. My position is that some moderation of the more alarmist views about the China threat seems reasonable, owing to the probable impact of modernization and globalization and quite simply the challenges of economic development which have been understated in most recent analyses of China.

Giving the 'Hidden Hand' a Helping Hand? The rhetoric and reality of neoliberal education reform in England and New Zealand

ABSTRACT Recent moves in many parts of the world to restructure and deregulate state education have sought to link significant degrees of institutional autonomy with an emphasis on parental choice and competition, thereby creating 'quasi-markets' in education. This paper discusses such developments as part of a neoliberal project for education in two of the contexts in which these policies have so far been taken furthest-England/Wales and New Zealand. It compares five aspects of policy in these countries, namely school autonomy, diversity and choice, private sector involvement, privatised provision and accountability mechanisms. It argues that the rhetoric of neoliberal schooling policies is far removed from their reality, as governments confront the classic tension between fiscal imperatives and the need for legitimation. It points to the need for new political ways forward in a situation where there appears to be little creative thinking about alternatives to the policies of the New Right.

Cooperation and Conflict: The Offense-Defense Balance in Cross-Strait Relations

With political relations between the two sides of the Taiwan Strait in transition, the possible consequences of Taiwan's strategies toward mainland China warrant special attention. This article focuses on Taiwan's relations with mainland China under the rubric of cooperative security and their implications for the offense-defense balance of the two sides of the Taiwan Strait. Particular attention will be given to efforts to prevent cross-Strait conflict as suggested by the neoliberal school of thought, i.e., cooperative security measures such as the creation of the Council for Security Cooperation in the Asia-Pacific (CSCAP); and the neorealist approach, i.e., ameliorating the security dilemma by incorporating Taiwan in the Theater Missile Defense (TMD) system as proposed by the U.S. Republican Party (GOP). This article throws new light on these issues and raises questions about the utility of these approaches.

The State and Taiwan's Mainland Economic Policy

T his article adopts the state-centered approach to analyze Taiwan's crossstraits economic policy in the 1990s. I use the strong-state paradigm to explain Taiwan's development in the past forty years. While the neo-liberal school of political economy stresses the advantage of laissez-faire policies, and dependency theorists emphasize international constraints upon development, the statist approach focuses on the state's capacity and autonomy in manipulating the statesociety relationship and in governing the market. The East Asian developmental states in general and Taiwan in particular work with and often promote the market, which is employed as an instrument that exposes particular industries to international competitive pressures. A selective industrial policy for economic development involves (1) state initiatives that decide which products or technologies should be encouraged; (2) public resources or influences over private resources to carry through these initiatives, and (3) a big before-the-fact strategy.' The state's regulative policies compete with the market mechanism in the international arena. The state must meet the major challenges presented by profit-seeking businessmen and economic interdependence among trading states. It needs to accommodate domestic social forces on the issue of trade and investment and to protect national interests through deliberate designs to enhance its competitive edge and increase international cooperation. The strong state initiates policies according to autonomous actions of the state elite, leads the market force, and adjusts the economic structure to accommodate the changing international environment. This article will highlight one crucial perspective of the state-centered

An assessment of the structuralist paradigm for Latin American development and the prospects for its renovation

The promotion of export-led development is usually accom panied by strong criticism of the modalities assumed by im port-substitution industrialization (ISI) in Latin America, The premise underlying the criticism reveled at ISI by the neoliberal school is that these modalities have conformed more or less closely to the theoretical recommendations of ECLAC and the structuralist approach deriving therefrom.