Neoliberal Populism Research Articles

The Politics of Ahmadinejad and Chavez: A Misplaced Comparison

This piece illustrates that comparing the political and economic impact of Hugo Chavez and Mahmoud Ahmadinejad on their respective countries based solely on generalizations regarding similarities in foreign policy discourse is an unwarranted analytical jump. To identify the essential difference between the two administrations, the article pays attention to the different domestic politics in each country. Ahmadinejad’s populism seems to fit best within neoliberal populism. In stark contrast, Chavista socialism can be understood as a “heterodox” or “alternative” economic policy.

Neoliberalism with a Human Face: Making Sense of the Justice and Development Party's Neoliberal Populism in Turkey

Abstract Ten years in power, the Justice and Development Party (JDP) of Turkey has displayed its commitment to a neoliberal agenda. Despite this commitment, public opinion polls reveal that the party received the majority of its votes from the poorest sections of society. Analysis of this anomaly calls for use of a theoretical concept “neoliberal populism,” whereby political leadership secures the hegemony of the power bloc dominated by the big bourgeoisie over the subordinate classes. The neoliberal dimension of neoliberal populism became manifest in the JDP's economic policies that rewarded the bourgeoisie: legalizing flexible labor, weakening welfare, and subcontracting the state's welfare provision duties to the private sector. The party displayed its populism in the form of skyrocketing means-tested social assistance programs. The JDP also made use of the symbolic/ideological sphere to constitute its hegemony by identifying the party with “common sense” in Turkey. Through embracing conservatism, Isla...

Latin America’s Authoritarian Drift: The Threat from the Populist Left

Abstract: Democracy has been on the defensive in contemporary Latin America; under the cover of progressive rhetoric, competitive authoritarianism has emerged. Leftist leaders like Hugo Chávez relied on populism to establish their political hegemony, erode institutional checks and balances, marginalize the opposition through discriminatory legalism, and severely skew political competition. Left-wing populism has done more damage to democracy than the rightist, neoliberal populism of the 1990s. Self-styled socialist leaders command more solid, durable support, use growing economic interventionism to boost their power, invoke nationalism as a shield against foreign democracy promotion, and act as a coordinated group in suffocating democracy.

Imagined Double Movements: Progressive Thought and the Specter of Neoliberal Populism

In the aftermath of the financial crisis, the American Tea Party movement has played a prominent role in forcing a return to neoliberalism. Progressive treatments of this development have been rather dismissive: seen through a lens that emphasizes the inherent tension between capitalism and democracy, neoliberal populism can only appear as an incongruous phenomenon. The article suggests that such assessments reflect an insufficiently developed understanding of the moral force and affective charge of neoliberal discourses and their ability to shape popular democratic sentiment. It considers the political significance of this by examining progressivism's conceptual logic and the way it has distanced itself from popular concerns and affects. The article concludes that the modern progressive political imaginary participates in the making of political realities that elude its grasp, unreflexively fueling the very kind of neoliberal populism that it ignores or dismisses. Después de la crisis financiera, el movimiento del partido American Tea Party, ha jugado un papel destacado en forzar un retorno al neoliberalismo. Los tratamientos progresivos de este desarrollo han sido más bien desdeñosos: visto a través de lentes que enfatizan la tensión inherente entre el capitalismo y la democracia, el populismo neoliberal puede solamente aparecer como un fenómeno incongruente. El artículo sugiere que tales evaluaciones reflejan un insuficiente conocimiento desarrollado de la fuerza moral y cargo afectivo de los discursos neoliberales y su habilidad para forjar el sentimiento democrático. Considera el significado político de esto mediante la examinación de la lógica conceptual del progresismo y la forma como se ha distanciado de las preocupaciones y repercusiones populares. El artículo concluye que el imaginario político progresivo moderno participa en la elaboración de realidades políticas que eluden su control, alimentando inconscientemente un populismo neoliberal que ignora o descarta. 作为金融危机的结果，美国茶党运动在催迫向新自由主义回归方面扮演了重要角色。进步派对待这一发展是相当轻蔑的：通过强调资本主义和民主之间内在紧张之棱镜，新自由民粹主义只能以一种不调和的现象出现。本文表明，这些评估反映了一种发展不足的对新自由主义话语之道德力量和情感蕴藏，以及它们塑造民众民主情感的能力的理解。文章通过进步主义的概念逻辑及与民众关注和情感保持距离，考虑了上述现象的政治意义。本文的结论是，现代进步主义的政治想象参与到了躲避其掌控的政治现实的形成之中，缺乏自省地为它所忽视或不屑一顾的那种新自由民粹主义火上浇油。 금융위기 이후 미국의 티파티 운동은 신자유주의로 돌아갈 것을 강요하는데 중요한 역할을 하고 있다.티파티 운동의 발전에 대한 진보적인 설명이 다소 등한시되었다. 자본주의와 민주주의 간의 내적인 긴장을 강조하는 관점을 통해서 신자유주의적 포퓰리즘이 단지 앞뒤가 맞지 않는 현상으로만 보여질 수 있다. 이 글은 그러한 평가는 신자유주의적 담론의 도덕적 힘과 감정적 비난 그리고 대중적 민주적 감정에 영향을 미칠 수 있는 능력에 대한 불충분한 이해를 반영한다는 것을 제시한다. 진보주의의 개념적 논리와 대중적 관심과 감성으로부터 스스로를 멀리하는 방식을 검토함으로써 이것의 정치적 의미를 다룬다. 이 글은 현대 진보적 정치적 상상력이 무시하거나 놓치고 있는 일종의 신자유주의 포률리즘을 비성찰적으로 부채질하면서 본질을 파악하기에 어려운 정치적 현실을 만드는데 참여하고 있다고 결론 내린다.

Book Review Symposium

Introduction Debtscapes, Double Agents and Development: Reflections on Poverty Capital It is an honor for me to introduce this series of reflections on Ananya Roy’s important book Poverty Capital: Microfinance and the Making of Development (2010). Her work is an extraordinary inspiration to many geographers, and so it was no surprise that the session about her book at the 2010 meetings of the Association of American Geographers generated a giant audience that spilled out into the corridor. Vicky Lawson, Katherine Rankin, Michael Watts and Stephen Young all provided provocative readings informed by their own diverse ethnographic and intellectual insights into microfinance and millennial development. And to these, Roy responded with more new insights and provocation of her own. The result was a highly energized and engaging encounter which—thanks to the editorial support of Vinay Gidwani—we are now pleased to be able to share with the wider community of Antipode readers. At the conference a number of audience participants remarked on how generative the collective effort at review and criticism had been. Yes, “author meets critics” sessions can degenerate into “author meets sycophants” or “author meets attack dogs” spectacles, but this was neither. Instead, persistent critique—the Spivakian idea that our writings have essential limits that are best made open to the antiessentializing enquiry of others—was enacted with care (and without picky pointscoring about who reads Spivak most correctly). Indeed, this included care about our complicitous double agency as academics, our organic intellectual aspirationscum-cooptations, and our ongoing struggles to think and engage outside of the privileged, albeit besieged and debt-disciplined, box of the university. More substantively, but relatedly, the session further provided reports from the frontlines of development and debt beyond the university. This is a world in which, as Roy argues and as her commentators discuss, academically trained double agents also play an influential role, a world where intellectual debts to Gramsci and Grameen go hand in hand with the financialization of microcredit as microfinance by the world’s biggest banks. And it is a world, therefore, that is better understood and navigated by those who can come to terms with how their own complicities compare with those of other double agents working in capitalist organizations that range from the World Bank to Hezbollah. By recording and amplifying the key notes of the conference conversation the following commentaries provide readers with an opportunity to do some critically comparative self-reflection of their own. Yet by connecting the concern with academic double agency to the double agents of microfinance, the main

Book Review Symposium

Book Review Symposium

Post-populism: explaining neo-liberal populism through the habitus

This paper analyses the success of political leaders who combine a populist style with a neo-liberal agenda to win the support of social sectors that are among the most damaged by neo-liberal policies. The article claims that in countries where a populist movement succeeded in the past to include previously excluded social groups, a populist habitus develops that explains the support given by those same groups to leaders who emerge from those populist movements, even when they pursue neo-liberal policies. The paper compares Israel's Binyamin Netanyahu and Argentina's Carlos Menem to support this claim.

Explaining the Success of Neo-Liberal Populist Parties: The Case of Lijst Dedecker in Belgium

Neo-liberal populist parties, like Forza Italia or Lijst Pim Fortuyn, aim to reverse the trend towards big government and state intervention while at the same time defending the ‘ordinary people’ against an allegedly ‘corrupt elite’. While it is possible to distinguish neo-liberal populism from the populist radical right, it is less clear whether the causes of their electoral successes might be differentiated as well. This article attempts to explain the unexpected breakthrough of the neo-liberal populist Lijst Dedecker (LDD), a new party which gained representation in the Belgian parliament in 2007. It is argued that LDD profited from an electoral opportunity structure – that is, an ideological gap between the mainstream parties, which had converged to the centre, and the Vlaams Belang on the radical right – and the populist appeal from its charismatic leader. Both the populist radical right and neo-liberal populism seem to profit mainly from the same breeding ground.

Evolutions of the competition state in Latin America: power, contestation and neo-liberal populism

This contribution argues that competition state theory unduly marginalises the political dimensions of state reform. Institutional reform is not simply political in the sense that policies are contested, but because reform reshapes the very nature, process and possibilities of politics itself. I argue that the competition state project has sought to enforce new technologies of power and discipline across socio-economic life by enforcing new ways of (and limits to) doing politics within the paradigm of an abstract ‘global competitiveness’. The discourse of competitiveness, therefore, is not merely a response to a changing external environment in an era of globalisation but a representative of a determined political project in the context of distinct social struggles. The article traces this argument through a discussion of neo-liberal reform in Latin America generally and Chile specifically.

Are Dictatorships necessary? Trade Unions and Neoliberal Populism in Four Latin American Countries

The economic crisis of the beginning of this century in Latin America has questioned that a neo-liberal kind of populism may solve the puzzle of how to implement pro-market economic reforms by democratic regimes in less developed countries. Populism is both prone to corruption and incompatible with the necessary institutional reforms (the “second generation” reforms) complementing the economic reforms. Non-populist politicians may not have this handicap, but they could not overcome the labor resistance to their pro-market reforms either. Still, under certain conditions, democratic politicians can implement these reforms without suffering from the costs of populism.

Rights, Reproduction, Sexuality, and Citizenship in the Ottoman Empire and Turkey

Previous articleNext article No AccessRights, Reproduction, Sexuality, and Citizenship in the Ottoman Empire and TurkeyRuth A. MillerRuth A. MillerDepartment of HistoryUniversity of Massachusetts, Boston Search for more articles by this author Department of HistoryUniversity of Massachusetts, BostonPDFPDF PLUSFull Text Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Signs Volume 32, Number 2Winter 2007 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/508218 Views: 415Total views on this site Citations: 17Citations are reported from Crossref © 2007 by The University of Chicago. All rights reserved.PDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Selin Çağatay, Mia Liinason, Olga Sasunkevich Introduction, (Dec 2021): 1–47.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-84451-6_1Elif Ceylan Ozsoy Decolonizing Decriminalization Analyses: Did the Ottomans Decriminalize Homosexuality in 1858?, Journal of Homosexuality 68, no.1212 (Feb 2020): 1979–2002.https://doi.org/10.1080/00918369.2020.1715142Sumru Atuk Femicide and the Speaking State, Journal of Middle East Women's Studies 16, no.33 (Nov 2020): 283–306.https://doi.org/10.1215/15525864-8637409Sarah O. Nugdalla The Revolution Continues: Sudanese Women’s Activism, (Jul 2020): 107–130.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-46343-4_6Ayşe Parla Revisiting ‘honor’ through migrant vulnerabilities in Turkey, History and Anthropology 31, no.11 (Nov 2019): 84–104.https://doi.org/10.1080/02757206.2019.1689974Mary Lou O’Neil, Sultan Komut Motherhood, Citizenship, and Rights: Illegal Abortions in Turkey, Women's Studies 48, no.22 (Mar 2019): 81–96.https://doi.org/10.1080/00497878.2019.1567513Eirini Avramopoulou Hope as a performative affect: feminist struggles against death and violence, Subjectivity 10, no.33 (Jun 2017): 276–293.https://doi.org/10.1057/s41286-017-0031-0Ana Frank, Ayşe Betül Çelik Beyond Islamic versus Secular Framing, Journal of Middle East Women's Studies 13, no.22 (Jul 2017): 195–218.https://doi.org/10.1215/15525864-3861279Filiz Akgul The Context of Turkey, (Apr 2017): 67–96.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-49766-2_4Cevahir Özgüler, Betül Yarar Neoliberal Body Politics: Feminist Resistance and the Abortion Law in Turkey, (Dec 2016): 133–161.https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-47780-4_7Gülbanu Altunok Neo-conservatism, Sovereign Power and Bio-power: Female Subjectivity in Contemporary Turkey, Research and Policy on Turkey 1, no.22 (Jul 2016): 132–146.https://doi.org/10.1080/23760818.2016.1201244Zafer Yilmaz “Strengthening the Family” Policies in Turkey: Managing the Social Question and Armoring Conservative–Neoliberal Populism, Turkish Studies 16, no.33 (Sep 2015): 371–390.https://doi.org/10.1080/14683849.2015.1067863Başak Tuğ Gender and Ottoman Social History, International Journal of Middle East Studies 46, no.22 (Apr 2014): 379–381.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020743814000178Didem Unal, Dilek Cindoglu Reproductive citizenship in Turkey: Abortion chronicles, Women's Studies International Forum 38 (May 2013): 21–31.https://doi.org/10.1016/j.wsif.2013.02.005Lauren Banko The creation of Palestinian citizenship under an international mandate: legislation, discourses and practices, 1918–1925, Citizenship Studies 16, no.5-65-6 (Aug 2012): 641–655.https://doi.org/10.1080/13621025.2012.698487AYSE PARLA Remembering across the border: Postsocialist nostalgia among Turkish immigrants from Bulgaria, American Ethnologist 36, no.44 (Nov 2009): 750–767.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-1425.2009.01208.xNAZAN MAKSUDYAN Foster-Daughter or Servant, Charity or Abuse: Besleme s in the Late Ottoman Empire*, Journal of Historical Sociology 21, no.44 (Dec 2008): 488–512.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-6443.2008.00347.x

Turgut Özal and his Economic Legacy: Turkish Neo-Liberalism in Critical Perspective

Turgut Ozal was a critical figure in Turkey's transition to a neo-liberal development model in the 1980s. Arguably, he was also the most influential political leader in Turkey since the time of Kem...

Changing Faces of Populism in Latin America: Masks, Makeovers, and Enduring Features

Populism in Latin America. Edited by Michael L. Conniff. (Tuscaloosa and London: The University of Alabama Press, 1999. Pp. 243. $44.95 cloth, $22.50 paper.) Populist Seduction in Latin America: The Ecuadorian Experience. By Carlos de la Torre. (Athens: Center for International Studies, Ohio University Press, 2000. Pp. 185. $22.00 paper.) Miraculous Metamorphoses: The Neoliberalization of Latin American Populism. Edited by Jolle Demmers, Alex E. Fernández Jilberto, and Barbara Hogenboom. (London and New York: Zed Books, Palgrave, 2001. Pp. 208. $65.00 cloth, $27.50 paper.) Venezuelan Politics in the Chávez Era: Class, Polarization, and Conflict. Edited by Steve Ellner and Daniel Hellinger. (Boulder and London: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2003. Pp. 257. $49.95 cloth.) As I am writing this essay, a molded plastic facial mask of gray-bearded Brazilian President Luiz Inácio da Silva looks out over my desk. Does Lula, by winning more than 61 percent of the 2002 Brazilian presidential vote (52 million votes) and having street-vended masks made of his likeness, qualify to be the newest face of neopopulism in Latin America? How would one decide? Although none of the books reviewed below is recent enough to discuss Lula's presidency, and my responses to these queries are already fairly certain, these rhetorical questions nonetheless help to focus my thinking as I review some recent scholarship on populism and "neopopulism" in Latin America. The four books reviewed make strong and different contributions to the scholarship on the history of populism and neopopulism in Latin [End Page 312] America. Michael Conniff's edited volume, Populism in Latin America, a worthy successor to his 1982 edited volume, remains primarily focused on the classical populism exemplified by leaders such as Juan Perón, although it also includes a discussion of prominent 1990s neopopulists—Alberto Fujimori, Carlos Menem, and Fernando Collor de Mello. In Miraculous Metamorphoses: The Neoliberalization of Latin American Populism, edited by Jolle Demmers, Alex E. Fernández Jilberto, and Barbara Hogenboom, the authors offer historically well-grounded analyses of the political economy evolution of various Latin American nations. Regarding the 1990s, this book includes—along with the three aforementioned neopopulists—Carlos Salinas de Gortari, Fernando Henrique Cardoso, and the post-Pinochet Chilean Socialist Party as "representatives of the new regional political disposition." The editors call this new model "neoliberal populism" (xii, 11-12). In Populist Seduction in Latin America: The Ecuadorian Experience, Carlos de la Torre situates Ecuadorian classical populist José María Velasco Ibarra in comparative perspective and then adds short-term president Abdalá Bucaram to the list of 1990s neopopulists. Finally, there is Hugo Chávez, the main subject of Steve Ellner and Daniel Hellinger's edited volume, Venezuelan Politics in the Chávez Era: Class, Polarization, and Conflict. Where does the current Venezuelan president belong? Rejecting "ready-made categories" that would link Chávez to Fujimori or to Perón or Fidel Castro, the editors view the Chavista government as "a rather unique and complex phenomenom" (226). Nevertheless, they and chapter author Kenneth Roberts devote some attention to Chávez's relationship to various regional political currents, including classical populism and the contemporary "pattern of personalistic political leadership in Latin America's neoliberal era" (67). This essay begins with a comparative overview of the contents of the four books. This section compares the range of countries covered and the disciplines represented in these books and summarizes and assesses each book. The second major section of this essay discusses how these books address four questions. First, how do they define populism and neopopulism? Second, do the characterizations and case.> studies of populism tend to have positive or negative normative connota- tions? Third, what are neopopulism's effects on democracy? Fourth, what explains the (re)emergence of neopopulism in the 1990s? The final section of this essay suggests areas for further research and concept-building and adds my voice to...

Neoliberal Populism in Latin America and Eastern Europe

How do democracies enact drastic market reforms that impose considerable shortterm costs on large sectors of the population? What tactics do political leaders use to make such painful measures, which could trigger unrest and endanger democratic stability, politically viable? In addressing these important questions, some authors have resorted to the concept of populism. Roberts and Weyland have claimed an unexpected compatibility of populist politics and neoliberal economics in contemporary Latin America.' Presidents Alberto Fujimori in Peru, Carlos Menem in Argentina, and Fernando Collor in Brazil won elections through populist tactics, enacted drastic market reforms upon taking office, and often managed to maintain popular support. Despite the great hardships of structural adjustment, neoliberal populists Fujimori and Menem won democratic reelection. This combination of political populism and economic liberalism challenges established theories of populism. Scholars used to associate populism with nationalist, inward-looking economic policies, which flourished during the easy stage of import-substitution industrialization from the 1930s to 1950s. Yet the resurgence of populism in the 1980s contradicted this argument, and the recent coincidence of political populism and economic liberalism has discredited it further. Also applying a substantive, policy-oriented notion of populism, liberal economists drew a stark contrast to economic populism, which they identified with excessive government spending and other irresponsible, inflationary policies.2 The adoption of market reforms by populist leaders casts doubt on these arguments as well. The recent connection of populism and neoliberalism thus calls for a theoretical reconsideration. The hypothesized compatibility of political populism and economic liberalismthe possibility, but not necessity, of their coexistence-is also of great practical relevance. The political success of Fujimori and Menem suggests that populist leaders can enact drastic adjustment without provoking massive unrest. Thus, authoritarian rule is not required for imposing painful reforms.3 Contrary to previous pessimistic arguments, democracy and market-oriented change are compatible. Yet, while populists can enact neoliberal reforms under democracy, it is doubtful whether they will institutionalize the new market model. Populist leaders are reluctant to limit their personal latitude by creating firm institutions. They may refuse to

Mead's Voices: Imitation as Foundation, or, the Struggle against Mimesis

Previous articleNext article No AccessMead's Voices: Imitation as Foundation, or, the Struggle against MimesisRuth LeysRuth Leys Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Critical Inquiry Volume 19, Number 2Winter, 1993 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/448675 Views: 27Total views on this site Citations: 43Citations are reported from Crossref Copyright 1993 The University of ChicagoPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article: References, (Sep 2022): 123–136.https://doi.org/10.1108/978-1-80382-827-520221011Patrick R. Parsons The Lost Doctrine: Suggestion Theory in Early Media Effects Research, Journalism & Communication Monographs 23, no.22 (May 2021): 80–138.https://doi.org/10.1177/15226379211006119Matthew DelSesto People–plant interactions and the ecological self, PLANTS, PEOPLE, PLANET 2, no.33 (Dec 2019): 201–211.https://doi.org/10.1002/ppp3.10087Christian Borch Social Avalanche, 4 (Jan 2020).https://doi.org/10.1017/9781108774239JENNIFER S. LIGHT Students as Economic Actors, Past and Present, Harvard Educational Review 89, no.11 (Mar 2019): 85–108.https://doi.org/10.17763/1943-5045-89.1.85Vincent Miller, Keith J Hayward ‘I Did My Bit’: Terrorism, Tarde and the Vehicle Ramming Attack as an Imitative Event, The British Journal of Criminology 59, no.11 (Jul 2018): 1–23.https://doi.org/10.1093/bjc/azy017Miriam Feuls Understanding culinary innovation as relational: Insights from Tarde's relational sociology, Creativity and Innovation Management 27, no.22 (Jan 2018): 161–168.https://doi.org/10.1111/caim.12257Matthew C. Watson Imitation and society: How Boasian anthropology reassembled the social, Anthropological Theory 17, no.22 (Jun 2017): 135–158.https://doi.org/10.1177/1463499617705288Christian Borch Tensional individuality: a reassessment of Gabriel Tarde’s sociology, Distinktion: Journal of Social Theory 18, no.22 (Oct 2017): 153–172.https://doi.org/10.1080/1600910X.2017.1378690Tom Boellstorff For Whom the Ontology Turns: Theorizing the Digital Real, Current Anthropology 57, no.44 (Jun 2016): 387–407.https://doi.org/10.1086/687362Martijn Konings The Spirit of Austerity, Journal of Cultural Economy 9, no.11 (Aug 2015): 86–100.https://doi.org/10.1080/17530350.2015.1054415Ricardo Roque Mimetic Governmentality and the Administration of Colonial Justice in East Timor, ca. 1860–1910, Comparative Studies in Society and History 57, no.11 (Jan 2015): 67–97.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0010417514000607Tony Bennett, Francis Dodsworth, Greg Noble, Mary Poovey, Megan Watkins Habit and Habituation, Body & Society 19, no.2-32-3 (May 2013): 3–29.https://doi.org/10.1177/1357034X13485881Micael Björk Contours of an Interaction Sequence in Rioting: The Gothenburg Disturbances of 2009, Journal of Scandinavian Studies in Criminology and Crime Prevention 14, no.11 (May 2013): 24–42.https://doi.org/10.1080/14043858.2013.773682 The Grounds of Politics, (Jan 2013): 1–16.https://doi.org/10.1215/9780822399056-001 Leftist Beginnings, (Jan 2013): 17–38.https://doi.org/10.1215/9780822399056-002 Reinventing the Political, (Jan 2013): 39–76.https://doi.org/10.1215/9780822399056-003 Contemporary Leftist Thought, (Jan 2013): 77–110.https://doi.org/10.1215/9780822399056-004 Organizing Politics, (Jan 2013): 111–134.https://doi.org/10.1215/9780822399056-005 Eurocracy and Its Publics, (Jan 2013): 135–156.https://doi.org/10.1215/9780822399056-006 Affective Politics, (Jan 2013): 157–186.https://doi.org/10.1215/9780822399056-007 Epilogue, (Jan 2013): 187–200.https://doi.org/10.1215/9780822399056-008 Notes, (Jan 2013): 201–210.https://doi.org/10.1215/9780822399056-009 References, (Jan 2013): 211–228.https://doi.org/10.1215/9780822399056-010Martijn Konings Imagined Double Movements: Progressive Thought and the Specter of Neoliberal Populism, Globalizations 9, no.44 (Aug 2012): 609–622.https://doi.org/10.1080/14747731.2012.699939Felicity Callard, Daniel S Margulies The Subject at Rest: Novel conceptualizations of self and brain from cognitive neuroscience's study of the ‘resting state’, Subjectivity 4, no.33 (Aug 2011): 227–257.https://doi.org/10.1057/sub.2011.11Anna Gibbs Affect Theory and Audience, (Apr 2011): 251–266.https://doi.org/10.1002/9781444340525.ch12Celia Jameson The “Short Step” from Love to Hypnosis: A Reconsideration of the Stockholm Syndrome, Journal for Cultural Research 14, no.44 (Oct 2010): 337–355.https://doi.org/10.1080/14797581003765309Christian Borch Organizational Atmospheres: Foam, Affect and Architecture, Organization 17, no.22 (Sep 2009): 223–241.https://doi.org/10.1177/1350508409337168Christian Borch Body to Body: On the Political Anatomy of Crowds, Sociological Theory 27, no.33 (Sep 2009): 271–290.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9558.2009.01348.xLisa Blackman Affect, Relationality and the `Problem of Personality', Theory, Culture & Society 25, no.11 (Jan 2008): 23–47.https://doi.org/10.1177/0263276407085157Jakob Arnoldi, Christian Borch Market Crowds between Imitation and Control, Theory, Culture & Society 24, no.7-87-8 (Jun 2016): 164–180.https://doi.org/10.1177/0263276407084702Christian Borch Crowds and economic life: bringing an old figure back in, Economy and Society 36, no.44 (Sep 2007): 549–573.https://doi.org/10.1080/03085140701589448Andrew Barry, Nigel Thrift Gabriel Tarde: imitation, invention and economy, Economy and Society 36, no.44 (Sep 2007): 509–525.https://doi.org/10.1080/03085140701589497Lisa Blackman Reinventing psychological matters: the importance of the suggestive realm of Tarde's ontology, Economy and Society 36, no.44 (Sep 2007): 574–596.https://doi.org/10.1080/03085140701589455Nigel Thrift Re-inventing invention: new tendencies in capitalist commodification, Economy and Society 35, no.22 (May 2006): 279–306.https://doi.org/10.1080/03085140600635755Christian Borch The Exclusion of the Crowd, European Journal of Social Theory 9, no.11 (Jul 2016): 83–102.https://doi.org/10.1177/1368431006060464Christian Borch Urban Imitations, Theory, Culture & Society 22, no.33 (Jun 2005): 81–100.https://doi.org/10.1177/0263276405053722 EDITORIAL: GABRIEL TARDE, Distinktion: Journal of Social Theory 5, no.22 (Mar 2011): 5–7.https://doi.org/10.1080/1600910X.2004.9672886Hans Bernhard Schmid EVOLUTION BY IMITATION, Distinktion: Journal of Social Theory 5, no.22 (Mar 2011): 103–118.https://doi.org/10.1080/1600910X.2004.9672894Mary Esteve The Aesthetics and Politics of the Crowd in American Literature, 90 (Sep 2009).https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511485497John M. Memory Teaching patrol officer problem solutions in academic criminal justice courses, Journal of Criminal Justice Education 12, no.11 (Aug 2006): 213–228.https://doi.org/10.1080/10511250100085131 John Neu Current Bibliography of the History of Science and Its Cultural Influences, 1993, Isis 84 (Oct 2015): 1–297.https://doi.org/10.1086/356724