Neoliberal Governance Research Articles

Constructing public–private partnerships to undermine the public interest: critical discourse analysis of Working Together published by the International Alliance for Responsible Drinking

BackgroundThe global burden of alcohol harm has increased and is forecast to grow further without effective policy implementation. Public–private partnerships aiming to address global health, and other societal challenges, are a burgeoning feature of neoliberal governance. Rhetorically distancing themselves from tobacco, the major alcohol companies are committed to tackling ‘harmful drinking’ and have created a distinct type of public relations organization for this purpose. The activities of such organizations are increasingly recognized as an impediment to the implementation of policies to reduce alcohol harm, including in low- and middle-income countries where markets are expanding.MethodsThe approach of critical discourse analysis is used to examine the discursive tactics and strategies used in Working Together; a ‘toolkit’ published by the key global level alcohol industry public relations organization, the International Alliance for Responsible Drinking (IARD). This study considers how it works discursively to set the terms of, and overcome skepticism about partnerships, to define aims and position various actors by constructing their roles. The construction of prospective partners provides insights into the alcohol industry itself.ResultsThe toolkit operates as an ideological resource for forming public–private partnerships across the world based on the accumulated know-how of the major companies through IARD. This allows the largest alcohol companies to exercise leadership of the industry, while remaining off-stage. The toolkit relies on a form of rhetorical work which creates distance from obvious corporate interests and the harms caused to population health and society. This is accomplished by working against evidence-informed population level approaches, and thus avoiding policies that will make any significant difference to overall alcohol harm. Unspecific “complexity” affords opportunity for preferred types of “actions”, and “partnership” provides opportunity to gain credibility by association, further minimizing the likelihood of any material harm being reduced.ConclusionsThe toolkit is designed to not only legitimate the inclusion of alcohol industry actors as initiating ‘partners’, but also assigns them roles as managers of a set of carefully constructed relationships. This vision of public–private partnership reproduces the hegemonic narrative that has successfully blocked policy advances for decades and led to growing alcohol harm globally.

Which energy citizenship in positive energy districts? A governmentality social psychological analysis of participatory governance

ABSTRACT Towards low carbon energy transitions, the EU is developing Positive Energy Districts (PEDs) which produce more renewable energy than they consume. This implies more participatory governance which decentralises and democratises energy decisions to citizens, as captured in the emergent concept of ‘energy citizenship’. However, it has been argued that these governmental strategies and the energy citizens they create have been co-opted by a neoliberal governmentality. This may limit citizens’ rights and responsibilities as only consumers/prosumers in the private sphere. However, the neoliberal form of energy citizenship as well as potential alternative forms have seldom been empirically examined, so the main aim of this paper is to analyse which representations of energy citizenship are fostered in PED policies at EU, national, and local levels in a case study of Torres Vedras, Portugal. The analysis, which combines a governmentality approach with the critical social psychology of citizenship, unveils neoliberal energy citizenship as the hegemonic representation in these policies, and identifies emancipated representations of energy citizenship based on entrepreneurial energy activism and energy localism.

Cracking foundations, contested futures: Post-secondary education in Alberta at the end of the holocene

This article introduces the special issue of REPCS dedicated to the analysis of the restructuring of higher education in Alberta, Canada. It describes the acceleration of the processes of commodification of education and research and the corporatization of institutional governance under the government that took office in April 2019. The Alberta case is situated within the political economy of this petro-state, governed by a right-wing populist party, as well as in relation to the global trends in post-secondary education driven by neoliberal regimes. Further, the article highlights the cracks in the foundations of modern universities that have deeper historical origins than neoliberalism, and that are widening as the governance and raison d‘être of these institutions are challenged by global socio-ecological crises and Indigenous-led decolonization and climate justice movements. Drawing upon first-hand knowledge, as a participant in the struggles at the University of Alberta, as well as extensive research into the government’s restructuring agenda and the impacts on the post-secondary sector, the author outlines proposals for reform of the legislative framework governing the relationship between universities and the state, as well as the internal governance of the institution, and assesses the current terrain of agency for such transformation.

São Paulo's Crackland as Urban Impasse: An Ethnographic Account of Mobility, Territory and Viracao as Form of Nomadism

AbstractDrugs feature in the geography of crime as an economy and as a threat to social order and public health. Spatial and social strategies of crime reduction ascribe agency to the state and to regulated residents of marginalised urban areas. Geographers also discussed anti‐drug policy have a revanchist neoliberal governance. Through the lens of urban territory and urban nomads in the crack‐cocaine‐dominated area Crackland in the centre of São Paulo, we argue that instead of a fixity of homelessness, drug markets and drug users in the geography of crime, one could pay more attention to nomadism, which can be found ethnographically in the journeys of three agents which we discuss. For over 20 years, city authorities have tried to ‘end’ Crackland with social programmes and police actions, or codifying attempts of territorialisation. An urban impasse emerged as these programmes failed to recognise Crackland as mobile territory of viracao. Crackland remains a zone reserved for the city's ‘human waste’ while perfectly integrated in the urban fabric.

Reimagining Human Rights: The Concept of Droits des Gouvernés in Foucault's Political Philosophy

Abstract This study explores Michel Foucault’s critique of human rights and his concept of droit des gouvernés, particularly with regard to refugees and migrants. It analyzes how Foucault’s ideas can revitalize democratic elements within the context of neoliberal governance and reframe our understanding of human rights. His approach encourages rethinking the foundations of democracy and challenging the monopoly of political decision-making. Keywords: Michel Foucault; droit des gouvernés; human rights; neoliberal governance; refugees.

‘The Girls are Alright’: Beauty work and neoliberal regimes of responsibility among young women in Urban India

This article addresses the complex ways in which poor urban women’s educational and training needs are embedded in official discourses of capacity creation and are constructed in opposition to their community and kinship networks, an aspect that is very often overlooked when such programmes are designed. It argues that this oversight is not a coincidence, as neoliberal policies and discourses of empowerment construct young women as ‘subjects of capacity’. Where they are addressed directly, young women are framed as the single, autonomous subjects of liberalism who, once enabled, overcome ‘traditional’ kin and community attachments. Based on the ethnographic study of vocational training for beauticians provided by an Indian NGO, the article argues that such interventions are geared towards ‘community development’ and therefore reference broader social landscapes, but that the participants in training see themselves and the process as part of, rather than as opposed to, kin and community obligations. While education and training are more often than not conceived as stand-alone projects offering young women a way into employment and the labour market, the article foregrounds the class-based limits of such workist approaches and the entanglements between body work, caste/class, and histories of feminized poverty. It demonstrates how young women from lower-caste and lower-class backgrounds see opportunities in the beauty industry mainly as supporting their roles as responsible daughters, future wives and daughters-in-law realized within the complex economies of marginal urban communities. They are also acutely aware that while the actual work of the beautician allows some access to the world of ‘professional’ modern and classed notions of femininity and, arguably, a more dignified workplace than in domestic service, the pitfalls of an industry built on gendered, racialized and classist inclusions and hierarchies are noted too. Critiquing the mainstream feminist focus on access to the labour market, the article argues that young women are fully aware of their own precarious relationship with ideals of neoliberal constructs of autonomous subjectivities promoted by the state and its agents.

No Country for Old Women: A Critique of Grobler v Phillips 2023 1 SA 321 (CC)

Land and land rights remain a contested issue in South Africa. Grobler v Phillips centered on the eviction of an 86-year-old woman, Mrs Phillips, and her disabled son from property she had lived on since she was 11 years old. After a fourteen-year court battle the Constitutional Court granted an eviction order against Mrs Phillips. This case note consists of a discussion of the judgments of the Magistrate's Court, High Court, Supreme Court of Appeal and Constitutional Court. It is found that the Constitutional Court erred in its decision as it applied a formalistic approach, disregarded the narrative of the occupier and did not sufficiently challenge the current neo-liberal regime in which property rights operate.

Gdpr as an Instance of Neoliberal Governmentality: a Critical Analysis of the Current ‘Gold Standard’ of Data Protection

Abstract The gdpr today is commonly seen as a ‘gold standard’ of personal data regulation. While recognizing the importance of the gdpr, especially in affirming that personal data belongs to the individuals rather than commercial or public entities, this paper seeks to demonstrate that such a view is, nevertheless, problematic: first, what the gdpr, along with similar regulations inspired by it elsewhere, effectively does is help organise the functioning of the personal data market in which private user data continues to be commodified and used to generate massive profits by various firms and platforms; second, the gdpr does it in a paradigmatically neoliberal manner – public authorities create a legal framework for a market, and devolve the responsibility for managing negative consequences to the affected populations themselves, presenting it as their ‘empowerment’; third, just as it is often the case with neoliberal governmentality in other sectors, the tool provided by the gdpr to individuals to protect themselves – here the right to reject the terms of service (tos) of different providers – embodies and reproduces an asymmetric power relation between capital and society – here between service providers and users – and effectively ensures that individuals continue to acquiesce to the collection and commodification of their private data: on the one hand, the complexity of different tos, their ‘take-it-or-leave-it’ nature, length, etc., render the evaluation of privacy implications very difficult for individual users; second, in some cases, the rejection of tos is impossible because access to the service in question is indispensable, as in the case of platform workers. Users mechanically click ‘Accept’ which is seen as an instance of ‘informed consent,’ and which in turn makes the collection and monetization of personal data legal.

From social engineering to neoliberal governance, and then what? Mapping a sustainability shift in urban planning in a medium-sized Swedish city

IntroductionThis paper focuses on how a (assumed) entrepreneurial shift in urban planning and development has been implemented in a medium-sized city in northern Sweden, and how sustainability-as in sustainable urban development-can be argued to be a second shift in urban planning and development or represents an alternative form of neoliberal governance.MethodTo explore how and when urban entrepreneurialism and sustainability are interlinked, as well as when they are not, urban policy documents from 1988, 2007 and 2016 focusing on the development of Sundsvall city center has been examined using thematic content analysis.ResultsThe result shows that the 1988 document is significantly influenced by social democratic welfare politics, with prioritizing social bonds and the Sundsvall resident being the focus, while the newer documents emphasize visitors, potential residents and architectural design to promote the flow of people, money and goods. In this sustainability is put forward as a mobilizing metaphor, and serves to conceal the potential paradoxes of the priorities of the strategy, which involve the contradictions between economic, environmental and social values.DiscussionConsequently, it is possible to claim that sustainability, as a concept, has acquired a new function: to disguise the less palatable consequences of growth by evoking sustainability as a guarantee of the strategy's quality.

‘It’s a Matter of Land’: The Politics of Spatial Illegality and Cooperation in an Informal Settlement in Delhi

This article offers a unique lens through which to theorise neoliberal governance from the perspective of the politics of space and everyday surveillance. Situated in the informal settlement of ‘Manohar Nivas’ in New Delhi, the article draws from over two years of ethnographic research and formal semi-structured interviews with children, their families, civil society and state representatives. Bringing theories of spatialised power into conversation with Faranak Miraftab’s framework on the mutually constitutive concepts of ‘invited’ and ‘invented’ spaces of participation, it argues that Manohar Nivas is an ‘invented’ spatial domain of regulatory power wherein discretionary surveillance operates to enforce precarity and entrench poverty. These dynamics, however, are mitigated to some degree through spatial cooperation and possibilities for citizen participation in opposition to state domination and violence.

Environmental NGOs and Protected Area Conservation in Australia: The Political Consequences of Aligning with Private Interests

This article examines the political consequences of environmental nongovernment organization (ENGO) involvement in protected area conservation in Australia. Rapid growth of a nongovernment protected area (NGPA) estate this century has involved a range of individuals, communities, First Nations, and ENGOs, and has been closely tied to government policy and private finance. Although NGPA conservation achievements have been profound, there has been limited examination of what expanded nongovernment involvement, responsibility, and leadership mean for the practice and governance of nature conservation. Thematic analysis of twenty-four key informant interviews and selective gray literature identifies how financing, accountability, and partisan politics are emerging as key domains in shaping an NGPA estate that reflects a closer alignment with capital and market forces. ENGOs are playing a key role in crafting new political conditions for protected area conservation, where their role in neoliberal governance is not just service delivery, but statecraft and agenda setting. ENGOs are increasingly casting protected area conservation as apolitical, and thereby a bipartisan activity, driven by a “pragmatic” agenda that seeks to secure private financing for land ownership and management obligations. Frameworks of accountability to donors shape ENGO practices and conceptions of conservation through exposure to novel market mechanisms. As a result, ENGO operation permits limited space for plural, ideological, and structural debate about protected area conservation, the public interest, and the root causes of ecological crises to which it responds. The embrace of conservation led by nongovernment actors marks a substantive shift from the formative politics of ENGOs in Australia.

Housing Commodification and Increasing Potential Ground Rents in Post‐Socialist Budapest

AbstractIn post‐socialist Budapest, gentrification has remained modest for decades after the regime change (1989) due to politically controlled economic relations besides marketisation. Political control was transformed but maintained after 2010 in the illiberal Orbán regime. Populist housing privatisation for tenants, insufficient regulation of rental housing, mortgage policy and urban rehabilitations with systemic corruption caused moderate level of housing market commodification. However, gentrification accelerated from 2014. Among other factors, the restriction of mortgage lending and the unplanned expansion of tourism increased the commodification of real estate market. Similar contextual issues were mentioned in the gentrification literature before; however, they remained external modifying effects of the assumed nomothetic political economic mechanisms behind rent gaps under neoliberal governance assumed everywhere. We suggest connecting institutional, social and political factors with dynamics of land rent through the concept of commodification and its effects on potential ground rent to include them within the mechanisms of gentrification.

School-based physical activity interventions: a discourse analysis

ABSTRACT School-based physical activity (PA) interventions stand out as a highly valued knowledge technology in relation to attempts to promote daily physical activity (DPA) among school youth. The purpose of the paper is to explore technologies of knowledge that guide school-based PA interventions in lower secondary schools and discuss their power-related implications. Foucault’s notion of discourse as the ensemble of regulated, deliberate, and finalised ways of doing things underpins the analysis of six school-based PA intervention studies that were identified in the literature between the years 2003 and 2021. The analysis concerned the scientific domain of the studies, their justification of school-based PA interventions, the purpose and results of the interventions, and problems with implementing the interventions. The analysis indicated a distinct narrative where researchers within medical science and psychology proposed that (a) young people's level of PA is too low and therefore they are increasingly exposed to the risk of lifestyle diseases; (b) schools appear as the obvious context for attempts to increase the PA of young people, for example through interventions; (c) contextual factors are often pointed out as significant for the success of the interventions, yet these factors are not systematically placed under the research magnifying glass; (d) few studies demonstrate any tangible change in student behaviour because of the interventions; (e) non-occurring behaviour changes are explained by contextual factors, or that school staff simply do not adhere enough to the intervention efforts. These results are discussed through Foucault’s concept of governmentality, that is, the integration of technologies of knowledge, power, and the self. It is concluded that the examined research gain function within a neoliberal governmentality where scientific knowledge aims to change the individual self, rather than to change the social structures in which individuals live their lives.

The contradictory field of community organizing in the United States: A theoretical framework

The urban studies and planning literatures largely conceive of community organizations as either clients of neoliberal regimes or the advocates of marginalized communities. Whereas the first emphasizes structural constraints, the latter focuses on the conditions that permit organizations to exercise agency in planning arenas. This theoretical paper suggests that both frameworks reveal important mechanisms but belie the contradictory pressures facing community organizations. We turn to organizational and social movement literatures to argue that community organizations face two competing forces stemming from resource needs. First, they need money to maintain a staff and finance basic operations. As these are nonprofit organizations, money typically comes from external private and public grants. Second, for communities to support organizations and delegate them representative functions, the organizations need to be considered legitimate by the community. Though community organizations need both money and legitimacy, these resources conflict with one another. Too much dependency on external funders can undercut an organization’s legitimacy to represent community interests in an autonomous and unconflicted way. Too much autonomy from external funders can enhance the legitimacy of organizations, but it can also result in financial destitution. Thus, rather than conceive of community organizations as structural puppets or the voice of the people, we suggest that most are positioned in a contradictory field that pulls them in conflicting directions.

Super Visa Program: Immigration Policy Changes and Social Injustice under the Neoliberal Governmentality in Canada

Abstract:
 In November 2011, Citizenship and Immigration Canada paused the parents/grandparents (PGP) sponsorship immigration and announced a new Super Visa program simultaneously to facilitate family reunification, specifically among older adults waiting to be reunified with their children in Canada. We conducted a qualitative study to understand the experiences of immigrant families with the Super Visa Program. In total, 19 semi-structured interviews were conducted in Toronto with Chinese immigrants and parents holding a Super Visa. Our findings revealed that Super Visa program is helpful for family reunification, especially for those whose regular visa applications are not successful. However, Super Visa is still a visitor visa and parents/grandparents have to leave after a maximum of two years. This temporary status of their parents does not promote among immigrants a sense of belonging in Canada, but reinforces their feeling of being treated as “foreigner”. They also debunked the stigma that older parents/grandparents come to Canada for better welfare and are non-contributor and a burden to Canadian society. We observe older parents/grandparents are categorized as “undesirable” and their unpaid contributions to immigrant family and Canada society are rendered invisible. We argue there exits an inherent link between PGP policy changes and social injustice. Behind the negative portrayal of older parents/grandparents and policy changes on them is State’s neoliberal governmentality grounded upon market norms and mechanism. The immigration and social injustice inflicting on older PGP migrants manifests that neoliberal immigration regime is still structurally raced, gendered, classed, and may be intertwined with other stigmatizing dynamics such as ageist, ableist etc. within the State’s power relationship.

Knowledge work compulsion: The neoliberal mediation of working existence in the network society

This contribution seeks to understand the pervasive phenomenon of work compulsion among knowledge workers in our present network society. Knowledge workers not only have to work all the time from anywhere, but they also appear to want to. This study argues that this curious phenomenon may be attributed to the thumotic satisfaction that knowledge work generates. What is more, the neoliberal theory of human capital has found a way to harness thumotic satisfaction to the profit incentive, and has created arguably the most productive working subject to date. The argument is divided into four parts: First, the paper analyses the government(- ality) of control operative in the network society by defining “neoliberalism”. It then focuses on Foucault’s examinations of German and American neoliberalism in the 20th century, treating them as instances of governmentality. The aim is to assess whether employing a governmentality lens is a valid approach for critically analysing present-day neoliberalism. If it proves justifiable, which I argue it does, the study explores the potential valuable insights gained from examining contemporary neoliberalism through this particular analytical framework. Second, the study turns to the “spiritedness” of knowledge workers under the conditions of stealth control that typify the neoliberal network society. Curiously, these highly engaged workers have reportedly experienced increased overall well-being. However, their overinvestment in work appears to be disproportionate to absolute necessity, increased earnings or improved overall quality of life. This paper contends that work compulsion generates and is in turn fuelled by thumotic satisfaction. Third, the study tries to ascertain the connection between neoliberal governmentality and thumos. Neoliberal governmentality appears to have found a way to appropriate thumotic satisfaction to produce and sustain the competitive entrepreneurial spirit. The fourth part of the study considers how the knowledge worker might resist the compulsion to work incessantly.

But We Stopped All This: Stopping Practices of Women Full Professors in Neoliberal Times

In this article, I present how some women full professors have implemented stopping practices, thus setting limits to their academic work in a neoliberal context. From semi-structured and in-depth interviews with three women professors at the National University of Colombia, this research presents their stopping practices: saying “No” when asked to take on more academic responsibilities and refusing to work outside working hours, as well as distancing themselves from electronic devices that could keep them connected to their academic work outside office hours. Stopping is a gradual process that led them to set limits on the time they devoted to work, which revealed that their subjection to neoliberal governmentality was not total. Nevertheless, stopping was also a luxury since these women professors could do so thanks to their job and economic stability, academic prestige, and the privilege of their seniority. As such, I explain how stopping is both a privilege and a form of resistance to neoliberal productivist demands that has various implications for policy, practice, and future research.

Situating the Nonprofit Industrial Complex

This article centers on the nonprofit landscape in Vancouver, Canada, a city that occupies the territories of the xʷməθkʷəy̓əm (Musqueam), sḵwx̱wú7mesh (Squamish), and səlilwətaɬ (Tsleil-Waututh) nations, which have never been ceded to the colonial occupation of Canada. Vancouver has a competitive nonprofit field, with an estimated 1600+ nonprofits operating within city limits. This descriptive review starts by defining what a nonprofit industrial complex (NPIC) is, then outlines an abbreviated history of the nonprofit sector on the aforementioned lands. The article then explores issues related to colonialism, anti-poor legislation, neoliberal governance, the fusing of the public and private sectors, and the bureaucratization of social movements and care work as mechanisms to uphold the status quo social order and organization of power. Focusing on under-examined issues related to the business imperatives of nonprofit organizations in the sectors of housing, health and social services, community policing, and research, this work challenges the positive default framing of nonprofits and charities. Instead, we contend that Vancouver’s NPIC allows the government and the wealthy to shirk responsibility for deepening health and social inequities, while shaping nonprofits’ revenue-generating objectives and weakening their accountability to the community.

Political economy of the ‘informal’ housing question: institutional-hybridity of the postcolonial state

In recent years, International Political Economy (IPE) scholars have increasingly turned their attention to cities. However, their primary focus has been on the role of a select few global ‘cities’ that regulate global flows of capital, goods, and services. Nonetheless, a significant gap in the IPE literature pertains to the limited exploration of how processes of neoliberal globalization are impacting and regulating the low-income ‘informal’ housing sector in cities located in the global South. To address this gap in the existing IPE literature, this paper critically analyzes the processes of formation and demolition of informal housing settlements against the backdrop of the neoliberal regime of accumulation. Informal housing settlements have been extensively examined by critical geographers and scholars in the field of urban studies. What distinguishes this paper is its unique contribution to the literature on IPE, that is, it utilizes the political economy of informal housing settlements as an entry point to critically analyze social ontology and the inherent contradictions of the postcolonial state. The paper argues that the relationship between informal housing settlements and the postcolonial state can be better understood through the lens of the ‘institutional hybridity.’ This concept refers to the fusion of contradictory socio-economic and institutional impulses within the postcolonial state, which aims to manage social reproduction and capitalist accumulation simultaneously. The inherent tension between social reproduction and accumulation manifests in the informal housing settlements in the form of a dialectic of ‘benevolence-violence.’ On one hand, the postcolonial state attempts to appear ‘benevolent’ towards marginalized groups by ‘allowing’ them to establish informal housing settlements through a multi-layered network of clientelism. On the other hand, the postcolonial state resorts to violent displacement of marginalized groups as soon as they pose obstacles to real estate-led capitalist accumulation. Thus, the paper contends that IPE scholars should carefully consider the political economy of informal housing settlements, as it provides captivating insights into the mechanisms through which the postcolonial state becomes subject to regulation and is pulled in different directions by the socio-economic forces of neoliberal globalization.

Living with Sjögren’s Syndrome: An Analysis of YouTube Vlogs on the Autoimmune Disease

ABSTRACT People who experience symptoms of autoimmune diseases often have to struggle for illness recognition. Women experiencing such symptoms face additional challenges as their accounts of pain are frequently treated with skepticism. This study examines experiences of people living with Sjögren’s Syndrome, an autoimmune disease which is primarily diagnosed in women, by conducting an analysis of individual vlogs posted on YouTube using the themes of gender, chronic illness and neoliberal governmentality. Sjögren’s Syndrome is the second most common rheumatic disease after rheumatoid arthritis and affects nearly 4 million people in the United States alone. An analysis of 70 vlogs posted by people living with the disease revealed the challenges faced by them including diagnostic delays and perceived attitudinal biases amongst medical professionals, especially in the context of the gender of the patients. Apart from highlighting the impact of the disease on their gendered roles, the vloggers urged viewers to conduct their own research on the disease and advocate for themselves during interactions with physicians. The study illuminates how dissatisfaction with healthcare services reinforces neoliberal rationalities such as individual advocacy, resilience and self-labor. The findings of the study delineate the role of neoliberal governmentality in making self-management of chronic illnesses such as Sjögren’s Syndrome an internalized ideal for women living with the disease. Additionally, the study provides empirical evidence of the need for addressing the medical and socio-cultural factors that contribute to delays in the diagnosis and management of Sjögren’s Syndrome.