Neorealist Approach Research Articles

A theoretical framework to study accumulation regimes and crises in Colombia

The neorealist approach to institutional change has the merits of emphasising the importance of the Dominant Social Bloc (DSB) in institutions, and of integrating economics, society, and politics in the formation and breakdown of the DSB. Since this approach was not designed for Colombia, it is necessary to integrate certain characteristics, such as economic dependence, armed conflict, and drug trafficking. This paper presents the first theoretical adaptation of the neorealist approach for a Latin American country. This extended theoretical framework evinces the role of crime and violence in providing political stability to an accumulation regime that satisfies the demands of a narrow DSB.

INDO–FRENCH DEFENCE PARTNERSHIP AND REGIONAL SECURITY BALANCE IN SOUTH ASIA

The article aims to describe the regional security challenges and major threats for India in South Asia. Since 1947, India has been suffering from external security threats such as a form of proxy warfare and terrorism from neighbouring countries. To this purpose, the article also examines recurring issues where India has major border issues with China in the Himalayan terrain to the Eastern region. India has been facing bigger security threats from China and Pakistan in the South Asia region. This article looks at defence cooperation between India and France through the prism of India’s serious security threats in the South Asian region. India’s soft power policy is reflected in a neo-realist approach and expanded by its long-standing defence cooperation with France. Therefore, India has been receiving support from the French government whenever the country needs defence equipment and other assistance. The article uses case studies and discourse analysis methods to answer the questions and draw the main findings and conclusions of the study. Finally, as a result of the study, India’s serious security threats in the South Asian region are pushing the country to purchase defence equipment from France. The relationship between India and France is strengthening bilateral cooperation at a broader level and shaping a strong strategic partnership by uniting in South Asia and the Indo-Pacific as well.

Indo-French Defence and Security Partnership

The article aims to describe the regional security challenges and major threats for India in South Asia. Since 1947, India has been suffering from external security threats such as, a form of proxy warfare and terrorism from its neighbouring countries. To this purpose, the article also examines recurring issues where India has major border issues with China, in the Himalayan terrain to the eastern region of India. This article looks at the defence cooperation between India and France through the prism of India’s security threats in the South Asian region. India's soft power policy reflected in a neo-realist approach and expanded its long-standing defence cooperation with France. Therefore, India has been receiving support from the French government whenever the country needs defence equipment and other assistance. The article uses empirical and discourse analysis methods to answer the questions, and to draw a proper conclusion to the study. Finally, as a result of the study, we can see that India’s serious security threats in the South Asian region are pushing the country to purchase defence equipment from France. The relationship between India and France is strengthening the bilateral cooperation at a broader level and shaping a strong strategic partnership by uniting South Asia and the Indo-Pacific as well.

Competition Among Spacefaring States in the Exploration of ‘Terra Nulius’ in Outer Space: A Neorealist Approach

ABSTRACT This paper aims to explain the competition among spacefaring states in outer space. In contrast to rivalry among great powers on Earth, the competition in space does not merely reflect the situation on Earth. Spacefaring states tend to put their preferences to the most beneficial stakeholders possible. The United States, as the current hegemon in space exploration, has to share its partners on Earth, for instance, the European States, with rival states, such as China. Through a neorealist approach and secondary data collected from various sources, this paper advances that in line with the neorealist assumption, neither ideology nor traditional alliance shapes the international political posture, but rather rational consideration and ability to maximize national interests. In the end, this paper shows that the behavior among states in terms of space exploration related to defence is more varied, unlike the pattern of military competition that occurs on Earth. Choices and changes in the power structure in space are possible based on capability and strategic actions among competing spacefaring states.

Beyond Armed Competition: The Logic of Rebel Groups’ Alliance Formation

ABSTRACT Why do rebel groups decide to create alliances with other non-state armed groups? And with whom? The existing literature on alliance formation in civil wars is divided into two paradigms. The former paradigm is related to a neo-realist approach to power politics drawing from the International Relations literature on alliance formation. In contrast, the latter considers the role of ethnic and ideological constituencies in determining rebel groups’ preferences. These two paradigms of alliance formation, although non-competitive, can answer the previous questions in combination. This article aims to reframe the existing scholarship on alliance formation in civil wars and bridge the two paradigms by developing a typology based on the role of the coalition’s short- and long-term goals and its internal composition in terms of ethnicity and ideology. The typology also presents a more nuanced understanding of why and with whom rebel groups ally by identifying four types of configurations, differentiating between tactical and strategic alliances, and homogeneous and heterogeneous compositions. By reframing the existing literature within the paradigms mentioned above and bridging them with the typology, the article paves the way for future research, particularly by understanding how alliances might change and evolve during civil wars.

Role of Military Diplomacy in the PRC’s Foreign Policy in the South China Sea

The article is devoted to the peculiarities of military diplomacy as an instrument of China’s foreign policy aimed at achieving the goal of the “great revival of the Chinese nation.” A special role is given to the process of conceptualization of military diplomacy in the foreign policy discourse of the People’s Republic of China (PRC), which allowed the authors to identify the tasks and forms of this means of implementing foreign policy. The close connection of military diplomacy with ensuring the fundamental interests of the People’s Republic of China is noted. A special place is given to the region of Southeast Asia, where the PRC has unresolved disputes over maritime rights and national jurisdiction of offshore facilities and mineral deposits with several states. The authors assess the effectiveness of military diplomacy in bilateral relations with the countries of the region. The theoretical foundation of the work is the neorealist approach, which allows us to evaluate military diplomacy as a set of non-forceful measures aimed at achieving national interests. The authors conclude that the country and regional priorities in China’s military-diplomatic cooperation seem to correspond to the priorities of China’s broader foreign policy. The PRC’s intensive use of military diplomacy in the South China Sea demonstrates China’s growing leadership potential on the world stage and world-building ideas in neighboring regions.

Indo–French Defence Cooperation in the Light of Regional Security Balance in South Asia

The article aims to describe the regional security challenges to India in South Asia. Since the partition of India in 1947, the country has continuously been under external threat as a form of proxy warfare and terrorism. For this purpose, the article highlighted the core hotspots where India has major border issues with China in the Himalayan terrain. India has been facing a bigger security challenge from China and Pakistan in the South Asia region. This article analyses the defence ties between India and France in the context of security. India's neorealist approaches expand its strategic partnership in global politics. Therefore, India has been getting strategic support from the French side whenever India seeks support in a critical situation. The article uses the methods of case study and discourse analysis to answer the question and find out the study's relevance. As a result of severe security threats, India had to negotiate the purchase of defence equipment from France. India had to buy Rafael fighter jet, submarine and other heavy military weapons. Indo-French relations are stronger than in the past and will develop as friendly relations in the future.

Contrasting theoretical approaches to Turkish foreign policy

ABSTRACT This article introduces a Special Issue dedicated to applying international relations theories to Turkish foreign policy. More specifically, it contrasts structural or neo-realist approaches with ideational or constructivist ones, suggests general strengths and shortcomings in each, and briefly suggests how both might apply to TFP. It also introduces the eight substantive articles in the Special Issue.

Russian-Chinese cooperation and competition in Afghanistan and its implications for Central Asia

Background: This paper aims to explore current and perspective trends of relations between Russia and China in Afghanistan and Central Asia. It also analyzes whether the withdrawal of the U.S. and the subsequent Taliban takeover helped—and continues to help—strengthen the two powers' positions in the region and what kind of challenges and benefits they face. The paper examines the hypothesis that the U.S. troop withdrawal from Afghanistan and the Taliban's return to power added to Russia and China's benefits in the region. Methods: The research uses content analysis regarding official documents, political and military elite speeches, interviews, and reports to explain Russia and China’s official positions and policies regarding Afghanistan and Central Asia. Relations between the two powers as regards Afghanistan and Central Asia are comparatively analyzed. The paper uses the neorealist approach, which is fit for explaining relations between Russia and China in Afghanistan and Central Asia. Results: After the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan, regional security is now the business of the regional powers, mainly China and Russia. Now they should bear the responsibilities and share the burdens. There is probably more ground for competition after eliminating the threats in Afghanistan and especially in Central Asia for Moscow and Beijing. However, Russia and China will continue to try to align their interests in Afghanistan and Central Asia, especially if their relations with U.S. remain at the current level or worsen in the coming years. Conclusions: Based on the findings, this paper argues that, on the one hand, Russia and China continue to try to take advantage of the instability in the region by stepping up their security and economic influences in Central Asia. However, their stabilizing efforts in Afghanistan following the withdrawal of the U.S., ironically may increase competition between China and Russia.

Cooperation Regimes and Hegemonic Struggle: Opportunities and Challenges for Developing Countries

There is an increasing convergence in the international relations literature around the idea that changes in the world economy during the last decades are reshaping the international order; although the outcome of such a reconfiguration is yet unclear, many scholars argue that a dispute over global hegemony is already underway. At the same time, drawing on realist and neorealist approaches, international cooperation can be seen as a means to gain legitimacy and tighten alliances. In this framework, this article analyses three cooperation regimes as terrains of dispute to expand—or maintain—international leadership. The first, the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) Agenda, reflects mainly the attempt to maintain the legitimacy of the United Nations system and the multilateral institutions that make up the traditional cooperation regime. This framework still responds to Western interests, despite China’s efforts to contest and contain US influence. The second, South–South cooperation, wrapped up in the rhetoric of horizontality and common challenges, is the privileged terrain of middle powers and emerging countries, aiming at increasing regional influence. Finally, the third scheme, International Cooperation for Structural Transformation, is China’s new development doctrine and the fulcrum of its struggle to promote itself as a successful new model for global development. In my conclusions I reflect on the opportunities that the co-existence of different regimes offers for developing countries, as well as the challenges that they continue to face in their search for autonomous development paths.

France’s security strategy for the 21st century

After the end of the Cold War, France issued the first document defining its national security strategy only in 1994. In the following years, despite its involvement in NATO and European Union enlargement, France did not publish any documents defining its security strategy. Only when Europe and the world found themselves in the process of reconfiguration of the international order at the end of the first decade of the 21st century did France begin to issue extensive documents defining its defense and national security strategy. As international terrorism became the greatest threat to France, the first document published in 2006 dealt with its position regarding this global phenomenon. Subsequently, White Papers on Defense and National Security were published in 2008 and 2013, followed by the Strategic Review of Defense and National Security in 2017. These documents define threats and challenges to the security of France, as well as its goals, and means and methods for strengthening it. They make up a broad understanding of the security of the state, society and the individuals, and international security. They show the programming of France as a European and world power. The author draws attention to some similarities and differences with the national security strategy of the Russian Federation. The analysis is conducted using the neorealist approach.

Turkish Foreign Policy in a Neorealist Framework: Bilateral Relations Since 2016

AbstractIn the last five years, Turkish foreign policy in the regional and international arenas has followed a neorealist approach, mostly defensive, by establishing either cooperation or conflict with its allies, based on the dynamics of its domestic politics and the structure of the international system. Due especially to the coup attempt in 2016 and rising tension in Syria sparked by the activities of illegal groups, Turkey has usually followed a security‐oriented foreign policy to ensure national security and strengthen its strategic position within the framework of agreements in the military operations at its southern borders and its uncompromising principles regarding migration. The objective of this study is to analyze why Turkish foreign policy has followed a neorealist policy, by evaluating the bilateral relations with Turkey's core allies, the United States, Russia, and the European Union—ties that have survived at the highest level, even after the coup attempt and the Syrian conflict.

Pendekatan Neorealis terhadap Studi Keamanan Nasional

Neo-realist approach towards national security is still applicable even until now. The current changes in strategic environment of the world has just made living as a state even more complex. The ever-changing situation is growing rapidly, and the a certain strategic approaches is needed to fully grasp and deal with the situation. This article aims to describe the neoreailsm approach towards the study of national security. Content analysis method will be used in this article. According to Kenneth Waltz, power is the most important factor in international relations. The competition between states is just a product of the current structure of international system. From more than 20 articles referenced here, it can be summarized that changes in strategic environment is heavily affected by the latest industrial revolution. Thus, from neorealist approach, the security dilemma is even bigger than it was decades ago. New threats and opportunites come together and raised the bar even higher in modern times.Keywords: Neo-realism, National Security, security dilemma

Three Seas Project (3SI) and the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI): The Security Dimension

Purpose: The article uses the new AI geopolitics paradigm to analyze the Three Seas Initiative (3SI) in the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) initiative implemented by the PRC. The 3SI area is facing rising pressure resulting from the systemic rivalry between the PRC and the US and the field of the most advanced technologies. Design/Methodology/Approach: The authors adopt the neorealist approach, which focuses on the analysis of structural shifts in the distribution of material power among China and the US and their influence on states' behaviors. The article focuses on the consequences of changing the classical geopolitical paradigm to the artificial intelligence geopolitics paradigm because it is believed that it will play a vital role in the process of changing the international system, including transformations in the 3SI area. Findings: the US-China systemic rivalry increasingly focuses on the area of Artificial Intelligence and related technologies. As part of the security paradox, it implies structural tensions in the international system and a dynamic transformation of its space towards shaping a new geopolitical spatial paradigm that permanently integrates it with artificial intelligence technology. Practical implications: Given the dynamics of the processes that redefine the nature of the international rivalry and state sovereignty, it becomes imperative that 3SI countries develop a new, accurate strategic response to the danger of transforming the 3SI area as chronically unstable by transforming it into an area of tough competition between the US and the PRC. Originality/Value: The analysis provides a concise assessment of the dynamics of changing the nature of the geopolitical and technological rivalry between the US and China, as seen from the perspective of 3SI, and giving it a new character as a result of the emergence of a new artificial intelligence paradigm, and an insight into how this process may affect regional initiatives and frameworks.

Savunmacı Neo-Realist Bir Yaklaşımla İran-Hamas İlişkilerini Anlamak

This paper aims at understanding the dynamics behind the Iranian support for the Sunni Palestinian group Hamas by analyzing the mutual relations from a defensive neo-realist approach. The paper begins with a historical overview of Iran-Hamas relations and the periods that saw these relations being improved or deteriorated. It then addresses the defensive neo-realist approach in terms of the basic ideas proposed by Kenneth Waltz, the founder of the theory of neo-realism, and the differences between his view and the offensive approach suggested by John Mearsheimer and others. The third part of the paper examines the defensive neo-realist analysis on the relation between states and non-state actors by testing Iran as an inspector for soft power in the Sunni-majority region, and, the probable threat that can be defended by this relation. It also deals with the difficulties averting Iran from becoming the sole hegemon in the region and how Iran takes advantage of this relationship to maintain a dominant role in the Middle East and how the latest rapprochement between two Gulf countries and Israel would contribute to consolidate that relation.

US-China Technological Rivalry and its Implications for the Three Seas Initiative (3SI)

Purpose: The article aims to explore the motivations and balance of power in the US-China technological rivalry in the semiconductor and AI sectors. The secondary goal is to explain how changes in the distribution of power between China and the US affect the behaviors and security of the 3SI. Design/Methodology/Approach: The authors adopt the neorealist approach, which focuses on the analysis of structural shifts in the distribution of material power among China and the US and their influence on states' behaviors. The paper focuses on the semiconductor and Artificial Intelligence (AI) sectors as they are considered to play a crucial role in the economic development in the first half of the 21st century. Findings: Microprocessors and AI are identified as the key technologies for successful internal and external threat balancing, ensuring state security in the medium- and long-term. It is also argued that systemic US-China rivalry imposes structural stresses on the international system, and this process also exerts influence on the security in the 3SI region. Governments of 3SI are prompted to reduce the scale of cooperation with China by adopting a more restrictive approach toward the 5G procurement rules, digital infrastructure, and Foreign Direct Investment. China's rising technological capabilities serve as the primary motivation behind the US efforts to create the block of democratic digital economies oriented toward balancing China's rising power. Practical implications: Given the increasingly competitive nature of the international economy, it becomes imperative for state actors to promote the innovation-driven development which guarantees the advancement in Global Value Chains (GVCs) and sustained high growth rates. Originality/Value: The analysis provides a concise assessment of the state of technological rivalry between the US and China as well as insights into how this process may influence regional initiatives and frameworks.

American security strategy towards terrorism after September 11 attacks

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine evolution of the American strategy toward terrorism in the aftermath of the events of September 11, 2001. In other words, this study revolves around a key question: How and why the American security strategy toward terrorism evolved in the aftermath of the September 11 attacks in 2001? Based on the neorealist approach in international relations, this paper attempted to answer that question: first, through defining the concept of terrorism and how the Americans perceive it; second, via pinpointing the characteristic of the American counter-terrorism strategy before September 11 attacks; and third, through examining the effects of those terrorist attacks on that strategy. Design/methodology/approach The nature of the subject of this study calls for reliance on the analytical descriptive approach to highlight the role and strategy of the USA in the fight against terrorism following the events of September 11, in addition to the use of the system analysis methodology, which can identify the inputs and outputs of the system that had an impact in formulating the US counter-terrorism strategy. Findings This study has come up with seven findings. The first finding was that the 9/11 attacks served as a turning point of the US counter-terrorism strategy and restructured its agenda. Confronting the communist threat had been its primary objective, until terrorism came to the fore and became its first and foremost priority. The USA vowed that terrorism is its enemy and waged the war on terror to thwart its risk as a global threat. The second finding revolves around the idea of double standards in the American foreign policy. True to its long-standing tradition of favoring its own interests, in complete disregard of the interests of any other party, the USA continued to uphold the double-standards policy. Originality/value This study adds a new study to the Arab Library in the field of counter-terrorism studies, national security strategies and American foreign policy. In addition, the researcher seeks to complete the scientific effort to study the US strategy against terrorism, with a clear impact on the development of the situation in the region. This study contributes to the study of how one of the great powers in the international system, the USA, deals with the terrorist organizations that have become widespread in the Arab region.

President Duterte’s bicephalous leadership: Populist at home – pragmatic abroad

Rodrigo Duterte won the Philippines’ 2016 presidential elections thanks to a well-orchestrated campaign and his populist appeal among Filipinos. Soon after he assumed the presidency, he surprised and upset most of his domestic and western international audiences by pragmatically rejecting the pro-Western approach followed by the previous Aquino administration and adopting a China-friendly one. Adopting Critical Discourse Analysis, this research reveals President Duterte’s bicephalous leadership: populist in domestic policies, and pragmatic but unpopular in foreign relations. To qualitatively describe the dichotomy between the populist and pragmatic nature of Duterte’s leadership, this article surveys the Philippines’ mainstream media from 2016 to 2019. Furthermore, this analysis shows that Duterte is using a defensive neorealist approach in building Philippines-China relations and that Filipinos are willing to consider China as a constructive partner for their country.

British Naval Aviation 1908-1914: A Case Study of Military Innovation

This paper examines the development of British naval aviation in the period 1908 to 1914 in the light of modern theories of military innovation. The case is of particular interest because it took place in peacetime in a force which had enjoyed global supremacy for a century, strong contra-indications of the inclination and the capacity for organisational change. The case study examines the development of British naval aviation along two dimensions of innovation: strategy and technology. The analytical tools are the four schools of ‘Military Innovation Theory’ as identified by Grissom. The evidence is derived from the relatively limited body of secondary material and the archives of the Admiralty, the Air Ministry and the Cabinet. The evidence from these sources seems to indicate that what Grissom refers to as the ‘civil military’ theory is the most persuasive. This theory was originated by Posen in 1984 and relies heavily on neo-realist approaches to international relations. It holds that while the default position of the military is conservative, the international environment generates challenges which prompt political leaders to insist the military respond. The decisions of the Liberal Government, and especially of Churchill from 1911, seem to reflect this position. The other theory which offers some purchase is the ‘cultural’ theory which Grissom associates with Theo Farrell. In this theory the behaviour of the military is determined by values and traditions. In the case of the Royal Navy, the officer corps was technically oriented as a result of education and experience and this facilitated the development of naval aviation. The paper demonstrates that by itself, naval technical competence would not have brought the naval air service to the relatively high level it had attained by August 1914. That required the intervention of the civil authorities responding in the fashion prescribed by the civil military theory. Culture was facilitative but the neo-realist processes were determinative.

Azerbaijan’s foreign policy towards Russia since independence: compromise achieved

ABSTRACTDiscussions of post-Soviet countries’ policies towards Russia have been largely dominated by two mainstream neorealist approaches on states’ alignment choices – balancing and bandwagoning. While the first pattern entails allying against the primary source of threat, the second one opts for allying with the source of principal danger. By means of a case study, this article argues that the balancing-bandwagoning dichotomy is too simplistic in the case of Azerbaijan, which represents another possible paradigm. The research addresses the following question: what is the foreign policy model undertaken by modern Azerbaijan in its relations with Russia? To do so, it refers not only to the neorealist and neoclassical realist theories but also to the notion of national role conception. The article concludes that since 1993 Azerbaijan has pursued a middle-ground foreign policy orientation – strategic hedging – vis-à-vis Russia. Such a multi-tiered hedging behavior, which encompasses elements of both balancing and bandwagoning, has been driven mainly by national security concerns. Meanwhile, the country’s vast oil and gas resources, as well as its non-bloc geopolitical identity, have determined the somewhat ‘distant-from-Russia’ foreign policy orientation of post-Soviet Azerbaijan.