Neighboring Tribes Research Articles

Social service delivery for senior citizens in rural Philippines and secrets to longevity of Apo Whang-od

Access to social services such as healthcare, transportation, and financial support can be limited, leaving many elderly individuals vulnerable to poverty and social exclusion. This paper examined the recent elderly demographics, status of social service delivery, the roles of traditional and cultural practices, and specific challenges faced by older persons in rural areas, using the case of Apo Whang-od and her community, Buscalan that is in the municipality of Tinglayan, Province of Kalinga, Philippines. Using a mixed methods approach, this paper revealed that almost 11% of Tinglayan’s population is elderly, mostly indigenous people with a relatively low literacy rate, and low-income earners who are engaged mostly in subsistence farming and small-scale traditional craft making. Also, there are substantial government programs and services offered by existing laws; however, access to these is challenged by limited access to education and healthcare services, with long travel distances and a lack of transportation being major barriers. Financial difficulties were also observed, with no or few having access to social security benefits and reasonable amounts of pensions. The challenges can also be attributed to an unfavorable geographical location, conflicts with neighboring tribes, limited local government funds, lack of knowledge, and inadequate social service centers within the locality. Tinglayan’s cultural values were also found to play a pivotal role in supplementing the scarce social services by fostering a supportive atmosphere for the elderly. Analysing Apo-Whag-od's longevity, it was revealed that she lived a longer life because she ate organic and locally sourced food, slept well, laughed a lot, engaged in regular physical activity, nurtured her spiritual well-being, built strong relationships with her family and community, and kept a positive outlook. In conclusion, social demographics shows that elderlies in rural areas are disadvantaged, which calls for more efficient and effective access, delivery, and availability of social services. Moreover, policymakers are enjoined to accelerate social infrastructures, expand social protection programs, and support intergenerational solidarity and resilience and cultural preservation. Lastly, Apo Whang-od’s legacy lives on. Her popularity not only gained revitalization of the Kalinga tattoo culture, but it also inspired people to follow her steps to longer and happier way of life.

Gifted Earth: The Ethnobotany of the Quinault and Neighboring Tribes by Douglas Deur

Reviewed by: Gifted Earth: The Ethnobotany of the Quinault and Neighboring Tribes by Douglas Deur David Harrelson GIFTED EARTH: THE ETHNOBOTANY OF THE QUINAULT AND NEIGHBORING TRIBES by Douglas Deur and the Knowledge-Holders of the Quinault Indian Nation Oregon Sate University Press, Corvallis, 2022. Photographs, maps, bibliography, index. 272 pages. $29.95 paper. The author’s collaboration with Quinault Tribal Government and its citizens has created a field guide conveying aspects of human-plant relationships and cultural obligations known to the Quinault people. This compilation is presented as a gift to the Tribe, insuring that the lessons, responsibilities, and practices of stewardship are available for future generations. In the author’s words: “By respecting this natural and cultural inheritance, and by continuing to learn of it and embrace it, countless future generations of Quinault people will be sustained, along with their new neighbors in the Pacific Northwest — This place we together call home” (p. xvii). This volume is centered on the point where Indigenous voice, knowledge, and responsibilities intersect with the floral-botanical world of southwest Washington State. In this manner, it distinguishes itself from many other field guides catering to a Euro-American extractive approach to floral resources. Readers are invited into an understanding of People’s and Tribe’s interaction with plants today as the result of relevant, ongoing, cultural practice. Prior to this guide, readers with a desire to understand the region’s Indigenous botanical information turned to Erna Gunther’s Ethno-botany of Western Washington: Knowledge and Use of Indigenous Plants by Native Americans, a volume with inconstancies in tribal understanding of the flora of the region. It is commonly known among tribal people that Gunther’s book was based on anthropological work done with tribal peoples that was not focused on ethnobotany. In refreshing contrast, this book is the outcome of ethnobotanical research conducted in partnership with tribal people. Indigenous voices are present throughout as direct and relevant citations from community. This volume follows a trend seen elsewhere by which publication of ethnobotanical information is understood to be the information and authority of sovereign tribal governments. It is theirs to share, translate, or limit to outside audiences. This is significant because voices of Indigenous peoples and their nations have long been seen as an extractive commodity by which uninvited authors reap personal benefit. This volume, however, upholds the best intentions of collaborative informed consent centered on Indigenous understanding and intellectual property. It is important to note [End Page 99] that the monetary value of time for this project sponsored by Quinault as well as volunteered by others is unlikely to be recaptured within a person’s lifetime. The value of this work is an assurance that the knowledge will not be forgotten. Gifted Earth will be of interest to future generations of the Quinault people. Other audiences who will find interest in this volume include Quinault’s neighbors in the Pacific Northwest. Neighbors who are likely to find the greatest interest are those engaged in conservation, applied anthropology, and botany. The guide’s color-coded section tabs make identifying sections of the book accessible. Headings such as “Traditional uses,” “What it looks like,” “Where to find it,” “When to gather,” “Traditional management and care,” and “Cautions” encourage readers to develop their own understanding of plants. It is clear that Douglas Deur and Quinault staff gave deliberate care and consideration to responsibly sharing cultural knowledge regarding the treatment and transmission of the Tribe’s intellectual property. Sensitive information has been paraphrased or redacted and numerous warnings and advisories provided. Nevertheless, this guide is likely to be of interest to individuals identified by tribal communities as culture vultures. This term is reserved for the type of person who seeks cultural information from tribes to fulfill their own selfish needs, profits, or other extractive practices. Those who choose this path disregard relationships, customs, responsibilities, or obligations associated with knowledge. They do not seek to be in a reciprocal relationship with the people from whom the knowledge originates, nor the plant communities depended on. Individuals using this book can honor what is asked of them in the book: “The tribe chooses to share this information so that the...

The Narrator’s Words are Not the Last Word: Four Perspectives on the Gold Calf Episode

ABSTRACT The traditional interpretation of the golden calf episode takes the narrator’s picture to be the whole story. By uncovering the different ways in which Moses, Aaron, the Israelites, and the neighboring tribes think about the episode, I show that the narrator’s picture is just one of several perspectives offered by the text. Relying solely on the narrator leaves the reader with interpretive puzzles and unsavory lessons. My interpretation shows the episode to be more nuanced than the tradition recognizes, resolves these puzzles, and replaces the repugnant lessons with reasonable ones.

For a novel identification of the ‘first palace of the kings of Egrisi’ in Nokalakevi-Archaeopolis

Because of the complicated foreign policy in the fourth century (regular attacks of the Goths and Huns on Roman Empire, the rise of Persia and subordination of Kartli, Armenia and Albania), Rome was unable to exert proper control over its eastern provinces, including the eastern Black Sea coast and, accordingly, it was compelled to put up with the Lazis becoming more and more active in western Georgia [Muskhelishvili 2012:39]. Apparently, the Lazis evaluated the existing situation properly and gradually made their neighboring tribes of the Apsils, Abazgs and Sanigs subordinate to them [Lomouri 2011:119-120]. Unification of the western Georgian tribes by the Lazis and formation of a strong kingdom was in the interests of the Roman Empire too. Scholars suggest that Rome encouraged this process, rather than hindering it, because presence of a strong kingdom in western Georgia which had control over various passes and fortified cities on the Black Sea coast would serve as a defensive barrier for eastern provinces of Rome from northern nomadic tribes [Melikishvili 1970:556-557; Lomouri 2011:120; Muskhelishvili 2012:39]. Procopius of Caesarea puts special emphasis on this situation. According to him, “For the barbarians inhabiting the Caucasus Lazika is just an obstacle” [Procopius of Caesarea 1965:94]. Thus, from the third century, the Lazis gradually annexed the tribes residing in western Georgia and laid foundation for the kingdom of Lazika (Egrisi), whose borders approximately fell within the limits of western Georgia (Fig. 1). The king of Lazika had subordinated the neighboring tribes, but, on the other hand, formally it was a vassal of the Roman (Byzantine) emperor. According to Procopius of Caesarea, the Lazis “were Romans’ subordinate, but they did not pay any tribute or submit to them. The only thing they did was that when their king died, the Roman king would send an heir to the throne, or the symbol of power, to them. The latter would rigorously protect the borders of this country together with his subordinates so that the hostile Hunns would be unable to invade Roman lands from the Lazis’ bordering Caucasus Mountains passing through Lazika. They firmly protected them without getting any money or army from the Romans and did not go to war with the Romans either [Procopius of Caesarea 1965:72-73]. It is obvious that despite gaining factual independence, Romans still had considerable influence on western Georgia. It is not surprising - from the first century BC, after Pompey campaigned against Colchis and later (in the first-second cc AD) Rome deployed garrisons on the Black Sea coast, Rome gained a firm foothold in western Georgia. Analysis of archaeological material shows that this influence was not only political, but economic and cultural as well. For instance, the inland area of western Georgia yielded a large number of Roman coins of the first three centuries of the common era. Among them remarkable is a hoard of silver coins of the second-third centuries (907 items) discovered in Village Eki (Senaki Municipality) in 1971. It included a drachma of King Orod II of Parthia (57-38) and didrachmas and denarii minted in the names of Roman emperors Nerva, Trajan, Adrian, Antoninus Pius, Lucius Verus, Commodus, Pertinax, Niger, Septimius Severus and so on. 774 coins of the Eki hoard are struck in the mint of Caesarea, 131 – in the mints of Rome and those of the eastern provinces of Roman Empire, and the rest – in other provinces [G. Dundua, V. Tsirghvava 1971:42:45]. This and other contemporaneous discoveries prove that in the late Roman period Roman influence in western Georgia, especially in its western regions, was really strong.

DONETSK MINING AND METALLURGICAL CENTER AND PRODUCTION HUBS OF THE EASTERN EUROPEAN STEPPE OF THE BRONZE AGE: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF PRODUCTION ACTIVITIES

Large-scale works have been carried out at the beginning of this century on the background of the set of Bronze Age monuments in the zone of Kartamysh copper ore occurrence in the Bakhmut basin of Donbass. Taking into account some previously researched monuments of mining and metallurgical activities within other ore occurrences of the Donetsk ridge, those works enable to compare the monuments of the Donetsk Mining and Metallurgical Center (DMMC) with other specialized monuments of Srubnaya cultural community in the copper ore territories of the Eastern European steppe.
 The monuments of Kartamysh archaeological microdistrict, as well as the other monuments of the Donetsk mining and metallurgical center, located in the zone of copper ore occurrences in the Bakhmut basin of Donbass, give evidences of all the cycles of ancient metal production. The majority of them are the evidence of the mining and ore-dressing cycle. Thus, the considerable volumes of mined and dressed ore, found in Kartamysh, as well as in other ore occurrences of the Bakhmut basin, currently suggest that the monuments in the ore territory of Donbass mainly operate within mining system. Similar specialization is observed in other mining and metallurgical areas in Eastern Europe, such as Mikhailo-Ovsyanka (Povolzhye) and Kargaly (South Ural). A feature of the DMMC is far lesser intensity of metallurgy and metalworking in its cultural frames. Limited range of DMMC monuments indicate that the production of metal products was focused only on domestic consumption.
 Fracturing of the Donbass bedrock, in contrast to the monolithic bedrock of Povolzhye, and especially to the Southern Urals, facilitated the effective use of stone tools in the process of mining. In the MMC, operating within the eastern production zone of the Srubnaya cultural community (Mikhailo-Ovsyanka, Kargaly), miners and metallurgists had to develop metallurgy more actively, since the features of geology in these regions required the use of metal tools to extract copper ores. Obviously, this circumstance explains a large number of end fragments of metal pickaxes found at Kargaly, as well as casting molds for casting these tools.
 The functioning of the full-scale cycle of ancient metal production and even visually recorded scale of ancient mining activity in the zone of copper ore occurrences of the Bakhmut basin gives reasons to assert the existence of mining and metallurgical center focused on large-scale production in the Donetsk Ridge in the Bronze Age. The main products of the DMMC were not metal items or even ingots, as it had been considered previously, but enriched copper ore (concentrate) as raw material for metallurgical production.
 Enriched ore was the commodity to be exchanged by the miners and metallurgists of the Donetsk center. It could be possibly done via professional traders with neighboring and distant tribes, and was exchanged for livestock and agriculture products, as well as for various household items.
 The analysis, carried out in the paper, proves that other mining and metallurgical complexes of the Eastern European steppe (Kargaly, Mikhailo-Ovsyanka), which had been previously explored, also operated at the same time and in similar to the DMMC production system.

Traditional Tribal Conflicts in Darfur Reasons and Seasons

This research paper focused on the traditional tribal conflicts in Darfur, especially in the period following the independence of Sudan in 1956, which was dated from (1965-2002) in terms of their causes, and the role of conflict over scarce and diminishing resources in the friction between pastoralists and farmers, as well. The paper explained the most important areas in which conflicts are always took place, and why. The researcher explained the reasons for the development of these conflicts and the parties and elements that pitting them and cause them to expand. The paper addressed the roles played by the government, traditional civil administration and the neighboring tribes in mediating between the conflicting tribes. The paper also dealt with the local means taken from local heritage and custom, and the experience of this to resolve conflicts in Darfur and their effectiveness in tribal reconciliation, coupled with the most important tools acceptable to stabilize reconciliation, and ensure acceptance and non-reversal.The researcher conducted a questionnaire containing 400, (360 sound research samples), randomly selected from the geographical field of research , included different ages, gender, educational levels and professions, who were directly involved in or witnessed the conflicts.The researcher used the SWOT Analysis model, as the most suitable method of analysis in this type of research papers and through its findings from the analysis has been proposed a general framework for the life cycle of traditional tribal conflict in Darfur. Keywords: Intellectuals, Politicians, Traditional civil administration, Government institutions, Unlicensed light weapons . DOI : 10.7176/JEP/10-32-11 Publication date: November 30 th 2019

On whether 'Doboro' was a fourth Kuliak language

Wayland’s (1931) description of a northeastern Ugandan people called the ‘Wanderobo’ includes thirty-eight ‘Dorobo’ words, many of which resemble words in Ik, the last thriving member of the Kuliak (Rub) subgroup. Because of this resemblance, it has been speculated that ‘Dorobo’ might have been a fourth, now extinct Kuliak language (e.g. Heine 1976). Unfortunately, this notion has persisted in the literature up to recent times. This paper examines the information found in Wayland 1931 from several perspectives to argue that ‘Dorobo’ was at most a dialect of Ik, not a separate language. From an anthropological perspective, the ‘Wanderobo’ that Wayland described match in many ways the Ik of today. From a sociolinguistic perspective, the Ik living today in the area visited by Wayland are often mixed with members of other neighboring tribes, such as the Dodoth or Toposa (Eastern Nilotic). Thus it is likely that the Ik were mixed up with them in the 1930s as well. Furthermore, the linguistic data may be unreliable: Wayland was not a linguist, and his transcriptions were adversely affected by having been acquired through interpreters speaking only broken Swahili. These three strands of evidence coincide to render the 1931 document insufficient evidence on which to establish a ‘Dorobo’ language.

Land of the Tejas: Native American Identity and Interaction in Texas, A.D. 1300 to 1700 by John Wesley Arnn III (review)

Reviewed by: Land of the Tejas: Native American Identity and Interaction in Texas, A.D. 1300 to 1700 by John Wesley Arnn III Bob D. Skiles Land of the Tejas: Native American Identity and Interaction in Texas, A.D. 1300 to 1700. By John Wesley Arnn III. (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2012. Pp. 316. Illustrations, figures, maps, sources, index. ISBN 9780292728738, $55.00 cloth.) This is a book with a very misleading title, from which scholars of Texas history and archaeology might entertain the expectation of reading about the Caddo Indians of eastern Texas. Instead, one is presented a reworked doctoral dissertation filled with obscure anthropological theorizing on an archaeological construct known as the Toyah phase. The Toyah phase, dating from A.D. 1300-1700, is situated in central, southern, and western Texas, and does not overlap even partially, culturally or geographically, the "Land of the Tejas." The author's inappropriate title selection is apparently based partially on his liking for a childhood book of similar title (Texas: the Land of the Tejas by Siddie Joe Johnson, 1943.), and upon a misreading of poorly translated statements from 1691 of Fray Francisco Casañas de Jesus Maria. The reverend father's purpose was to debunk the erroneous impression that earlier religious chroniclers had promulgated, namely that the Caddo Indians of eastern Texas represented a kingdom, wherein he defines the word "Tejias" (also Texias or Tejas, now Texas, pronounced tay-shas) as a Hasinai or southern Caddo word meaning "friends. "Actually, the term is more aptly interpreted as a diplomatic plea for peaceful relations rather than a declaration of friendship, namely: "let us be at peace," "let us not fight," or even "let us be friendly." However imprecisely Casañas construed the term, the interpretation of his definition is unequivocal, and does not leave any wiggle-room that would justify Arnn's inference of "ally" in the definition. [End Page 420] Largely if not solely based on Casañas' possible listing of the Jumano Indians among the allies of the Hasinai, and the Jumano likely being one of the constituent buffalo-hunting tribes that deposited the material culture archaeologists have defined as representing evidence of the Toyah phase, Arnn makes a huge leap of faith in postulating a vast Tejias Alliance, and then feels justified in appropriating and broad-brushing most of Texas (except anywhere the Hasinai Caddo lived), with the moniker "Land of the Tejas." Further, the primary informant on the period, a Jumano trader named Juan Sabeata (also known as Xaviata) by the Spaniards, consistently referred to the Tejas or Hasinai Caddo as being friendly, and trading partners, but clearly different from Jumano, and he never averred they were allies. The designation "land of the Tejas" has been heretofore well-settled among historical and archaeological scholars as lying east of the Trinity River in the homeland of the Hasinai Caddo. Arnn's attempt to redefine the term to blanket the Toyah phase is unsettling and unjustified. I have no doubt that Caddo tribal elders would be offended by the misrepresentative title of this book and would consider it another in a long list of attempts to appropriate their national patrimony and diminish the cultural identity of their people. The cover blurb claims that "Land of the Tejas examines a full scope of previously overlooked details." But I found that it rather overlooks many previously examined important details. If you are interested in the archaeological construct known as the Toyah phase, then this book presents a fair overview of it. Arnn presents the Toyah peoples as groups of hunter-gatherers, mobile foragers who had become particularly well-adapted to the changing vagaries of the generally harsh environments of their territory over a four-hundred-year period, and who were socially adept in dealing with neighboring tribes. He presents convincing arguments that various Toyah groups had distinct social identities and were engaged in friendly social relationships with neighboring native groups on all sides; but I believe he falls far short of demonstrating that the Toyah peoples were part of an alliance. He also cannot justify appropriation of the well-settled appellation "Land of the Tejas" for this hypothetical construct. Bob D...

Raids made out by the Lushai Tribes in the Tea Gardens of Cachar during the Colonial Period: A Study on the Historical Perspective.

In this paper, an attempt has been made to discuss the impact of the large scale expansion of tea cultivation started by the European Entrepreneurs during the colonial period in Cachar, which affected the neighboring tribes, especially like the Kukis and Lushais, their social and economic conditions. This resulted in the constant raids of the neighboring tribes on the tea gardens of plains area of Cachar Valley. The nature of their raiding was burning villages, kidnapping and killing people. The name of the tea gardens of Cachar that the tribes were attacked, were – Rupcherra (1849), Adampore (1862), Chandraipur (1863), Loharbond (1868), Monierkhal (1869), Ainakhal (1871), Alexandrapur (1871), Katlicherra (1871), Dharmikhal (1871), Nagdirgram (1871), Jhallancherra (1871), Baruncherra (1892) and Baladan Tea Estate (1893). These raids executed by the Lushais ultimately led to the British Government to take severe measures with regards to them which ultimately brought the Lushai tribes under British regime on 27 January, 1898.

From Chicaza to Chickasaw: The European Invasion and the Transformation of the Mississippian World, 1540-1715

Scholars once referred to the years spanning 1540 to 1715 as part of the forgotten centuries in the Native American history of the South. In recent years, however, archaeologists, anthropologists, and historians have shed more light on this period's history, and Robbie Ethridge has done a service in compiling and synthesizing all the new work into one much-needed volume. She has also contributed some original research of her own, and the book as a whole represents a refreshing conceptualization. Ethridge's theme is one of transformation: she shows how southern Native Americans, from Mississippian times to the early eighteenth century, changed and restructured their societies under the weight of a European invasion. Within what she calls the Mississippian shatter zone, natives faced the devastating Hernando de Soto expedition in the 1540s, the advent of horrific Old World diseases, the introduction of the Spanish mission system, and periodic entanglement in colonial wars as the Spanish, French, and English fought for control of the region. Yet Ethridge claims that European trade, notably the Indian slave trade, served as the most destructive force and greatest impetus for change among southern natives. She helps illustrate this fact by using the Chickasaws—descendants of the Mississippian chiefdom of Chicaza—as a focus group. In reaction to the turmoil going on around them and the need for European trade goods (including guns), the Chickasaws became a “militaristic slaving society” (p. 155), preying on neighboring tribes to supply the Europeans with captive laborers. Here Ethridge makes another important contribution to our understanding of Indian life in the South by tying the collapse of the Mississippian chiefdoms and the creation of the coalescent Indian confederacies of the eighteenth century—including Choctaws, Creeks, and Chickasaws—to the emerging world economy in which the South was a “strategic outpost” supplying the core capitalist countries of Europe, most notably England, with “labor and resources” (p. 90). Too often, historians have neglected the world systems concept as an integrating technique that enables world and American history to be linked together for a better understanding of each.

Livelihood Challenges and Strategies: The Valmikis of Eastern Ghats

Eastern Ghats are inhabited by numerous tribal groups. Prominent among them in the north coastal districts of Andhra Pradesh are: Bagathas, Konda Doras, Jatapus, Savaras, Gadabas, Porjas, Khonds and Valmikis. Tribals usually have to constantly cope up with different trying situations exacerbated by scarcity of food, poverty, ill-health, lack of information and illiteracy etc., and they face these challenges working out their own strategies which are naive in some instances and innovative in others. Valmiki is an interesting case in this context. Valmikis are placed at the lowest in the tribal hierarchy. They have a social status equivalent to that of the Dalits of the plains areas. Of late, they could progress astonishingly well in all areas of social and economic life much better than all the other neighboring tribes. Petty trade and Money lending business, which established a sound economic base for them, were to a large extent responsible for their phenomenal progress. With better economic status, they could improve their educational status and eventually started donning political roles. At present, with their emergence as leaders in different areas, they are even competing with the Bagathas, the dominant priestly tribe, in economic and political domains. This paper illustrates the success story of Valmikis, vis-a-vis other tribals, despite many structural disadvantages, over three generations bringing out the role of tribal values and attitudes in exploiting the resources available in their environment. The strategies adopted in this context are three fold viz., adhering to traditional roles and performances, building strong economic base through education and occupying political roles.

Diabetes in Montana's Indians: the epidemiology of diabetes in the Indians of the Northern Plains and Canada.

The prevalence of diabetes is two- to threefold higher in American Indians in Montana compared with the non-Indian population. High rates of diabetes have also been described in Canadian aboriginal populations closely related to the tribes in Montana. Diabetes in pregnancy has increased among Indian mothers and high-birth-weight babies are increasingly likely to be born to Indian mothers with diabetes in pregnancy. Over 70% of the incident cases of diabetes in youth less than 20 years of age on the reservations have the clinical characteristics of type 2 diabetes. Cardiovascular disease mortality rates are high among Indians in Montana, and the prevalence of smoking in the Indian populations of Montana and the neighboring tribes in Canada is remarkably high. Indians in Montana are more likely than non-Indians of similar age to believe that diabetes is preventable and to recall advice about diabetes risk.

Music and Culture History among the Yurok and Neighboring Tribes of Northwestern California

As George Herzog (1935) once observed, repertories of Indian music are not typically homogeneous, but rather they usually contain "foreign elements" and "survivals" as well as songs in the predominant style. This presents serious difficulties for the generalist who seeks to define the music of a given tribe or culture area in unambiguous terms, but it also suggests interesting possibilities for the scholar who takes a historical approach. This study isolates the various "strains" or substyles in a large corpus of recordings collected among the Yurok, Hupa, and Karok Indians between 1900 and 1980 and speculates on what each seems to represent in terms of local culture history and in the broader sphere of North American Indian music. Besides what it accomplishes from an interpretive perspective, this paper demonstrates the shortcomings in our standard (synchronic) approach to Indian music and proposes a diachronic model for future comparative studies.

A Strategy for Agricultural Development

Once upon a time in the land of Halcyon there lived a tribe of warm blooded mammals whose members called themselves Development Economists. Their numbers were small but the neighboring tribes on whom they preyed respected their eloquence and cunning. Lacking the means to respond, they came to accept the suzerainty of Devecon (as the Development Economist was known) in all matters related to the quality of life. Now all tribes in the region were engaged in a desperate search for the fabled city called Prosperity, wherein lay buried vast stores of wealth: malleable capital enough to satisfy the wildest dream of the poverty stricken tribesmen. One day a great cheer arose from within the wall of the Devecon encampment and its echoes drifting through the surrounding countryside brought the other tribes helter skelter to the gates of Economy, as the citadel of Devecon's was called. As the assembled horde waited in tense anticipation, the chief of the Devecons appeared in their midst. There he stood seven feet tall, resplendent in silk, his swarthy features flushed, eyes ablaze. Then he raised his arms and shouted We have discovered a new route to Prosperity and we are going to call it Economic Progress. For a moment the people were struck dumb, but the next minute the firmament rang to their exultant cries. For weeks after the tribute flowed to the camp of the Devecon as grateful tribesmen from miles around came forward to applaud the wondrous feat of the Devecon. Two decades passed with the Devecons riding the crest of popularity. Wherever they went the people greeted them with open arms and showered them with grants-a word used by the Devecon to denote gift. Economy grew into a booming city. Seminars and other gatherings were happy events with much toasting and spilling of ink-a ritual immensely popular among the Devecon. Nobody had yet glimpsed the Insurmountable Obstacles on the path to Prosperity and the Devecons enjoyed the bliss of ignorance. They turned a deaf ear to the muted rumblings of other tribesmen and shrugged off the slight decline in tribute.

Stone Mauls of the Northwest Plains Region

Distinct types of grooved stone mauls are so common in the northwest prairie states that they deserve a brief description.South Dakota appears to be about the center of the area in which they are found. They are common in North Dakota and the southwest corner of Minnesota, the northwestern part of Iowa, Nebraska, and the eastern parts of Wyoming and Montana. Those found outside of the above area were probably exchange pieces traded with neighboring tribes. These stone mauls seem to be as common in the northwest prairie states as the grooved stone ax is in the woodland region southeastward. In the earlier days they were commonly used as door stops in the cabins of the pioneers; farmers fastened two together with rope or wire and used them as windbreaks on hay and grain stacks. Every private collection contains several, and nearly four hundred have accumulated in the University of South Dakota Museum without special effort to collect them.