National Citizenship Research Articles

On the move: social and linguistic acculturation in a small society

Abstract This study examines the ways in which non-nationals in the Republic of Cyprus perceive the phenomenon of acculturation, and looks at the factors that affect their integration. Our methodology comprised questionnaires and interviews to collect data, which we then interpreted through discourse analysis. Our findings include some expected results; namely, that immigrants’ perception of their status in Cyprus society is largely affected, and mainly negatively, by their degree of fluency in the local language (Greek), as this strongly impacts their social networks and thus opportunities for integration. However, there are other influential factors, such as socioeconomic status, mother tongue (L1) and ethnicity, and a willingness to integrate. Interestingly, the feeling of being integrated is also related to formal procedures, such as having the national citizenship and holding a Cyprus passport.

Citizenship

As a result of increased mobility and restrictive immigration policies in Europe, a growing number of people live in conditional and deportable positions with only limited social rights and access to welfare services. In this keyword, we discuss how the conception of national citizenship that underpins immigration and welfare regimes affects the position of non-citizens, with a particular focus on legal status as an instrument of hierarchisation and social marginalisation in European societies. Immigration systems create hierarchies and divisions by establishing different legal statuses for non-citizens, with wider implications for their position in society. Legal status has become a significant factor in social exclusion and marginality in European societies, intersecting with race, class, gender, and ethnicity to (re)produce social disadvantages. At the same time, migrants’ struggles are situated along the same historical continuum as other previously excluded and marginalised groups, revealing inherent contradictions related to citizenship in modern nation-states and challenging the boundaries of citizenship from the inside.

La formación inicial del profesorado de primaria en educación para la ciudadanía. Estudio de casos en Latinoamérica

This article identifies, analyzes and interprets what happens with citizenship education in the initial training of generalist teachers, in university programs in Latin America. The methodological strategy is the documentary analysis of the citizenship education curriculum in three academic programs in Chile, Argentina and Colombia, which train primary school teachers and who agree to participate voluntarily in the study. The results identify that the purposes and objectives of the programs for the initial training of generalist teachers focus on global citizenship. In the study plans, the contents planned for teaching the area are few and focused on theoretical concepts related to national citizenship, which do not favor the development of critical thinking or the political training of teachers, which are essential aspects to train students future teachers and transformative intellectuals (Giroux, 2006). The analysis concludes that general teachers are not being trained to educate primary school boys and girls as critical and democratic citizens. Academic programs have the challenge of proposing problematizing curricula, in which future teachers acquire the professional skills to analyze and understand the complexity and interdisciplinarity of social knowledge and, to guide the area of ​​citizenship in primary education in the construction of democratic culture and social justice.

Intergenerational Testimonials and the Politics of Black Cherokee Belonging

Abstract This article extends Tiya Miles’s study on the Black Cherokee Shoe Boots family by reading the legal documents they submitted to the Cherokee Nation—citizenship applications and land deeds as intergenerational testimonials. These documents, the article argues, constitute intergenerational testimonials because they record how the Shoe Boots family produced their own archive, their own print record across time and for future generations, as one strategy to build a livable world within and on Cherokee lands. As intergenerational testimonials, they transmit histories of unfinished familial claims and materially contain the fragmentary echoes of a collective set of desires. These testimonials refuse a racial and colonial conception of belonging. The article argues that the collaborative political labor of submitting claims captures the plurality of expression in the documents. What appears as an individual claim, the article contends, is instead linked to a network of familial ties. Put another way, the article reads the use of “I” in a family member’s citizenship application, for example, as constituting a collective utterance that embeds the desires of family members, whether living, lost, or dead.

Kosningar, lýðræði og fatlað fólk

Kosningaréttur er grundvallarréttur þegna í lýðræðisríkjum og þátttaka í kosningum álitin ein af mikilvægustu athöfnum borgaranna. Þó að þessi réttindi skuli tryggð öllum þegnum sýna alþjóðlegar rannsóknir að fatlað fólk er víða útilokað frá þátttöku í kosningum. Fatlað fólk er síður líklegt til að kjósa en ófatlað fólk og mætir iðulega ýmsum hindrunum ef það reynir að taka þátt í kosningum. Þessi grein fjallar um kosningaþátttöku fatlaðs fólks með hliðsjón af niðurstöðum alþjóðlegra rannsókna. Í upphafi eru raktar helstu hindranir í vegi kosningaþátttöku fatlaðs fólks og leitast við að svara hvaða áhrif þessar hindranir hafi, ekki aðeins fyrir fatlaða borgara, heldur jafnframt hvað það þýði fyrir heilbrigði lýðræðis og lýðræðislegra stofnana þegar hluti þegnanna mætir alvarlegum hindrunum varðandi borgaraleg grundvallarréttindi. Íslenskar rannsóknir á þessu sviði eru ekki fyrir hendi og engin skipuleg tölfræðileg gögn eru til varðandi þátttöku fatlaðs fólks í kosningum eða stjórnmálum hér á landi. Byggt á gögnum sem aflað var hjá tveimur fjölmennustu heildarsamtökum fatlaðs fólks hér á landi er rýnt í reynslu, aðstæður og möguleika fatlaðs fólks til þátttöku í kosningum á Íslandi, lagasetningar þar að lútandi og skyldur ríkisins til að stuðla að og tryggja þátttöku fatlaðs fólks í stjórnmálum og opinberu lífi, ekki síst í ljósi þess að Samningur Sameinuðu þjóðanna (SÞ) um réttindi fatlaðs fólks (SRFF) hefur verið fullgiltur hér á landi.

Retribution for tribal sovereignty: Settler colonial policing and civil justice impacts

Unique among marginalized groups, American Indians are both citizens of the United States and citizens of sovereign tribal nations, as recognized (but not granted) by federal Indian law. However, even as tribal nations exert increasing economic and political power, criminal legal outcomes for tribal members—who interface with an array of tribal, local, state, and federal law enforcement and justice systems—remain detrimental or are worsened. These outcomes also include increased contact with state courts and the delegitimization of tribal courts, which uniquely implicate the civil justice context. We use the settler colonial framework to investigate how tools of state criminal law, such as heavy policing and disparate punishment, may impact the civil justice needs of Indigenous people, and more broadly, the very sovereignty these policies aim to protect. Drawing on interviews and observations in tribal and county-level courts, we examine the experiences of American Indians and other stakeholders in Indian country. We identify how enforcement practices, surveillance of space, and the complexities of layered policing within a “jurisdictional maze” contribute to the deterioration of tribal sovereignty. We contextualize our findings by considering the historical, cultural, and socio-economic factors that influence the experiences of American Indians in the criminal justice system, and by examining the civil justice implications.

On the Difference of Mobile Shopping Behavior Between Locals and Expatriates: The Roles of Culture and Perceived Value

This study verifies a model linking the relative advantage and complexity of mobile shopping apps with perceived value and behavioral intentions. It also investigates the moderating role of the customers’ nationality in terms of expatriates vs. native citizens, a factor that has been scarcely considered in the marketing literature. The findings of this study have significant practical implications, contributing to the development of targeting strategies in marketing. This study also uncovers new paths, namely the moderation of cultural dimensions: uncertainty avoidance and collectivism. A survey was distributed using two sampling paths, namely intercepts combined with snowball sampling. The sample comprised 350 participants of various nationalities. The results revealed significant differences between expats and native citizens regarding the impact of relative advantage and complexity on perceived value, as well as the latter’s effect on behavioral intentions toward mobile shopping apps.

Media representations of Venezuelan migration in Portugal and Argentina: Between exceptionalism and a returning diaspora

Abstract Since the Venezuelan humanitarian crisis, Venezuelan migration to Portugal and Argentina has increased significantly, generating media reactions. Even if media discourses about immigrants in general tend to be negative, Venezuelans seem to be an exception, as the image portrayed tends to be positive, associated either with their highly skilled profile or with their European ancestors. By applying mass-media critical discourse analysis, this article analyses dominant media representations of Venezuelan migrants in Portugal and Argentina between 2015 and 2019, and shows how discourses represent them according to the leading policies that frame migrations in each context of destination. In Portugal, Venezuelans are perceived as Luso-descendants returning home, so they are not specifically targeted by immigration policies but are rather ambiguously included in diaspora policies while abroad; even upon return, they are considered national citizens. In Argentina, Venezuelans are seen as talented migrants who bring along qualifications and entrepreneurship capacity to the country, thus deserving exceptional treatment and solidarity due to the humanitarian crisis caused by the Chavez–Maduro regime. Both examples illustrate how positive media images carry different connotations depending on ideological and policy discourses shaped by local–global historical processes and contexts.

ISLAMIC MORAL IDEAS AND POLITICS: ULAMA ACTIVIST HADRATUS SHEIKH HASYIM ASY'ARI AND SHEIKH NAWAWI AL BANTANI

The article aims to provide an overview of the fundamental ideas in Indonesian national political settings, as well as their significance in solidifying the four pillars of Indonesian identity. Based on a library study of the works of two great Indonesian Ulama, Sheikh Nawawi al-Bantani and Sheikh Hasyim Asy'ari, which were later analyzed using the content analysis method, the results revealed that the theological principles of the masters' actions in both the Qur'an and the hadith remained the basis of obedience, unity, brotherhood, and solidarity. Sheikh Nawawi al-Bantani generally supports components of national commitment, conservation, and natural resource management in the political Islamic framework, and he does not oppose the concept of truth. While Sheikh Hasyim Asy'ari emphasized characteristics of government management such as leadership maturity, unity, and brotherhood, which resulted in the formation of the four national pillars as a consensus among the nation's citizens.

К вопросу о полномочиях и ответственности органов местного самоуправления как элемента единой публичной власти России

The harmonious development of local communities is an integral attribute of strengthening the rule of law in a State governed by the rule of law, builds a balance between public interests both nationwide and at the level of individual municipalities, taking into account the relevant territorial, social, ethno-confessional and cultural specifics. Local self-government bodies are the form of government closest to the population, where the nature of citizens' perception of state administrative influence as a whole depends on the quality of the built-up interaction with the population of municipalities. Therefore, it is extremely important to build an optimal model of the functioning of local self-government bodies in cooperation with state authorities at the federal and regional levels, as well as with the population, ensuring effective legal regulation of the relevant spheres of public relations. The article identifies general patterns of the specifics of the legal regulation of the activities of municipalities, and formulates proposals to improve the efficiency of work in this area of public relations.

Generative AI and the Future of Democratic Citizenship

Generative AI technologies have the potential to be socially and politically transformative. In this paper, we focus on exploring the potential impacts that Generative AI could have on the functioning of our democracies and the nature of citizenship. We do so by drawing on accounts of deliberative democracy and the deliberative virtues associated with it, as well as the reciprocal impacts that social media and Generative AI will have on each other and the broader information landscape. Drawing on this background theory, we outline some of the key positive and negative impacts that Generative AI is likely to have on democratic citizenship. The political significance of these impacts suggests the need for further regulation.

‘Congolité’: Dividing Lines in the Political Life of the Contemporary DRC

The article is devoted to the study of political identity in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The author pays particular attention to the modern interpretation of the concept of ‘Congolité’ – Congolese identity, which is in many ways identical to the idea of national citizenship. The concept of ‘Congolité’ itself is considered in the article as a set of legal norms, as an instrument of electoral struggle and as a symbolic construct. The concept has acquired a new meaning in the context of the 2021 draft law, and its return to domestic politics is significant for understanding the mood of Congolese society. The author also tries to identify the main lines of the identity debate and concludes that one of its constants is the problem of the political-legal status of the Rwandafon minority (Banyarwanda / Banyamulenge), and another is regional-linguistic fragmentation, which is reinforced by economic-demographic specificity. Both of these factors have a significant impact on internal voting patterns. The discourse of autochthonous ‘purity’ is seen as exacerbating this fragmentation and as generating conflict in Congo’s relations with states in the region, particularly Rwanda.

Narratives of lingua franca English for transnational mobility

This paper explores, through narrative inquiry, the acquisition and use of English as a lingua franca in the careers of three transnationally mobile managers in the global hotel and hospitality industry. The narratives presented here are interwoven with the context in which the multinational participants were situated at the time of the study: the United Arab Emirates (UAE) which is diversifying economically and socially in preparation for the post-fossil fuel era. In a country where the temporary immigrant population outumbers national citizens, participants’ situated language practices are explored through narratives of their multilingual and translingual repertoires, while focusing on English as a key resource for their self-initiated transnational mobility. These personal stories of the acquisition and use of English as a global language weave a linguacultural web that connects the Gulf region across global space, people, and time. Participants tell of the utility of English for their careers, their multilingual repertoires, and their enjoyment of their temporary working lives in the Emirates. Such voices are seldom heard in the literature.

Adding Insult to Injury

Should the government censor dangerous anti-vaccination propoganda? Should it restrict the praise of terrorist groups, or speech intended to promote discriminatory attitudes? In other words, should the government curb the advocacy of dangerous ideas and actions (i.e. 'harmful advocacy'), or should the government take a more permissive approach? Strong free speech supporters argue that citizens should be free to engage in and to hear harmful advocacy, arguing that restrictions are deeply objectionable at best, and, at worst, wholly impermissible. To support their position, strong free speech supporters have offered a wide range of arguments and ideas. One of the most interesting arguments revolves around the idea that restrictions on harmful advocacy are deeply insulting to citizens. The worry, broadly understood, is that this kind of censorship is demeaning, treats citizens as though they are stupid, or as though they are children. As such, even when censorship is effective in preventing harms to citizens, it nonetheless comes at the significant political cost of failing to properly respect the citizenry at large. By contrast, so the thought goes, an alternative political scheme that prohibits censorship, or permits it only in exceptional cases, does a better job of respecting citizens as independent, rational, morally responsible agents. This alternative political system may, sometimes, be less effective at preventing speech harms. But it is a political system where citizens can stand tall and hold their heads high. In this paper, I consider and reject three versions of the worry that censorship is insulting. §1 explores the idea that censorship is insulting qua involving a negative appraisal of the citizens being interfered with. The key idea here is that censorship involves a lack of what Stephen Darwall terms ‘appraisal respect’, insofar as the government is suggesting that citizens cannot be trusted to manage their own beliefs and intentions. Drawing on the work of Thomas Nagel, §2 explores the idea that censorship diminishes the political status of citizens. Finally, §3 explores the suggestion that censorship is incompatible with a full appreciation of the thinking nature of citizens, and thus involves a lack of what Darwall would term ‘recognition respect’. The paper argues that censorship is not necessarily premised upon an insulting view of the citizenry. On the contrary, it argues that the best kind of censorship stems from a rich appreciation of the diverse range of capabilities, needs, vulnerabilities, and responsibilities of citizens, as well as the need for co-operation between citizens if societal flourishing is going to be achieved on a large scale. Granted, such a vision places an emphasis on the imperfections and liabilities of citizens – at least when compared to the rather solitary, highly intellectual creature one sometimes finds in the philosophical literature. Still, such a vision of citizens as imperfect falls well short of being genuinely insulting. To err is human. And there’s nothing insulting about being treated like a human.

"The burden of lifestyle diseases and their impact on health service in India"-A narrative review.

Basically, non-communicable diseases (NCDs) are lifestyle diseases. They cannot be transmitted from one person to another person. Instead, our lifestyle, genetics, and environment influence our susceptibility to various diseases. In India, non-communicable illnesses and injuries are responsible for 52% of fatalities. The burden of non-communicable diseases and the resultant mortality are predicted to increase if the government does not take significant steps to prevent and control NCDs and related risk factors. According to the currently available research, the top causes of illness, disability, and death in India include hypertension, cardiovascular diseases, cancer, diabetes, lung disease, chronic renal disease, trauma, stroke, and chronic obstructive and mental disorders. Since 1980s, the Government of India has assisted the states through several vertical programs to prevent and control NCDs. However, efforts to prevent and control NCDs significantly increased under the 11th plan. New programs were launched on a small scale in a select few districts. The financial burden of NCDs has mostly stayed the same, though based on past experiences, reducing exposure to risk factors requires focusing on health promotion and preventative actions. The public healthcare system must have the tools and talents needed for effective management, early diagnosis, and screening. Effective monitoring systems, integrated management, and public awareness campaigns are required to successfully implement the program and make services available to all national citizens.

Brokerage and social segregation: a case study of cluster housing environment in Gading Serpong, Indonesia

PurposeThe paper aims is to see why social conflict caused by class segregation did not occur in Gading Serpong? What factors prevent conflict from occurring? This research seeks to find the causes of the nonoccurrence of social conflict due to class segregation in the Gading Serpong cluster area and explore the factors that restrain conflict there.Design/methodology/approachThis research is qualitative research with data collection techniques through in-depth interviews with several parties identified as brokerages in the research object area. In this context, one of the media and analytical tools is to recognize agents or brokers who connect two groups of people. Brokerage occurs in sectors, patterns or forms of informal, personal relationships; to understand it, one must pay close attention to micro-level relationships and social psychological processes. However, brokerage can have a significant impact on macro-level social relations, as it is generally associated with social integration processes.FindingsThe lack of involvement of developers in overcoming social conflicts that occur between Gading Serpong natives and migrants in Gading Serpong housing has given rise to new actors. These new actors are what we can call brokers, where they have a role as brokers who are able to connect between migrants and natives in the Gading Serpong area. The broker phenomenon is actually familiar in academia, where in practice the broker acts as someone who is able to find solutions to problems. The broker is the reason even social segregation is created between migrant citizens and native citizens in Gading Serpong but never becomes a conflict between them.Research limitations/implicationsEven if the brokerage phenomenon is the reason why there is no conflict over social segregation brokerage is not the only factor in this nonconflict segregation. Therefore, to cover the larger area of these suburban segregation problems, there must be further research on this topic.Practical implicationsThe practical implication of this research is to encourage the housing developers that create urban housing, such as clusters or other gated communities, to evaluate the social factors, such as potential segregation and conflict management. Also to encourage the developers to get involved and create some social engineering systems, like brokerage, market and other social agents, to create some nonconflict segregation or even more inclusive communities.Originality/valueThis research is uncovering the main reason why social segregation between migrant and native people in Gading Serpong, which could potentially lead to conflict, is never a conflict. The main reason is social actors like brokerage.

Populism Unveiled: Mechanisms and Triggers of Political Violence

In recent decades, there has been a widespread surge of populism worldwide. Populists strategically utilize media platforms to highlight the suppression of ordinary citizens by political authorities and the perceived unethical behaviors of political elites. Populists, who employ political slogans advocating for the interests of the common masses and eliminating corrupt elites, have swiftly garnered widespread support. However, the ascent of populists to positions of authority has coincided with a notable increase in political violence. While scholars have extensively elucidated definitions and classifications of populism, and numerous theoretical studies have analyzed factors contributing to the emergence of populism in different geographical areas, there remains a shortage of unified comprehension regarding the mechanisms through which populism incites political violence. This paper investigates the various trajectories of political violence triggered by populism through a comprehensive literature review and comparative analysis. The study contends that political violence is incited by populism through two distinct pathways, as evidenced by an analysis of incidents occurring in various regions under populist regimes. The first pathway sees political violence initially prompted by the consolidation of power and the repression of political adversaries by populist leaders. The second pathway involves the xenophobic ideology of populism intensifies conflicts between native citizens and foreign immigrants, thereby heightening the likelihood of political violence.

Recent Developments concerning the Rights of Migrant Workers and of Women: a Survey of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) States Oman, Saudi Arabia and the UAE

Abstract The survey of the Gulf Cooperation Council states reviews some key legislative and executive measures of particularly the governments of Oman, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) in the year 2023 (largely between December 2022–2023). It focuses mainly on the rights of the migrant workers. Further, and in less detail, it also notes some of the developments pertinent to the rights of women. More generally, these rights are less relevant to women who are not national citizens. The GCC comprises six member countries in the Arab-Gulf region: Bahrain, Oman, Qatar, the UAE (it is a federal state comprising seven emirates namely, Abu Dhabi, Sharjah, Dubai, Umm Al Quwain, Ras Al Khaimah and Fujairah), Kuwait, and Saudi Arabia. These oil-producing countries have a significant proportion of foreign workforce in the population. At 88.1 per cent, the UAE has the highest proportion of migrants in its population among the GCC members (UN DESA, 2020). Foreign workers work mostly in the private sector and are also residents in the host countries. Therefore, a broader spectrum of governments’ measures relating to the issues like labour, entry and residence, and ownership of property or business touch the lives of the foreign/migrant workers or expatriates in the Gulf country. Governments’ initiatives targeting domestic workers are relevant also for women because they comprise the majority in this group. Apparently, the most prolific among the GCC countries in governmental initiatives during the surveyed period is the UAE, both concerning migrant workers and women. The Gulf states appear to have showed more responsiveness to their public image as a few important global events have happened in the region in the past year or discussion was in progress. For instance, the FIFA World Cup 2022 was hosted in Doha, Qatar from 20 November to 18 December 2022. The 28th United Nations Climate Change conference or COP28 was hosted in Dubai, the UAE from 30 November to 12 December 2023. Announced at the conclusion of the competitive bidding process in November 2023, Saudi Arabia has won the bid to host the 2030 World Expo in Riyadh from October 2030 to March 2031.

Volunteer and NGO Matching Platform

According to a poll conducted in 2021, during the epidemic, the number of donors in India increased by 43%. During the pandemic, Indian non-governmental organizations (NGOs) volunteered their services in every manner conceivable, and they still do. However, over the years, the proportion of volunteers has remained consistent. This demonstrates a disconnect between the general population and nonprofits as well as volunteerism. Establishing a platform that connects these volunteers with other charitable organizations would be crucial. The "Volunteer Matching Platform" project may be able to bridge this gap. This web-based platform is intended to facilitate volunteer connections between non-governmental organizations and local groups. NGOs will use this platform to promote their events to the nation's citizens. On the other hand, volunteers will be able to browse through the available opportunities, filtering based on their interests, location, and availability.

Migrant integration in Turkey: Travels of a concept across borders and domains of knowledge production

Abstract In Turkey, the concept of migrant integration has risen to prominence in both academic and policy fields following the arrival of Syrian refugees. In this article, we first trace the resurgence of migrant integration studies in Western Europe in the past two decades following the decline of the discourse on multiculturalism. We argue that the policy concept of migrant integration has travelled to Turkey as part of the European Union’s (EU) externalization of migration management; however, the term has been reshaped in Turkey through a process of vernacularization as displayed in official documents, programs, and projects funded by the EU and other supranational actors, and policy studies. Although the vernacularized form of integration, named ‘harmonization’, has gained specific connotations in the Turkish context, this article demonstrates that it still carries assimilationist features, since it cannot go beyond the limits of the nation-state as the fundamental unit of analysis, and cannot escape from the binary opposition of native citizens and migrants. The article elucidates how knowledge production by governmental institutions, supranational and international organizations, researchers, and the civil society helps legitimate a certain understanding of integration of migrants into the host society that assumes each group to be homogeneous in terms of socio-economic characteristics and culture, and which emphasizes Islam as a common denominator between the two.