NATO Membership Research Articles

Study on Changes in the Language Situation of the Republic of Estonia during so-called Special Military Operation

All three Baltic states considered the Soviet period an illegal occupation and, since gaining independence, have pursued the most hostile policy towards the Russian Federation. The use of Russian language was expanded during the Soviet period due to the migration of many Russians and Russian speakers, but since gaining independence, the three countries have designated each language of the titular nation as their state language and deprived official status of Russian language (a means of inter-ethnic communication) and ignored its very existence. This was especially aggravated after Russia's annexation of the Crimean Peninsula in 2014 and a so-called Special Military Operation by Russian Federation in 2022. Russian repression and the ban on the use of the Russian language are noticeable in Estonia. Kaja Kallas (1977-), who was appointed Prime Minister of Estonia in January 2021, has been hostile towards Russia and Russian language and is the most hostile towards Russia in the world after a special military operation. Currently, the number of Russians living in Estonia is 306,801, accounting for 22.46% of Estonia's total population of 1,365,884, the largest population among ethnic minorities, and it is very difficult to drive out Russians and the Russian language at this point, but it is obvious that cooperation with neighboring countries, EU and NATO members will lead to a break with the Russian Federation. It is clear that this will soon lead to the assimilation of Russians and Russian-speaking users living in Estonia, or to their expulsion, which will also have a significant impact on neighboring Latvia.

Improving a methodology for estimating the cross-country ability of all-wheel-drive vehicles

The object of this study is the cross-country ability of four-wheel drive vehicles under off-road conditions. Based on the results of analysis of known studies, it was determined that the procedures of experimental assessment of the load-bearing capacity of bearing surfaces (BS), based on the use of the cone index, are used in NATO member countries. They take into account the characteristics of the surface of the theater of operations and make it possible to determine the approximate speeds of all-wheel drive vehicles with the help of standardized computer software. In the procedures for assessing the load-bearing capacity of BSs, which use the soil deformation module E, there is no possibility for calculating the speed of the car with known axle loads. In addition, they provide for the determination of a number of parameters of the bearing surface, such as the coefficient of adhesion, the angle of internal friction in the soil, and the shear modulus during the formation of a track. This makes them much more difficult compared to the procedures used by NATO. Therefore, the problem that is solved in this work is to improve the methodology for assessing the reference cross-country ability of four-wheel drive vehicles. Based on the results of scientific research, motion modeling was carried out in the MATLAB Simulink environment to determine parameters of reference cross-country ability of four-wheel drive vehicles. In order to determine the cross-country ability of samples of wheeled military vehicles (WMV) based on the indicator of the maximum pressure value (mean measure pressure – MMP), the conducted experimental studies were analyzed. They showed a difference in the speed modes of vehicles of the same gross weight but different layout schemes, within 11–12 %. Therefore, the methodology for assessing the cross-country ability based on MMP has been improved to take into account the features of the layout of WMV samples. Specifically, taking into account the different values of loads on the front axle of vehicles with hoodless and hood layouts at the same gross weight. In general, the improved procedure makes it possible to give a quantitative assessment of the movement mobility of WMV samples with various layout schemes and an assessment of their potential cross-country ability on the basis of the proposed refinement of MMP calculation

Gunboats and butter: The two percent guideline and NATO burden shifting in the maritime domain

ABSTRACT This study integrates two strands of the alliance burden-sharing literature: the research exploring the impact of the patron’s ability to credibly threaten abandonment and allies’ incentives to burden shift, and the call to disaggregate defense spending when evaluating burden sharing. We contend that allies burden shift by reallocating funds away from capabilities designed to counter threats the patron is unlikely to abandon. Using a novel dataset on naval power, we examine the impact of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s (NATO) 2014 Wales Pledge and find a notable reduction in non-US NATO naval capabilities post-pledge. We argue that this trend reflects members’ confidence that the US is unlikely to renege on its commitment to protect vital Sea Lines of Communications (SLOCs). Since the US cannot credibly threaten to abandon its commitment to protect the alliance’s SLOCs, NATO members’ increase in overall defense spending was shifted away from investments in naval capabilities.

The Budapest memorandum: lessons and unfulfilled expectations on Ukraine’s path to joining NATO

The Budapest Memorandum for Ukraine (the official name is the Memorandum on Security Guarantees in Connection with Ukraine’s Accession to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons) was the result of negotiations on the disposal of the Soviet Union’s nuclear weapons. When the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991, its nuclear weapons were deployed or stored in four of the fifteen successor states: Belarus, Kazakhstan, Russia, and Ukraine. This raised important questions of security and protection, as well as command and control; and Moscow and Washington agreed that Russia should be the sole nuclear successor to the Soviet Union. The United States recognized that it would have to offer security guarantees to Belarus, Kazakhstan, and Ukraine to persuade them to hand over their Soviet-made nuclear weapons to Russia and join the NPT as non-nuclear-weapon states. In coordination with London and Moscow, Washington drew up a package of security guarantees. These assurances were set out in the Budapest memorandums regarding Belarus, Kazakhstan and Ukraine. France and China – the other nuclear-weapon states recognized by the NPT—have offered their own guarantees unilaterally.
 The Budapest Memorandum on Ukraine confirmed the obligation to respect the independence, sovereignty and existing borders of Ukraine (according to the Helsinki Final Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) of 1975); to refrain from the threat of force or its use against the territorial integrity or political independence of Ukraine, as well as from any use of weapons against Ukraine, except in cases of self-defense or otherwise in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations; and refrain from economic coercion against Ukraine in accordance with the Final Act of the CSCE. The memorandum also reiterated the positive and negative security guarantees provided to all non-nuclear-weapon state parties to the NPT.
 This scientific article is devoted to the study of the significance of the Budapest Memorandum for Ukraine and its influence on the possibility of the country joining NATO. The historical context of the conclusion of the memorandum is studied, the key obligations are determined and the consequences of their violation are analyzed. Special attention is paid to the analysis of the current security situation in Ukraine, in particular due to the annexation of Crimea and the full-scale invasion of the Russian Federation on the territory of Ukraine. The article examines the prospects of Ukraine’s membership in NATO and suggests ways to resolve unfulfilled expectations and restore the international community’s trust in the commitments made within the framework of the memorandum.

The right of military personnel to defense in the context of the European integration Ukraine

The relevance of the article is because certain aspects of harmonisation of legislation of Ukraine and the European Union member states, which are NATO members, in particular, in terms of ensuring the rights of military personnel to defence within criminal proceedings, require their own separate scientific understanding in the current context.
 The article analyses the provisions of the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms of 1950, the Agreement between the Parties to the North Atlantic Treaty regarding the Status of their Forces of their Armed Forces, and national legislation of Ukraine.
 The author notes that today in Ukraine there is no separate system of military justice and no specialisation of attorneys at the level of law in cases of this category has been introduced. Given that our country is currently facing a full-scale invasion, and the establishment of a military justice system following the example of certain NATO member states requires significant budgetary expenditures, it seems appropriate to introduce mandatory specialisation of lawyers providing legal assistance to military personnel in criminal proceedings.
 At the same time, NATO member states do not have a same vision of the need to introduce a separate system of military justice, but the existence of agreed standards of legal protection of our military personnel and military personnel of these countries is one of the integral elements of Ukraine’s membership in the North Atlantic Alliance.
 In connection with the above, there is already an urgent need to study and implement the above standards in national legislation, including, inter alia, the consolidation of provisions in the legislation on the specialisation of lawyers providing legal aid in criminal proceedings of this category.

Designing around NATO’s deterrence: Russia’s Nordic information confrontation strategy

ABSTRACT This article examines Russia’s evolving information confrontation strategy in the Nordic region between 2022–2023. It assesses Russia’s approaches toward NATO members Norway, new member Finland, and prospective member Sweden. Despite decreased regional influence, the article finds that Russia persists with sub-threshold information confrontation tactics to bypass NATO deterrence. The strategy aims to shape NATO’s presence, undermine Western cohesion, and reduce support for Ukraine. These sub-threshold activities underscore the coercive utility of Russia’s information confrontation strategy in Russian strategic thinking. As tensions escalate due to the Ukraine conflict, Moscow will continue seeking to influence domestic debates in Nordic and European countries.

STOSUNKI LITEWSKO-NIEMIECKIE W SFERZE BEZPIECZEŃSTWA PODCZAS WOJNY ROSYJSKO-UKRAIŃSKIEJ W LATACH 2022-2024

The concept of Lithuanian foreign policy is based on three basic priorities: membership in NATO, membership in the European Union and friendly relations with neighbors. The axiological basis for building international relations was based on values such as common attachment to democratic values, human rights and support for an international order based on rules, law and peace. Thirty-three years later, this Baltic country of about 2.8 million people is taking bold steps to counter Russia’s imperialist aspirations at a time of international security crisis. The aim of the article is to analyze the changing geopolitical reality through the strengthening cooperation between Germany and Lithuania in the area of security policy. The research problem of the work was defined in the form of a question: what are the characteristics of the issues of Lithuanian-German relations during the Russian-Ukrainian war in 2022-2024 In the context of potential threats generated by Russia? What will be the composition of the future German brigade in Lithuania and its preliminary schedule? The starting point of the discussion is the hypothesis that: small countries are able to start a process that can bring benefits to the entire region and thus contribute in their own way to building international peace and security. Moreover, Lithuania, by pursuing an active and effective foreign policy based not only on national but also regional interests, contributes in its own way to building international security; Moreover, tangible results are being achieved thanks to Lithuania’s efforts to attract Berlin’s attention and pressure it to take more decisive action against Ukraine and its eastern flank. The research method used in the work was content and content analysis and analysis of secondary data. The argument for taking up this issue is the lack of both Polish and English-language literature. For this reason, the presentation of preliminary research results provides a perspective for further, in-depth research on this topic.

Protecting Dayton’s Shared Governance by Countering Faux Narratives of Russia’s Influence in Bosnia and Herzegovina

It is well-known that Russia seeks to undermine the Western order in the Balkans, such as supporting Serbs in their rejection of NATO membership for Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). However, some assertions of Russia’s influence discussed here show no merit and seem to have been brought to delegitimize the Western installed peace order vital to the stability of the region: the 1-2-3 Dayton Peace Agreement (DPA) with one state, two entities, and three constituent peoples (Bosniaks, Serbs, and Croats). The meaningless assertions include disinformation against High Representative Schmidt as a Russia man; the misrepresentation of the U.S. -E.U. led electoral reform as the one benefitting Russia; the frequently repeated falsehoods that NATO and EU member state Croatia is aligned with Putin or that some U.S. officials embrace Russia’s values. Such disinformation narratives do not show the ties between the supposed Russian assets and Kremlin, nor do they demonstrate that the alleged pro-Russian actors pursue pro-Kremlin policies. Instead, they tend to be based on the ludicrous claims that the very support for the Dayton categories of ethnic power-sharing reflects the embrace of Russia’s values under President Putin. Striking at the core of the Dayton peace bargain, the anti-Dayton unitarists want the DPA to guarantee BiH’s external borders, while urging the international community to dismiss the DPA designed two-entity state structure (important to Serbs) or ethnic power-sharing (important to Croats) to impose a centralized, unitary state with a majority rule, or the so-called “civic state.” However, besides thwarting (Serb) secessionism and (Croat) separatism, the purpose of Dayton has been to prevent (Bosniak) majoritarianism. The intensity of the debate surrounding the disinformation activities discussed here shows that--though the DPA still remains relevant to the BiH postwar peace and the Western Balkans stability--the consensus on what Dayton is or should be is now collapsing.

A conceptual approach to improving the information support of the prospective Armed Forces of Ukraine

The relevance of this article is due to the fact that modern armed conflicts lead to a change in the nature of military operations, which increasingly acquire an informational and technological nature, which forces the leadership of the leading countries of the world to review the theory and practice of the military construction in order to implement the concept of "network-centric war". This approach involves considering the control bodies, units, planes, ships, communications, and intelligence of the armed forces as objects connected to a single information and communication network. The capabilities of such a network-centric system of conducting military operations are determined by the capabilities of the entire group of objects connected to the network (synergistic effect). In the implementation of this concept, a key role belongs to the information support of objects of a single network, which has a number of components that need to be implemented in a networkcentric system of conducting military operations. The requirement for high operational efficiency of information support necessitates the widespread introduction of automated control systems (ACS) in such a system. At the same time, the information support of the objects of the unified network is the main purpose of the ACS, the means of which in automatic mode allow you to quickly display the situation, assess the terrain, the state of the enemy, your troops (forces), model the development of combat operations, develop options for solutions, draft combat documents, prove tasks to subordinates, control their execution. The article analyzes the experience of implementing information systems for managing thearmed forces of leading countries, the peculiarities of their organization and implementation in the armies of NATO member states. Based on the results of this analysis, approaches to determining ways to improve the information support of the control systems of the Armed Forces of Ukraine are proposed. One of the main tasks of the Armed Forces of Ukraine (Defence Forces) on the way to NATO membership is the creation of a network-centric military control system, which should be equipped with ACS and compatible with the Alliance's military control systems. Meanwhile, according to foreign publications, the level of automation of the control systems of the defense forces of Ukraine today is 2-2.5% compared to the armed forces of the leading countries in the world, in which ACS ensure the level of automation of C4ISR management functions (command, control, communication, informatization, intelligence, etc.). For this reason, at present, the state of information support for the management processes of the Armed Forces of Ukraine (Defense Forces) cannot be called satisfactory. Therefore, the implementation of C-shaped ACS (taking into account the experience of the Russian-Ukrainian war) is a necessary condition for the implementation of reliable and sufficient for the implementation of network-centric principles of conducting operations (combat operations) in the prospective structure of the Armed Forces of Ukraine. Thus, the realization of such a conceptual approach to the implementation of information support (by its main types) in the C-shaped ACS will contribute to increasing the combat capabilities of the troops (forces) of the Armed Forces of Ukraine (Defense Forces) in the modern conditions of conducting military operations. The materials of the article can be useful for the higher command staff of the Armed Forces of Ukraine (Defence Forces), as well as scientists and researchers in the field of information support and development of the defense sphere of the state.

Methodological approach to determining the nomenclature of mobile assets for acomplishment the tasks of nuclear threat detection and assessment

The relevance of the article is due to the fact that in the context of countering largescale aggression, Ukraine's actions to de-occupy the captured territories and implementing its strategic course to join the European community and NATO, there are potential threats from the russian federation. Continuing its hostile rhetoric, terrorising Ukraine with missile strikes, the russian leadership threatens to use nuclear weapons, which poses the highest level of danger and can lead tolarge-scale radiation contamination (Lessons of the russian-Ukrainian war 2022: military aspects, 2022). Taking into consideration this state of the security environment, it is necessary to respond effectively to nuclear threats and ensure reliable protection of troops, which, in their turn, should be ready to act in radiation contamination conditions. This requires the Armed Forces of Ukraine to effectively train military units of chemical, biological, radiological and nuclear defence capable of performing their assigned tasks and, in the further future, to be ready to detect and assess nuclear threats in joint actions (operations) with the units of NATO member states. All this requires solving problematic issues related to the nomenclature of chemical, biological, radiological and nuclear defence equipment of the Armed Forces of Ukraine to ensure the required level of protection of troops. Especially challenging tasks in the current environment are the detection and assessment of the chemical, biological and radiological situation of the movement routes and areas of troops' concentration, the covering of troops and facilities of the Armed Forces of Ukraine from reconnaissance and destruction by modern precision weapons, and the liquidation of the chemical, biological and radiological contamination consequences. To a large extent, the maximum reduction of troop losses during actions in conditions of chemical, biological and radiological contamination is ensured by the application of existing and prospective assets of chemical, biological, radiological and nuclear defence However, it is impossible to make reasonable decisions on the nomenclature of mobile chemical, biological, radiological and nuclear defence equipment without determining the amount of losses of chemical, biological, radiological and nuclear defence equipment during the conduct of tasks in the operations of the Armed Forces of Ukraine in accordance with the trends in the development of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, forms and methods of warfare, and assets of combat actions. To solve this problematic issue, we propose a methodological approach to determining the nomenclature on the example of mobile assets to fulfil the scope of tasks for detecting and assessing nuclear threats. The methodological approach will allow to formulate substantiated practical recommendations regarding the procedure for determining the nomenclature of chemical, biological, radiological and nuclear protection assets. The article presents the nomenclature of nuclear threat detection and assessment, which depends on the scope of detection and assessment tasks and the capabilities of assets used to accomplish these tasks. The materials of the article may be useful for officials of military command and control bodies involved in planning chemical, biological, radiological and nuclear (CBRN) defence during combat actions.

Change and Continuity in North European Security: Finland and Sweden’s Membership in NATO

This study aims to analyze the change and continuity in Northern European Security after Finland and Sweden’s membership processes in NATO. With this purpose, firstly I examined the history of the countries in the region to detect possible continuities in their relations. Russia’s lack of respect for the sovereignty of its neighbors since 2008 and lastly the occupation of Ukraine forced Finland and Sweden to leave their long-lasting non-aligned status and caused to invalidate the concept of ‘Finlandization’. This study secondly focuses on this radical change’s effect on the security understanding of Northern Europe with a concentration on the role of NATO. The findings of this article put forward that recent NATO enlargement is vital for regional states to be able to counter Russia through uniting countries except Russia in the Baltic and Arctic. Russia is applying ‘hybrid war’ tactics as an unreliable regional power and it has been stuck in Ukraine since February 2022. NATO must learn from the Russia-Ukraine War and prepare against Russia’s conventional superiority over its neighboring states and the usage of asymmetrical means since no one may guarantee that Russia’s next steps will not violate the sovereignty of other regional states.

Strategic Defence Analysis and Setting the Future Defence Strategy: A Comparison of the Czech Republic and Norway

The article brings a comparison of the approaches to the strategic defence analysis (SDA) and developing future Defence Concepts (DFDC) of the Czech Republic and Norway. The countries are in a different geopolitical situation, NOR being a country with borders that are part of the outer border of the Alliance, the Czech Republic being a country surrounded by three member countries of the Alliance and one PfP country. On the basis of the comparison of the two approaches, the authors identified differences and common points of the two. Based on the findings, the discussion provides inspiration for possible enhancements in the approach of the Czech Republic to SDA to ensure the future defence of the country. All that in context of current Security developments in Europe, that have an impact on how NATO member countries might deal with Article 3 and Article 5 of the Washington Treaty.

Assessing Economic Resilience in NATO Countries: A Comprehensive Defence Perspective

Economic resilience, considered in this paper as the ability to withstand and recover from economic shocks and disruptions, has become a linchpin of ensuring national security and stability. As demonstrated by conflicts such as the one in Ukraine, where economic sanctions were deployed to diminish an adversary’s capacity to sustain its war efforts, it has become evident that military power alone is insufficient in today’s complex security landscape. A comprehensive approach to defence must incorporate economic considerations, as the economic well-being of a nation is intrinsically linked to its overall security. The main research objectives of this paper are to investigate the concept of economic resilience, from the perspective of the concept of comprehensive defence and the ways it is interconnected with other resilience domains, through the development of an economic resilience index outlining the relative economic resilience of the 29 European countries that are NATO members and to propose a methodology for identifying the main factors that influence the economic resilience from a comprehensive defence point of view.

Evaluarea rezilienței economice în țările membre ale NATO din perspectiva conceptului de apărare comprehensivă

Economic resilience, considered in this paper as the ability to withstand and recover from economic shocks and disruptions, has become a linchpin of ensuring national security and stability. As demonstrated by conflicts such as the one in Ukraine, where economic sanctions were deployed to diminish an adversary’s capacity to sustain its war efforts, it has become evident that military power alone is insufficient in today’s complex security landscape. A comprehensive approach to defence must incorporate economic considerations, as the economic well-being of a nation is intrinsically linked to its overall security. The main research objectives of this paper are to investigate the concept of economic resilience, from the perspective of the concept of comprehensive defence and the ways it is interconnected with other resilience domains, through the development of an economic resilience index outlining the relative economic resilience of the 29 European countries that are NATO members and to propose a methodology for identifying the main factors that influence the economic resilience from a comprehensive defence point of view.

International legal regulation of reforming the Armed Forces of Ukraine to NATO standards. studying the experience of command groups' activities in the armies of NATO member states and partner countries

The paper investigates the concept of mission command within the framework of military management, focusing on its application in modern military operations. Mission command, characterized by centralized intent and decentralized execution, is examined in terms of its origins, principles, and effectiveness in enhancing speed and initiative in military actions. The author conducts a comprehensive analysis of how mission command has been utilized by various military forces worldwide, assessing its alignment with contemporary strategic concepts and its contribution to achieving strategic objectives. Special attention is paid to its relevance and applicability in the context of the Ukrainian Armed Forces reform, particularly in enhancing command and control structures. The research highlights mission command as a vital component of effective military leadership, facilitating adaptability and responsiveness in complex operational environments. The findings underscore the importance of integrating mission command principles into modern military management systems to optimize decision-making processes and achieve mission success. Overall, the study provides valuable insights into the practical implementation and impact of mission command on military operations, offering recommendations for its further development and refinement within the Ukrainian Armed Forces and beyond.

‘Outsider’ socialization: Sweden’s interactions with NATO in civil defence prior to membership

ABSTRACT This study assesses the impact of NATO socialization upon an ’outsider’ country, using Sweden in the area of civil defence as a case study. Relying on 33 interviews from 2020 and 2022 with civil servants from Swedish government agencies, the article gives a unique empirical account of practitioners’ perceptions on the interactions (or the absence thereof) with NATO prior to Sweden’s NATO membership, covering a crucial phase under which the country knocked on the alliance’s door. It expands the existing socialization literature by developing the ’outsider’ perspective, while also contributing to the understanding of the impact of the socialization process on a practical level. To that end, the study develops a theoretical framework based on exclusion, interactions, incentives, and compatibility which serves to elevate the analysis that highlights challenges for ’outsiders,’ while proposing subsequent strategies to mitigate them. Furthermore, it unlocks a discussion on NATO’s role in national resilience of present and future member countries.

The United States, the Defence of the Middle East and Türkiye: 1946-1952

This study analyses the early years of cooperation between Türkiye and the United States (US) in the field of security and defence by utilising US government documents and the secondary sources that heavily depend on primary sources. It emphasizes the link between the elements of the strategic context in which the US developed its approach to the defence of the Middle East and the American interest in developing defence ties with Türkiye. The major outcomes of Turkish-American cooperation were American support for Türkiye against the Soviet Union in 1946, the provision of American military assistance in 1947, the modernization of the Turkish military, the construction of military bases on Turkish territory, American support for Turkish membership in NATO and Turkish willingness to conduct its relations with the Middle East in coordination with the West. This study reveals that those outcomes reflected for the most time American political and strategic preferences. For this reason, the typical characteristics of those relations between great powers and small states can be observed in Turkish-American security relations during their formative years.

Особенности и перспективы стратегического проникновения НАТО в Арктику: норвежское направление

Military-strategic penetration into the Arctic is becoming one of the key attributes of global capability for influential international players. The point applies not only to the most powerful states, but also to NATO as main keeper of military tools of the West. The article tries to identify and explore the scheme of NATO`s strategic penetration into the Arctic Ocean. It is noted that the role of its support is assigned to Norway, the reasons for the consensus on this issue between the United States and the leading NATO member states in Western Europe are identified. The paper assesses the strengths of Norway’s armed forces and identifies the bottlenecks that require support from NATO partners as they attempt multilateral penetration into the Arctic. Functionally, the Alliance’s anchoring scheme consists of three main elements. The first one is a section of the Russian Federation’s “containment” system in Finnmark. Here, the key role is assigned to the main forces of Norwegian troops with the practice of their operational reinforcement by the troops of NATO partners. In turn, the latter are ready to take an increased load in strengthening the second element. This is the coastline from Trondheim in the south to Tromsø, with the support of bases on which the strategic penetration into the Arctic Ocean (the third element) is carried out. This is ensured by the growing co-operation between the Norwegian Navy and interested NATO member states.

Strains in US–Turkiye relations

Turkiye cancelled a 9 May trip by its president, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, to Washington, responding to domestic political concerns related to the United States’ support for Israel in its war against Hamas. The US–Turkiye alliance, seen by Ankara as vital during the Cold War, is now more variegated and transactional. But while Erdoğan has a deep-rooted personal antipathy to Washington, uniquely among the leaders of NATO member countries, he is also wary of US strength and the ability of any crisis in bilateral relations to negatively affect his grip on power or worsen the country’s already difficult economic situation.

Turkey’s Political Parties’ Asia Policies: Visions, Contacts, Issues

ABSTRACT Traditionally, Turkey has been an ally of the transatlantic bloc. As a NATO member, with a majority Muslim population and a free market economy, it was even hailed by Western powers as a model country in the 2000s. However, due to its acquisition of the S-400 missile defence system from Russia, its desire to be a member of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and its military presence in Syria and Libya, many analysts have argued that Turkey’s foreign policy has experienced a pivot to Asia recently. This article systematically examines the current positions of various political parties in Turkey in this context using first-hand data. Through semi-structured interviews with 14 political party representatives, and by analysing their party programmes, the vision of different political parties in respect of Asia, their relations with Asian actors, their stance on Asian foreign direct investments and its environmental impacts, the Uyghur issue, and their thoughts on the period that will follow the Ukraine-Russia war are studied.