NATO Membership Research Articles

Improvement of methodical training of physical training instructors in the direction of application of physical impact measures

Physical training in units of the security and defense sector plays an important role in the system of professional training of personnel. The direction of application of measures of physical influence, in addition to technical preparation, development of physical qualities, has a positive effect on the education of moral and volitional qualities. And all this certainly affects the readiness of the personnel to perform the assigned tasks. In the conditions of martial law, the system of professional training also changed in order to transform and adapt it to the realities of today. The system of security measures implemented in the state has made its corrections in the educational and training process of personnel training, in particular with regard to planning in training. It is also necessary to take into account the level of physical condition, development and training of the replenishment. During martial law, military personnel are trained according to an abbreviated program. At the same time, from the experience of training our servicemen in various NATO member countries, the training periods there are much longer - which indicates different approaches and concepts. On the one hand, the shorter the training period, the faster a serviceman will get into a combat unit, and on the other hand, the quality of training of personnel is required, many of whom have not served at all, have mature age, low physical development and training, and often have health problems. Undoubtedly, all these conditions require high professional competence and skill from instructors in various areas, including physical training. The instructor must raise his professional level in order to ensure higher efficiency of the educational and training process, increase the training of the personnel and their readiness to perform official and combat tasks as assigned.

Analysis of the organization and conduct of sports events in the Armed Forces of Ukraine and the armed forces of the leading states – NATO member states with military personnel with limited functional capabilities

During the full-scale invasion of the Russian Federation into Ukraine, servicemen of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, defending their country from the aggressor, received injuries of various degrees of severity, including amputation of limbs. After receiving injuries and wounds, servicemen go through significant psychological and physical disorders, which are difficult for them to deal with alone. Therefore, with the specified category of servicemen, it is necessary to carry out medical, psychological, and physical rehabilitation, as well as to develop programs for their adaptation to civilian life with the mandatory involvement of them in sports events. The Russian-Ukrainian war leads to an increase in the number of servicemen with limited functional capabilities. This indicates the search for optimal ways of their adaptation to the normal conditions of existence and functioning in the social environment and among the collective of their units and parts. Unfortunately, historical analysis shows that our servicemen with limited functional capabilities are in urgent need of social adaptation, especially with the start of hostilities on the territory of Ukraine since 2014, in connection with Russia's armed aggression against Ukraine. That is why various sports federations, public organizations and active public figures in Ukraine hold competitions involving servicemen with limited functional capabilities, namely; "National Invincible Games", "Strong of Ukraine", "Kyiv Unbreakable", "Hero Games", "Veteran Ten", "Invincible Cup" football, "Strong of Ukraine", "I am your hand" and others. According to the results of the performances, the best athletes with disabilities represent our country at international level competitions, such as the Invictus Games.

Joining NATO: a national end or a strategic means for Georgia?

Georgia’s pursuit of NATO membership faces significant challenges due to Russia’s strong opposition, placing the country at a critical geopolitical crossroads. This article examines whether NATO membership is a national end or a strategic means for enhancing Georgia’s security. It explores the historical context, strategic dilemmas, and complexities of Georgia’s situation, highlighting the impact of Russia’s opposition, particularly in light of its 2022 invasion of Ukraine. The article argues that NATO membership should be a means to enhance security rather than a precursor to armed conflict. It recommends that Georgia adopt a strategy of strategic patience and diplomacy, recognizing that Euro-Atlantic integration is a long-term endeavour; prioritize dialogue with both NATO and Russia; pursue regional cooperation; and explore alternative pathways to security as well. Ultimately, the article calls for a comprehensive approach to national security that aligns with Georgia’s Euro-Atlantic aspirations while addressing immediate security challenges

Exploring the Viability and Implications of a NATO-like Defense Cooperation Among Turkic States

This paper explores the viability of a NATO-like defense cooperation among the Turkic states. While several challenges such as divergent security perceptions, differing foreign policy orientations, and the institutions’ limited capacities must be overcome, there are also several catalysts that could provide impetus for new security cooperation arrangements. Türkiye’s military capabilities as the only member of NATO in the region is particularly important. Furthermore, an ongoing imbalance in Armenia’s favor, supports the establishment of a security cooperation framework among the Turkic states. The developments in Ukraine and Crimea point to the necessity of a collective defense arrangement amid an increasingly insecure environment for the Turkic states. While initially beneficial, the OSCE has gradually and mostly lost its credibility in the southern Caucasus. The unequal implementation of its own principles and tactics employed in conflict resolution have inevitably led to a loss of trust from the parties involved. Meanwhile, it has ceased to analyze arms control developments in the region, despite UN Security Council Resolutions recognizing their regional dimension. Furthermore, the inadequate response to Armenia’s non-compliance with the above resolution damaged the OSCE’s credibility. Today, the Turkic states are left with few operational security cooperation options. The UN is far too inefficient and does not even have the legal framework to resolve any post-Soviet disputes. The CIS, which exists in the Caucasus in both political and military forms, lacks regional capacity and legitimacy. The GUAM organization created in 1997 at the instigation of the US and the West to pacify the edges of “the Russian World,” has been rendered operationally void. Overall, this paper explores cooperation strategies, assesses key institutional and political challenges, and discusses implications and future developments exploring the viability of a NATO-like defense cooperation among the Turkic states.

The Asymmetries Generated by New Weapon Systems and Their Role in Achieving Success on the Battlefield. The Impact of HIMARS on the Conflict in Ukraine

The advent of new weapon systems, which integrate the latest technologies, is transforming the battlefield and redefining the character of contemporary modern warfare. The recent armed conflicts in Syria, Yemen, Nagorno-Karabakh, and Ukraine, by their complexity, serve to illustrate the diversification of threats and the adaptation of military capabilities to counter them. Regardless of the type of conflict, success on the battlefield depends on the ability to gain an advantage over the enemy and exploit it. Such an advantage may be derived from the realization of asymmetries on the battlefield, which may be generated at all levels of military operations. The equipping of the Ukrainian forces with the HIMARS system in the summer of 2022 has given them a significant position of advantage, creating a number of tactical and operational asymmetries. In this context, the objective of this research is to identify the asymmetries generated by the HIMARS system and to determine how they contributed to the battlefield success. The key findings are of significant value due to the fact that most NATO member states, including Romania, are making efforts to strengthen their HIMARS capabilities.

Evaluating the Impact of Culture and Identity on Sino-Turkish Cooperation in the Belt and Road Framework

This study examines the material and intellectual factors that make inter-state cooperation possible from a constructivist perspective and aims to assess the impact of identity and culture on Turkey's planned partnership with China under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The BRI, which envisions the creation of a new China-centered economic-political structure and value system in the long run, seems to be a manifestation of China's desire to transform the existing order of international relations. The article examines from a constructionist perspective the question marks raised by Turkey's participation in this large-scale project, where Westernized intellectuals are the main constitutive element, and where Turkey has been included in the economic, political and military architecture of the West since the Second World War with the Truman Doctrine, Marshall Plan and NATO membership.

ANALYSIS OF THE PECULIARITIES AND SHORTCOMINGS OF THE MOVING AND TRAFFIC (TRANSPORTATION) OF GROUPS OF TROOPS (FORCES) IN THE OPERATIONS OF THE ARMIES OF NATO MEMBER COUNTRIES AND IN THE ARMED FORCES OF UKRAINE

The task of increasing the efficiency of moving and traffic (transportation) of weapons and military equipment and material and technical means (material means) of military units and groups of troops (forces) in operations (combat operations) in the modern conditions of repelling wide scale armed aggression of the rf is becoming more and more urgent. This is due to the fact that the success of logistical support of operations (combat operations) is achieved mainly by early and high-quality preparation and distribution of vehicles, deployment of transport communications, clear organization of their technical service and cover. In order to solve these problems, an analysis of the peculiarities and shortcomings of the moving and traffic (transportation) of groups of troops (forces) in the operations of the armies of NATO member countries and in the Armed Forces of Ukraine was carried out based on the experience of local wars and armed conflicts, the Russian- Ukrainian war and the conduct of Joint Forces Operation (JFO) (Anti-terrorist operation (ATO) ) and identified the main shortcomings of this process. These shortcomings indicate that in previously performed studies, the issue of increasing the efficiency of moving and traffic (transportation) of weapons and military equipment and material and technical means (material means) of military units and groups of troops (forces) in operations (combat actions) was not sufficiently considered in theory. Therefore, in further research, it is necessary to analyze the existing scientific approaches to evaluating the effectiveness of moving and traffic (transportation) of troops (forces) in order to determine ways of their improvement.

A spatiotemporal analysis of NATO member states' defense spending: how much do allies actually free ride?

Abstract Concerns over free riding in NATO are widespread. An intuitive approach to analyzing free riding is treating it as a systematic pattern of spatial interdependence between the allies: how does a NATO member's defense spending react to changes in other allies' military expenditures? While recent work has found statistically significant free riding (negative spatial interdependence in the outcomes), it suffers from important limitations. First, this research does not adequately account for temporal dependence. Second, it does not quantify the effect of interest. Accounting directly for temporal dependence provides a meaningfully distinct perspective on the within-alliance dynamics, demonstrating that the spatiotemporal effect of free riding is, in fact, more substantial than its short-run effect, challenging inferences of static spatial models. We discuss the relevant practical and theoretical implications.

Political and Legal Dimension of the Prospects for Ukraine's Invitation to NATO

The purpose of the research is to reveal the possibilities of inviting Ukraine to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization in the context of the escalation of Russian aggression. The research methodology is based on the principles of historicism, systematicity, scientificity, verification, authorial objectivity, moderate narrative constructivism, as well as the use of general scientific (analysis, synthesis, generalization) and special-historical (historical-genetic, historical-typological, historical-systemic ) methods. The scientific novelty is that for the first time in historiography, the current prospects of Ukraine's invitation to NATO have been considered. Conclusions. Accession to NATO is a constitutionally enshrined main priority of Ukraine, a fundamental condition for its survival. Today, the political elite of Ukraine and Western governments are unanimous on the issue of Ukraine's membership in NATO. The Russian-Ukrainian war acts as an arena in which the political and military strategies of the global West are formed and break into the intentions of those world forces that promote anti-democratic values and, using Western technologies, intend to play a leading role in world civilization. The further development of the world system depends on Ukraine for a long period, and possibly for centuries to come. The need to invite Ukraine to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization is due to the possibility of overcoming the global crisis of international security. In favor of the rapid Euro-Atlantic integration of Ukraine, the uniqueness of the military experience in the large-scale modern war against powerful Russia, the removal of the financial burden from the NATO members, the demonstration of the unity of the Alliance and the ability to respond to modern challenges testify. Ukraine demonstrates commitment to high spiritual values, such as freedom, independence, dignity and self-respect, on which the Alliance is built. Thanks to its armed forces and active civil society, it deserves NATO membership.

What makes paradigms last? A study of defense policy change in Germany and Italy (1989–2022)

ABSTRACT Policy ideas are often crafted in international fora, such as international organisations, multilateral institutions, and high-level summits. However, whether and how ideas will eventually inform policymakers at the domestic level remains an understudied subject. This paper contributes to this debate by tracing the domestic consolidation and eventual erosion of ‘Crisis Management’, a policy paradigm that emerged after the end of the Cold War and became dominant among NATO members in the 2010s. We investigate Germany and Italy as two case studies that followed two distinct trajectories. Policy elites suddenly adopted the paradigm in Italy and built a broad consensus on it. In Germany, crisis management has emerged lately and remains contested, as the territorial defense has maintained legitimacy among elites. Understanding the mechanisms underpinning such trajectories is the key to uncovering whether a consensus on a new version of territorial defense as a dominant paradigm will consolidate.

Rally around the flag? Explaining changes in Swedish public opinion toward NATO membership after Russia's invasion of Ukraine

After Russia's invasion of Ukraine, Sweden changed its historic position of non-alignment and applied for membership in the NATO military alliance. This decision coincided with a shift in public opinion in favor of NATO membership, in what has been described as the largest and fastest shift in public opinion that has ever been measured in Swedish history. We examine two aspects of this “rally around the flag effect” to explain this change, the effect of the crisis event itself and the effect of political elite influence by analyzing within-individual changes of a Swedish university student population at three different time points. We find that after the Russian invasion but before the decision was made to join NATO, public opinion was still split with roughly 40% still opposed. However, after the decision was made to apply for membership to the alliance many people changed their position (32%), either making up their minds or switching position entirely. We show that these changes were likely in response to the decision to join, and that they were moderated by individuals’ previously established political preferences.

Rapacki Plan: Policy of Small States in Central and Eastern Europe in Second Half of 1950s

This article addresses the role of small states in addressing security issues in Central Europe. Through an examination of the development of the Rapacki Plan, the authors trace the distinctive features of the national interests of small states in both Western and Eastern Europe. These interests were oriented towards the advancement of European integration, the resolution of the German question, and the mitigation of political and economic dependence on the USSR. Special attention is given to the Federal Republic of Germany’s (FRG) membership in NATO and the roles played by the United States, the United Kingdom, and other alliance members in attempts to address European security issues at the level of small states. Although the Rapacki Plan was never fully realized, its objectives were partially achieved. First, the arming of the FRG with American nuclear weapons and the deployment of American intermediate-range missiles on its territory were prevented; second, economic cooperation expanded, initiating the erosion of the “Iron Curtain”; third, a “universal idea of nuclear-free zones” emerged; and fourth, concrete steps were taken to prevent nuclear war.

25 Years of Poland’s Membership in NATO. Poland’s Role in the Changing Security Environment

25 Years of Poland’s Membership in NATO. Poland’s Role in the Changing Security Environment

Development Resources of the Border Regions of the Russian Federation

The Russian Federation borders with 18 foreign countries. Seven of them are NATO members as of March 2024. The state border of Russia passes through the territory of almost half of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation. The shelling of the territory of the Russian Federation by the armed forces of Ukraine radically changes the situation in the sphere of not only of military, but also of socio-economic security, primarily in the border regions of Russia. The issue of their protection, elimination of weaknesses and organization of society’s life in a new, unstable, largely unfavorable external environment is especially acute. The formation of resources necessary for solving these issues largely depends on the current level of economic development of the country and its border regions. The author’s purpose was to illustrate some aspects of the economic situation in the border regions of the Russian Federation, given the current circumstances where Russia’s adversaries are attempting to create areas of tension near the Russian borders, exemplified by Ukraine, Poland, and the Baltic States. To achieve this goal, the author solved several tasks. They are: selecting the subjects of the Russian Federation to be studied, determining the set of statistical indicators to be analyzed, and determining the length of the dynamic range for each indicator. We also constructed the dynamics of change for these selected indicators. The results of the author’s analysis of seven statistical indicators that reflect the socio-economic situation in 36 selected border regions of the Russian Federation are presented below. The analyzed statistical data are taken for the period from 1995 to 2021. The economic and statistical research was carried out on the basis of data from the Federal State Statistics Service of the Russian Federation, most of which are published in statistical collections “Regions of Russia. Socio-economic Indicators”. The article shows that a number of the studied parameters indicate the need to strengthen the economic power of the Russian border regions in modern and possible future conditions. The obtained results can be useful for legislative and executive authorities of the Russian Federation and the subjects of the Russian Federation in the development and implementation of the development policy of regions that have a particularly important strategic importance.

Contested Nuclear Sharing in Belgium: Domestic Political Dynamic for the Nuclear Weapons Ban

ABSTRACT The successful conclusion of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) has challenged the global nuclear order, but was dependent on bypassing the nuclear weapon states (NWS) and their allies. This has led critics to dismiss its practical value for nuclear disarmament. Proponents of the ban treaty, however, hope for a “transformative political dynamic” that delegitimizes nuclear weapons and leads to NWS and their allies joining the TPNW. This article contributes both conceptually and empirically to the discussion of this “transformative political dynamic”. It deals with the role of nuclear weapons for NATO membership and the strategies for legitimizing and delegitimizing nuclear weapons. The case study on Belgium analyzes the processes of coalition building and the discursive strategies related to Belgium’s nuclear role in NATO. The study shows that the exchange of symbolic arms control and disarmament initiatives for the approval of military budgets and the acquiescence to the claimed nuclear obligations of NATO membership stands on shaky ground.

THE EVOLUTION OF CZECHIA’S SECURITY POLICY UNDER THE INFLUENCE OF THE RUSSIA-UKRAINE WAR

For now, almost all spheres of international life are in the process of transformation. A particularly high level of turbulence characterizes European security, which has faced numerous challenges over the past decade such as the migration crisis, terrorist acts, the COVID-19 pandemic, information threats, etc. Directly threatening the European Union’s eastern borders, Russia’s full-scale invasion has become one of the most crucial security challenges. In this regard, the EU and NATO member states have to review their approaches to ensuring security and stability. Due to Czechia’s membership in both of these blocs and its geographical proximity to a war zone, its security policy has undertaken changes at the current stage, which this article covered.This article defines the reasons for the evolution of the security policy of the Czech Republic. It is worth noting that due to its geographic proximity to the war zone, Czechia perceives Russia’s aggression as a direct threat to its national security. Apart from Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, the assessment of Russia’s perception of the country is influenced by the Russian military intelligence services’ involvement in the explosions at Czech weapons warehouses in 2014 and Russia’s espionage activities as well. Thus, the increasing regional tensions and the political crisis in international relations prompted the Czech Republic to revise its key security and defense files, according to which Russia and China have been defined as the main security threats.Moreover, the author concludes that support for Ukraine became part of Czechia’s security policy, where the country demonstrated its clear position and declared its intention to sign a security agreement with Ukraine. Also, it is necessary to commend the importance of Czechia’s artillery shells initiative to Ukraine. The Czech Republic has taken several practical steps to respond to security threats increasing its defense spending to 2% of GDP and investments in the defense industry, along with modernizing the military forces and diversifying energy resources in order to get rid of Russia’s dependence. Accordingly, a comprehensive approach to reacting to new security challenges and threats can minimize their impact on Czechia’s security in the future.

Securitization, Deterrence, and Extended Deterrence by Denial: The War in Ukraine

Abstract The war in Ukraine created a situation in which various actors issued and responded to existential threats. These incidents of aggressive rhetoric invite a scholarly discussion about the securitizing moves of deterrence. More specifically, I identify five interrelated securitizing moves—each responding to the other moves—within which deterrent threats are embedded: It allows us to trace how Russian enunciators securitized the threat from the West and Ukraine and justified taking the exceptional measures of an invasion. This resulted in Ukraine making a counter-securitizing move, with the aim to receive international military assistance. In addition, the Russians securitized a potential direct involvement of NATO in the war in order to deter it. Locked between these securitizing moves of Russia on the one hand and Ukraine on the other, NATO members eventually chose to advance an extended deterrence by denial strategy through the unique means of providing weapons. By delivering the message that they are committed to support Ukraine, they aim to convince the Russians that allocating resources to fight in Ukraine is a worthless endeavor. Examining this case thus offers interesting implications for both deterrence and securitization theories.

Military expenditure and income inequality in European NATO Member States

The purpose of this investigation was to empirically assess the association between military expenditure and income inequality in the 19 European member states of NATO between 2011 and 2022. To achieve this, the authors carried out multivariate statistical analysis using Kaplan-Meier life tables and survival estimation techniques. The results highlighted a trend in the countries analysed that income inequality tended to decrease when investment in the military increased during the period under consideration. The association manifested itself in the shortest time in the group of countries with the lowest military spending per capita, while emerging in the longer term in the countries with the highest. Furthermore, under high threat of war, the association tends to be shortest in relative terms in countries with the lowest military expenditure per capita. The results also revealed that the association between military spending and income inequality is more pronounced in the smallest countries by population and those with the lowest military expenditure per capita. The authors believe that this investigation will enrich scientific knowledge with new insights.

Courtship, Honeymoon, and Stabilisation? Military Expenditures of New NATO Member Countries Before and After the 1999–2020 Enlargements

ABSTRACT As a result of the 1999, 2004, 2009, 2017 and 2020 enlargements, the number of NATO members increased from 16 to 30, with the alliance including 14 new countries in Central and Eastern Europe as well as Southern and Eastern Europe. The different times at which individual countries joined the alliance allow assessing the effect of the accession process and the accession itself on the long- and short-run level of military expenditures of the countries involved. By using the difference in differences method in this article, it has been demonstrated that in a period of 1-3 years prior to the accession the military expenditures of countries applying for the alliance membership are significantly higher by approx. 0.1-0.2 percentage points of the GDP. In the years following the accession to the alliance, military expenditures level out as the increases of military expenditures are statistically insignificant. An increase in military expenditures prior to the accession is more pronounced in the Balkan states than in the countries of NATO’s Eastern Flank. Estimation results suggest that being a member of the alliance has a positive effect on the level of military expenditures, which constitutes an argument in favour of a lack of the free-riding among new NATO countries.

Bottom‐up foreign policy? Finland, NATO and public opinion

AbstractFinland's decision to apply for membership in NATO is a case of bottom‐up driven foreign policy. Public opinion had been rather stable for more than 25 years in the NATO issue with less than 30 per cent of the people supporting Finland's membership in NATO but almost overnight during the week when Russia launched its invasion of Ukraine, a majority of Finns were in favour of it. Only after that shift in public opinion did the decision‐makers support the idea of joining NATO. How was the bottom‐up driven change possible? First, the resistance to NATO membership in Finland was common but not deep. Second, in the run‐up to the war, Russia had demanded that NATO put a stop to its open door policy not only with regard to Ukraine but also for Finland. Third, Russia's unprovoked war on Ukraine constituted a particular frame in Finland, because the 1939 Winter War analogy was a key part of the collective memory. Finally, due to a strong tradition of national consensus in foreign and security policy, the shift in the public opinion became overwhelming: when the tide had turned, only very few resisted. In sum, four factors enabled the public opinion change: a rational basis for opinion change, a sense of urgency, an emotional push and the consensus effect. Although public opinion is often seen as stabilising and retardant force particularly in foreign and security policy, it can also be a driver for change when suitable conditions such as those in Finland exist.