NATO Partners Research Articles

Jak skutecznie dzielić się wiedzą na temat zwalczania terroryzmu? Wnioski, dobre praktyki i zalecenia NATO DEEP eAcademy

Experience in recent years, including intense technological development and the COVID-19 pandemic, has led to an increased interest in web-based training. E-learning allows learners to absorb knowledge at a pace that is tailored to their abilities and teachers to be more flexible in their delivery. The same circumstances that have created new forms of learning and working in a technologically developed society have triggered the rise of hybrid threats and given terrorists modern tools. In response to this trend the North Atlantic Alliance established, among others, NATO DEEP eAcademy – an entity from the sphere of education and training, whose task is to develop optimal solutions for implementing the assumptions of NATO Defence Education Enhancement Programme, i.e. a programme supporting the transformation of the military education systems of NATO partner countries. The director of this institution, Prof. Piotr Gawliczek, talks about what NATO DEEP eAcademy offers these countries and the Polish contribution to this project.

How to efficiently share counterterrorism knowledge? Lessons learned, best practices and NATO DEEP eAcademy recommendations

Experience in recent years, including intense technological development and the COVID-19 pandemic, has led to an increased interest in web-based training. E-learning allows learners to absorb knowledge at a pace that is tailored to their abilities and teachers to be more flexible in their delivery. The same circumstances that have created new forms of learning and working in a technologically developed society have triggered the rise of hybrid threats and given terrorists modern tools. In response to this trend the North Atlantic Alliance established, among others, NATO DEEP eAcademy – an entity from the sphere of education and training, whose task is to develop optimal solutions for implementing the assumptions of NATO Defence Education Enhancement Programme, i.e. a programme supporting the transformation of the military education systems of NATO partner countries. The director of this institution, Prof. Piotr Gawliczek, talks about what NATO DEEP eAcademy offers these countries and the Polish contribution to this project.

Structure of the step-by-step sequential program for future officers of military education institutions to engage in the military applied seventh school

High motivation, sufficient level of professional knowledge, excellent physical and functional condition of the main body systems of servicemen are an integral part of the combat readiness and combat capability of the personnel of the units of the Armed Forces of Ukraine. At many stages of the conduct of hostilities during the full-scale invasion of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, the availability of the latest weapons and equipment, as well as the training of personnel to perform assigned tasks, the high level of training of units and units of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, are definitely essential components. The analysis carried out by specialists in physical training and sports (service branches) of the Armed Forces of Ukraine indicates the need for constant improvement and development of military applied (special) physical skills of servicemen. Specialists insist on the need to introduce in the training of military personnel the skills of overcoming obstacles, moving on the battlefield, throwing grenades, firing from small arms from different positions, swimming in uniform and with weapons. The reform of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, the training of future officers in military education institutions today makes it possible to abandon outdated approaches and methods of personnel training, and there are opportunities to introduce more effective methods into the military education system. More effective and innovative methods of training future officers of military educational institutions are organized for servicemen of the Armed Forces of NATO partner countries.

UKRAINIAN MILITARY EDUCATION: ЕURO-АTLANTIC VECTORS OF TRANSFORMATION

The article provides a systematic analysis of the state's political vectors in the field of military education. Determining the strategic course of Ukraine towards full membership in the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization has become a priority task for the security and defense sector in the field of military education. It is proved that the activities of the military education system are regulated both by the normative documents on the basis of which the military education system directly functions and by the normative legal documents relating to the higher education system in general. Changes in the legislation and regulatory framework of higher education are systematized. The main state documents that facilitate the implementation of the best practices of NATO partner countries in the training of modern Ukrainian military personnel are identified. The main tasks of the Strategy for the Development of Higher Education in Ukraine, in accordance with the UN Sustainable Development Goals, to intensify cooperation between Ukraine and the European Union in the field of higher education, which are necessary for reforming and modernizing the higher education system, promoting convergence in higher education within the framework of the Bologna Process, improving the quality and increasing the importance of higher education, deepening cooperation between higher education institutions, and enhancing the mobility of students, researchers, research and teaching staff are identified. The main provisions of the Policy of the Ministry of Defense of Ukraine in the field of military education and the Concept of Transformation of Military Education of Ukraine, which focus on the professionalization of military education, organization of continuous professional development, systematic study of national and international security trends, as well as changes in the principles and methods of armed struggle in the context of integration into the Euro-Atlantic security space, are analyzed. The significant role of the NATO DEEP-Ukraine program in the process of updating and optimizing the curricula of domestic military universities is determined.

Engaging women, peace, and security in defence: the role of the NATO committee on gender perspectives

ABSTRACT As NATO marks its 75th anniversary it is facing a future more uncertain than at any point since the end of the Cold War. The European security environment is changed and challenged by the ongoing Russian invasion of Ukraine, while the Israel-Gaza war poses further challenges. Given this critical moment, this article offers a strategic intervention to highlight and reinforce the essential role of the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda in defence and deterrence, including through the integration of a gender perspective, for NATO members and partners. It does so by bringing together former Chairs of the NATO Committee on Gender Perspectives (NCGP) into conversation about the continued importance of NATO’s oldest committee in ensuring NATO’s future approach to WPS is fit for purpose. Drawing upon their reflections and insights, we recommend policy points to embed and advance WPS and the gender perspective in NATO’s response to this new security environment.

International legal regulation of reforming the Armed Forces of Ukraine to NATO standards. studying the experience of command groups' activities in the armies of NATO member states and partner countries

The paper investigates the concept of mission command within the framework of military management, focusing on its application in modern military operations. Mission command, characterized by centralized intent and decentralized execution, is examined in terms of its origins, principles, and effectiveness in enhancing speed and initiative in military actions. The author conducts a comprehensive analysis of how mission command has been utilized by various military forces worldwide, assessing its alignment with contemporary strategic concepts and its contribution to achieving strategic objectives. Special attention is paid to its relevance and applicability in the context of the Ukrainian Armed Forces reform, particularly in enhancing command and control structures. The research highlights mission command as a vital component of effective military leadership, facilitating adaptability and responsiveness in complex operational environments. The findings underscore the importance of integrating mission command principles into modern military management systems to optimize decision-making processes and achieve mission success. Overall, the study provides valuable insights into the practical implementation and impact of mission command on military operations, offering recommendations for its further development and refinement within the Ukrainian Armed Forces and beyond.

Особенности и перспективы стратегического проникновения НАТО в Арктику: норвежское направление

Military-strategic penetration into the Arctic is becoming one of the key attributes of global capability for influential international players. The point applies not only to the most powerful states, but also to NATO as main keeper of military tools of the West. The article tries to identify and explore the scheme of NATO`s strategic penetration into the Arctic Ocean. It is noted that the role of its support is assigned to Norway, the reasons for the consensus on this issue between the United States and the leading NATO member states in Western Europe are identified. The paper assesses the strengths of Norway’s armed forces and identifies the bottlenecks that require support from NATO partners as they attempt multilateral penetration into the Arctic. Functionally, the Alliance’s anchoring scheme consists of three main elements. The first one is a section of the Russian Federation’s “containment” system in Finnmark. Here, the key role is assigned to the main forces of Norwegian troops with the practice of their operational reinforcement by the troops of NATO partners. In turn, the latter are ready to take an increased load in strengthening the second element. This is the coastline from Trondheim in the south to Tromsø, with the support of bases on which the strategic penetration into the Arctic Ocean (the third element) is carried out. This is ensured by the growing co-operation between the Norwegian Navy and interested NATO member states.

Sweden, NATO and the gendered silencing of feminist foreign policy

Abstract Sweden was the first state to adopt a Feminist Foreign Policy (FFP) in 2014, drawing on its state feminist tradition and support for the United Nations' Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda. Yet following the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 and Sweden's move to seek NATO membership—abandoning its policy of non-alignment—a gendered silence on FFP pervaded. Significantly, this therefore predated the official abandonment of FFP following the election of a new government in October 2022. NATO membership was viewed as incompatible with FFP. Yet, NATO has long sought to project itself as a gender-just actor, including through engagement with the WPS agenda culminating in its inclusion in the 2022 Strategic Concept. Further, Sweden—as a NATO partner—had been a stalwart of the alliance's work on WPS. This article contributes to understanding the role of gendered silences in shaping strategic narratives, in this case concerning Sweden's NATO membership bid. It provides insight for policy-makers and diplomats on the impact gendered silence can have on the wider efficacy of FFP and WPS, even during processes such as NATO enlargement which might otherwise be viewed as ‘gender neutral’, particularly when imbued with urgency.

NATO’S POSITION ON THE UKRAINIAN CRISIS AND ITS FUTURE (2014-2022)

The twenty-first century has brought new security challenges, some of which are taking place close to European borders, the most notable of which was the Russian attack on Ukraine, which challenged European political principles and basic values, and which came as a test of the strength of the European Union. The unity and power of the West, and it was a shock that made Europe wake up to threats that were possible and had actually been implemented. It had to respond and acknowledge that it was facing a military threat, and as a result the European Union had to strengthen its security and decided to strengthen cooperation with NATO Increasing the size of defense budgets is the way to do this. The European security strategy needed to be reviewed and updated, taking into account changes in the strategic environment, types of challenges, lack of resources, integration processes, and the positions of European citizens and decision-makers in Europe and the United States. Therefore, the European Union must seriously consider To the new challenges, the complex nature of security threats, the new political environment and the legal framework formulated after the Lisbon Treaty in 2009, In the new strategic concept of NATO in 2010, the problem of the Crimean Peninsula and its annexation to the Russian side demonstrated the importance of its strategic location, which made it the focus of an international crisis, and witnessed positions and interventions that amounted to a Russian-Ukrainian collision (the main parties to the crisis), with the presence of secondary driving parties. It has, largely like the United States and NATO, and the relationship between NATO, which was founded in 1949, and Ukraine, is one of the most important partnerships of the alliance. In 1994, Ukraine was the first country to join - after the Baltic states - the NATO Partnership for Peace, and in 1997 it was established The (NATO-Ukraine) Committee, under which Ukraine adopted non alignment, rejecting aspirations for NATO membership, but all that changed in 2014, after the Russian invasion and the Ukrainian Parliament rejected that status

КИТАЙСЬКА КОНЦЕПЦІЯ БАГАТОПОЛЯРНОГО СВІТУ ТА ЇЇ ЗАГРОЗИ ДЛЯ УКРАЇНИ

In contrast to the positive view of the role and place of China in the modern world and Ukrainian-Chinese cooperation, which is dominant among Ukrainian scientists, the article outlines the threats from the "peaceful rise of the PRC" and unjustified enthusiasm for the development of relations with it. Chinese leaders' official course and rhetoric have remained practically unchanged for decades, but real steps indicate a completely different content of foreign policy at the current stage. Talks about the "common destiny of mankind" and a multipolar world are followed by China's active actions aimed at changing the existing rules of the world system in its favor. China is very active in forming its own sphere of influence based on co-optation, coercion, and cover-up. Currently, it is using its entire economic and political arsenal to make the countries of the Global South dependent, especially the participants of the "Belt and Road" initiative. In the South China Sea, it is already using the "Strategy of Three Wars" to dislodge its opponents. The real content of Ukrainian-Chinese interaction, China's position regarding the Russian war against Ukraine, and its actual support of the aggressor no longer correspond to the status of a strategic partnership. Further close cooperation with the People's Republic of China contradicts the civilizational guidelines of our state regarding the development of democracy; mutually beneficial relations with the EU, NATO, the USA, and other partners that supported Ukraine in the war with Russia; observance of human rights. In relations with China, there is also the danger of deindustrialization, transformation into a commodity appendage, technological and cyber espionage, debt traps, corruption schemes, persecution of opponents of the Chinese government, etc. Considering the long-term national interests of democratic Ukraine and authoritarian China, we cannot be in the rank of strategic partners, but we can develop relations in accordance with the national interests of Ukraine and taking into account the numerous Chinese threats we mentioned.

Using Linear Regression in the Context of Military Power Enhancement

The article explores the application of linear regression in the context of military power enhancement. Linear regression analysis is employed to identify the key factors that contribute to military strength, such as defense expenditure and military personnel levels. The study utilizes data from 31 NATO member and partner countries and employs open-source data for analysis. The research aims to determine the impact of various independent variables on the dependent variable, the Military Strength Ranking for 2022, and identify which variables can be adjusted to achieve greater military power. The study's hypotheses are tested to establish the significance of each variable. The results indicate that defense expenditure and military personnel are statistically significant factors influencing military power. A higher defense budget and greater military personnel correlate positively with a higher Military Strength Ranking. However, the study acknowledges the challenge of balancing defense spending with civilian priorities, known as the "guns versus butter" dilemma. The importance of efficiently allocating defense funds to maximize military capability is emphasized, as history has shown that mere financial resources do not guarantee security. The study recommends increasing the share of military personnel, reducing administrative costs and optimizing structural units, particularly in supply and administration areas and the civil office's structural units, to enhance military capability within existing defense budgets. Additionally, the role of reserve forces is highlighted as a valuable resource for augmenting combat capabilities. The article underscores the need to strike a proper balance between active and reserve components of military capability.

The Zeitenwende at Work: Germany’s National Security Strategy

In spring 2023, Germany presented its first National Security Strategy. A remarkably clear document by German standards, it reflects the fact that the Zeitenwende (turning point) precipitated by the Russian invasion of Ukraine has already taken place in the minds of German policymakers and the German people, and signals a militarily stronger and politically more realistic Germany in the future. The protection of Germany and its allies tops the list of security-policy interests. Next comes strengthening European Union and NATO partnerships, as well as bilateral ones with France and the United States. Russia is seen as an imminent threat, and the West’s rivalry with China is considered a major challenge. The Bundeswehr is framed as the core security-policy instrument for countering threats and as the guarantor of Germany’s deterrence and defence capabilities. The document also explicitly enshrines the 2%-of-GDP target for defence spending.

Ukraine Report from the Field: TCCC in the Multidomain Battlespace

Introduction:Russia invaded Ukraine in February 2022, leading to significant preventable death across Defense forces and communities. When appropriate and adequate training has been provided, the use of point of injury (POI) care guidelines as exhibited by tactical combat casualty care (TCCC) and the implementation of damage control resuscitation (DCR) and damage control surgery (DCS) can reduce preventable morbidity and mortality in the far foreword environment. Background: Russia invaded Ukraine in 2014 exacting a heavy increase in preventable morbidity and mortality on the battlefield. Multiple global health engagement strategies by allied forces and health partners have focused on prehospital medicine. The most recent iteration of violence has seen a comprehensive invasion with the use of multi-domain battle and conventional weapons systems across nearly every state in Ukraine. These conventional weapon systems deployed by Russian forces exact a heavy lethality on all communities.Method:This report uses anecdotal data from undisclosed locations in Eastern Ukraine from the tactical evacuation care, Role 1, Role 2 to the Role 3 echelons of care as reported.Results:Appropriate application of combat application tourniquets (CATs), pressure dressings, access to tranexamic acid (TXA), antibiotics, basics of TCCC care and DCR/DCS, including access to blood as early as possible, save lives.Conclusion:Rapid access to tactical evacuation care and initiation of DCR/DCS from Role 1 to Role 2 has good effect. The Ukrainian armed forces have pushed damage control Resuscitation and Surgery as far forward as Role 1, which may require a paradigm shift within the NATO military medical standards and preparations for a peer conflict.Adequate TCCC, DCR and DCS training in the form of global health engagement have anecdotal success in the reduction of morbidity and mortality and in providing force health and medical readiness across NATO nations and partner forces such as Ukraine.

Foreign Policy: A Study on Post-2022 U.S. Midterm Elections and Implications for NATO and European Partners

This scholarly investigation critically examines the determinants leading to shifts in U.S. foreign policy post the 2022 midterm elections. The research encompasses a comprehensive analysis of domestic political influences, consequential legislative shifts, and disparate stances adopted by different political actors. Through a meticulous inspection, it seeks to explicate potential repercussions of such alterations for NATO and European affiliates. The evolving U.S. position, and its impacts on the strategic geopolitical landscape, defense prerogatives, and alliance collaboration mechanisms are evaluated. The study further aims to deepen the understanding of the interplay between domestic politics and foreign policy, accentuating the significant influence of political transitions on global alliances and strategic partnerships. Anticipated findings are projected to contribute to the academic literature on U.S. foreign policy dynamics and the subsequent implications for NATO and European counterparts. Additionally, valuable insights expected from this research may provide strategic guidance for policymakers, academics, and stakeholders vested in deciphering the complex relationships between domestic politics, midterm elections, and ensuing alterations in foreign policy. Ultimately, this study enriches the understanding of the evolving transatlantic scenario and the impact of political metamorphoses on international diplomacy and collaboration.

The Stakes Could Not Be Higher: The Allied Response in Ukraine

Why are the United States and other western NATO allies so invested in the war in Ukraine? Why have NATO partners provided such enormous military assistance? This short essay argues that Russia’s attempt to override the sovereignty of its neighbour poses a threat not just to Ukraine (although it is, of course, principally that) but also a threat to the modern world order which is built on fundamentally liberal institutions. Nor is it just the fact of Russia’s invasion (второжение) but also how the war is being prosecuted. The essay then examines President Volodymyr Zelensky’s attempts to cultivate his image in line with Western heroes like Washington and Churchill before turning to rebutting potential criticisms. In all, the essay concludes that the stakes for the world could not be higher.

CyberNSOF – A CRUCIAL FORCE MULTIPLIER IN MODERN WARFARE

Cyber security and special operations (CyberSOF) in the 21st century are constantly evolving and changing to meet today's threats. CyberSOF are constantly evolving as allied countries, strategic partners and key players in the Black Sea discover new tactics to achieve strategic objectives. So far, the one that has remained below the threshold of armed conflict by operating in the grey zone is the Russian Federation. The annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation is the first strong indicator that CyberSOF binomial operations have been executed. The Romanian Naval Special Operations Forces community is still developing specific guidelines or responses to deter or prevent a major cyber attack on Romania and its NATO partners. This research addresses an aspect of special operations and cyber community that has yet to be explained adequately. To achieve this goal, we will describe how the symbiotic relationship between Naval Special Operations Forces and Cyber Defense Command is crucial within the national military instrument of power at the strategic level and the impact of this binomial on the operational and tactical levels of hybrid conflict can be treated as both a force multiplier and force protection generator for Naval Forces and beyond. According to the specified causes to achieve our objectives, we will present the concept of Cyber Operations and Naval Forces for Special Operations (CyberNSOF), a novel concept that can produce strategic-level effects with minimal forces. Although the two entities presented above are services in the Romanian Military, used as a binomial (CyberNSOF) in support of the supported element, will be able to be used both as force multiplier, force protection element and last but not least as forces executing pre-emptive actions to deter the enemy. Taking these recommendations into account will increase the effectiveness of SOF maritime operations with the support of cyberoperations while ensuring the transition to a robust/ real joint capability in response to any emerging existing threats.

Top Gun: The Orbán Government’s Position on the War in Ukraine

Top Gun: The Orbán Government’s Position on the War in Ukraine

OCEANOGRAPHIC ENVIRONMENTAL ASSESSMENT USING UNDERWATER GLIDERS

REP(MUS) 21 is an annual exercise jointly organised by the Portuguese Navy, the University of Porto, NATO’s Centre for Maritime Research and Experimentation (CMRE) and the NATO Maritime Unmanned Systems Initiative. The exercise gives Allies and NATO partners a chance to field and evaluate new maritime technologies. A Rapid Environmental Assessment warfare group was formed using Maritime Unmanned Systems to perform an environmental assessment of this area, by collecting data from the upper ocean region (0- 200 m.), sea surface, littoral shallow waters, and river estuary. Underwater Gliders were used in the REPMUS21 exercise, brought by several partners, to conduct environmental observations from the underwater domain of the exercise’s Joint Operations Area (JOA). This paper focuses on the use of SeaExplorer underwater gliders to collect oceanographic data during the exercise, and the operational impact of using this knowledge to compile the Recognized Environmental Picture of the exercise area.

Sowing the wheat seeds of Afghanistan's future

Societal Impact StatementThe production and availability of food underpins societal stability. In Afghanistan, wheat is the major arable agricultural crop and source of dietary energy. The withdrawal of NATO allies and partner countries from Afghanistan presents numerous well‐documented societal and political challenges and has impacts on immediate and longer‐term food security. Conflict‐impacted irrigation infrastructure coupled with growing climate instability have also contributed markedly to reductions in current food, and specifically wheat, production. Here, we review the status of Afghan wheat improvement and propose a research agenda to support the regeneration of Afghanistan's wheat and agricultural sector.SummaryAfghanistan is a country with diverse natural ecologies in a largely arid and mountainous region. The rural sector is still considered to drive economic potential. Current social, political and economic instability along with climatic challenges are driving food and water insecurity in the wider region. In the short term, it is likely that this and the associated challenges of displacement and unemployment can only be addressed by humanitarian intervention and agrifood and nutrition support. In the medium to long term, drought, and heat, probably linked to climate change, will pose recurrent challenges for agriculture and food security that will require a much broader set of interventions to secure the rural population's livelihoods. The genetic gap, among other major challenges, must be addressed if Afghanistan is to develop its agricultural potential leading to income and livelihood improvements for farmers and stable and accessible supplies for consumers. Only thereby will the country be enabled to reap the important and long‐sought trade and food security benefits derived from self‐sufficiency. Here, we highlight the agricultural challenges facing Afghanistan and propose forward strategies for ensuring the future stability of wheat production, the cornerstone of Afghan agriculture.

Internationalizing Afghan security? Strategic narratives and transnational public sphere (dis)formation in Chinese, Russian, Afghani, and US media

For most of the past two decades, the United States pursued a policy leveraging its traditional NATO partners to secure Afghanistan’s future against the Taliban with little lasting success. However, in a dramatic reversal of U.S. policy in July 2018, President Trump ordered the start of direct talks between the United States and Taliban with the goal of internationalizing Afghan security. We argue that this move in 2018 by the United States can be understood as an attempt toward forming a transnational community around Afghan security by allowing non-allied nations greater voice and agency in Afghanistan’s political future. However, current theories of transnational public sphere are unable to account for such processes. Thus, the primary aim of this study is development of a theory of transnational foreign policy sphere formation. Drawing upon Wessler et al.’s (2008) four-step process of transnational public sphere development, we conceptualize this process as one of strategic narrative (dis)alignment across and within foreign nations’ media reporting on a common issue of concern. We then use media narratives reporting on Afghanistan’s political future as an empirical case study to demonstrate our theory, by examining over 2000 news articles from 17 different Chinese, Russian, U.S., and Afghani media outlets from February 2017 to January 2020. Theoretically, our study advances research into the transnational public sphere by examining their (dis)formation over time as well as the limits and opportunities of transnational public sphere emergence outside of European contexts and on foreign policy issues among publics with very different sociopolitical interests and cultures.