NATO Partners Research Articles

Can NATO's “new” allies and key partners exercise national-level command in crisis and war?

ABSTRACTThis article posits that most postcommunist members of NATO and key partners continue the practice of using communist concepts of command at the national level of governance. These concepts include the hyper-centralization of decision making, collective decision making, and of most concern, unclear chains of command and alignment of authority with responsibility. Combined, these concepts have the potential for inhibiting the timely and clear command of a nation's armed forces, let alone their effective assimilation into the alliance's integrated command structure. Such an eventuality has clearly negative implications for the alliance generally, but these weaknesses also could have the unexpected consequence of compromising “new” allies' national sovereignty in crisis and war.

Prehospital Medicine and the Future Will ECMO Ever Play a Role?

Due to the hybrid warfare currently experienced by multiple NATO coalition and NATO partner nations, the tactical combat casualty care (TCCC) paradigm is greatly challenged. One of the major challenges to TCCC is the ad hoc extension phase in resource-poor environments, referred to as prolonged field care (PFC) and forward resuscitative care (FRC). The nuanced clinical skills with limited resources required by warfighters and auxiliary health care professionals to mitigate death on the battlefield and prevent morbidity and mortality in the PFC phase represent a balance that is still under review. The aim of our article is to describe the connection between extracorporeal membrane oxygenation (ECMO) or the extracorporeal life support (ECLS) treatment and its possible improvement in prehospital trauma care, at a Role 1 or 2 facility and, more provocatively, in the PFC phase of care in the future through innovative technology and how it connects with FRC. We report and describe here the primary components of ECMO/ECLS and present the main concept of a human extracorporeal circulation cocoon as a transitional living form for the cardiopulmonary stabilization of wounded combatants on the battlefield and their transportation to higher echelons of care and treatment facilities (to include damage control resuscitation [DCR] and damage control surgery [DCS]). As clinical governance, these matters would fall within the remit of the Committee on Surgical Combat Casualty Care (CoSCCC) and the Committee on Enroute Combat Casualty Care (CoERCCC), and it is within this framework that we propose this concept piece of ECMO in the prehospital space. We caution that this report is a proposed innovation to TCCC but also serves to push the envelope of the PFC and FRC paradigm. What we propose will not change the practice this year, but as ECMO technology progresses, it may change our practice within the next decade. We conclude with proposed novel future research to save life on the battlefield with ECMO as a major challenge and one worth the focus of further research. Medicine is controversial and constantly changing; for those who work in prehospital and battlefield medicine, change is the only constant on which we rely, and without provocative discussion that makes our systems and practice more robust, we will fail.

ВИМОГИ ДО СЕРЖАНТСЬКОГО СКЛАДУ НАЦІОНАЛЬНОЇ ГВАРДІЇ УКРАЇНИ: ДОСВІД ЗБРОЙНИХ СИЛ КАНАДИ ТА США

Today, Ukraine is a NATO partner country that participates in all major current peacekeeping missions under its leadership. Ukrainian peacekeepers were involved in the missions of the International Security Assistance Force in Kosovo, the NATO Training Mission in Iraq, the International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan.Proceeding from the long-term goal of joining the pan-European system of collective security, Ukraine is building new approaches to ensuring national security. In this way, the change in personnel policy of military formations regarding the reform of the sergeant's composition is timely and extremely relevant.The purpose of the paper is to develop requirements for the representative of the sergeant composition of the National Guard of Ukraine based on the experience of the Armed Forces of Canada and the United States.Proceeding from the long-term goal of joining the pan-European system of collective security, Ukraine is building new approaches to ensuring national security. In this way, the change in personnel policy of military formations regarding the reform of the sergeant's composition is timely and extremely relevant.The article elaborates the general requirements for the representative of the sergeant composition of the NMU for the five development periods. The activities of sergeants are aimed at professional development and are defined for each period, envisaging individual training, training, opportunities for self-development and the time required to stay in the rank in order to gain valuable work experience. Each period represents a gradual increase in the levels of accountability, responsibility, authority, competence, leadership and knowledge of the activities. These periods of development are a starting point for the gradual formation of the sergeant composition of the National Guard of Ukraine in accordance with the requirements of NATO standards.Directions of further research will be aimed at substantiating the scope of duties and requirements for representatives of the sergeant corps.

Islam as an Underestimated Challenge: NATO States and the Afghan Crisis of 1979

Agnes Bresselau von Bressensdorf Islam as an Underestimated Challenge NATO States and the Afghan Crisis of 1979 Introduction The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in December 1979 not only signified that EastWest relations were relapsing into a “Second Cold War,”1 but also helped propel Islamism as an emerging factor within international relations in the immediate “history of the present.”2 At this point, the heyday of détente between East and West, which had been initiated in the 1960s and reached its culmination in the signing of the Helsinki Accords, had come to an end. In its place, the arms race not only dominated international political debates, but also policy discussions between the NATO allies.3 As early as 1977, West German Chancellor Helmut Schmidt drew public attention to Soviet armament with nuclear SS-20 missiles in a speech at the International Institute for Strategic Studies, provoking concerns within the alliance that the strategic balance of power might be shifting in favor of Moscow. A second controversy among the NATO partners over the production and deployment of the so-called neutron bomb followed on its heels, ending in a fiasco that deeply damaged German-American relations.4 Then, on December 12, 1979, NATO’s adoption of the Dual Track Decision in which the Western allies threate1 On the notion of the “Second Cold War,” see Gottfried Niedhart, Der Ost-West-Konflikt. Konfrontation im Kalten Krieg und Stufen der Eskalation, in: Archiv für Sozialgeschichte 50 (2010), pp. 557–94, here p. 588; Philipp Gassert/Tim Geiger/Hermann Wentker (eds.), Zweiter Kalter Krieg und Friedensbewegung. Der NATO-Doppelbeschluss in deutsch-deutscher und internationaler Perspektive, Munich 2011. 2 On the notion of the “prehistory of the present,” see Anselm Doering-Manteuffel/Lutz Raphael , Nach dem Boom. Neue Einsichten und Erklärungsversuche, in: Anselm Doering-Manteuffel/ Lutz Raphael/Thomas Schlemmer (eds.), Vorgeschichte der Gegenwart. Dimensionen des Strukturbruchs nach dem Boom, Göttingen 2016, pp. 9–34. 3 On the crisis of détente, see Leopoldo Nuti (ed.), The Crisis of Détente in Europe. From Helsinki to Gorbachev, 1975–1985, Abingdon/New York 2009; Poul Villaume/Odd Arne Westad (eds.), Perforating the Iron Curtain. European Détente, Transatlantic Relations, and the Cold War 1965– 1985, Copenhagen 2010; Melvyn P. Leffler/Odd Arne Westad (eds.), The Cambridge History of the Cold War, vol. 3: Endings, 1975–1991, Cambridge et al. 2010. 4 See Klaus Wiegrefe, Das Zerwürfnis. Helmut Schmidt, Jimmy Carter und die Krise der deutschamerikanischen Beziehungen, Berlin 2005, pp. 180–206. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110522990-007 174 Agnes Bresselau von Bressensdorf ned to install medium-range nuclear missiles if no arms control agreement could be reached with the Soviet Union within the next four years sparked even more dissent. InthisalreadyheatedinternationalsituationaroundChristmas1979,thenews of the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan came as a complete surprise to the German public.5 For the first time since the end of World War II, Moscow had openly intervened in a country outside the Warsaw Pact – the era of détente seemed to be over once and for all. Although the NATO partners had accomplished a major feat with the Dual Track Decision just two weeks prior, an even more intensive crisis within the alliance seemed to be looming on the horizon. How could NATO respond to this act of aggression without sacrificing the chances for an agreement with the Soviets on the control of medium-range missiles? What role was the West supposed to play in the war between the Soviet army and Afghan government troops on the one hand and armed Afghan resistance groups on the other? And, finally, which long-term objectives did the individual NATO partners pursue on their own accord in Afghanistan? Historiography and Concept In recent years, historians have taken a much closer look at what is often referred to as the Second Cold War. In particular, they have paid a great deal of attention to the aspects of this bipolar conflict reflected in the debates over arms control policy prior to the NATO Dual Track Decision in 1979. Moreover, several studies have explored the role of the peace movements and the question of whether, and to what extent, they were...

Nato Multinational Brigade Interoperability: Issues, Mitigating Solutions and is it Time for a Nato Multinational Brigade Doctrine?

Abstract Multinational Brigade Operations involving NATO and its European Partners are the norm in the post-Cold War Era. Commonplace today are Multinational Brigades, composed of staffs and subordinate units representing almost every NATO Country and Partner, participating in training exercises or actual operations in both the European and Southwest Asian Theatres. Leadership challenges are prevalent for the Multinational Brigade Commander and his staff, especially those challenges they face in achieving an effective level of brigade interoperability in order to conduct successful operations in NATO’s present and future operating environments. The purpose of this paper is twofold: to examine the major interoperability obstacles a multinational brigade commander and his staff are likely to encounter during the planning and execution of brigade operations; and, to recommend actions and measures a multinational brigade commander and his staff can implement to facilitate interoperability in a multinational brigade operating environment. Several key interoperability topics considered integral to effective multinational brigade operations will be examined and analysed to include understanding partner unit capabilities and limitations facilitated by an integration plan, appropriate command and support relationships, compatible communications, synchronized intelligence and information collection, establishing effective liaison, and fratricide prevention. The paper conclusion will urge for a NATO land brigade doctrine considering doctrine’s critical importance to effective brigade command and control interoperability and the expected missions a land brigade will encounter in future NATO operating environments as part of the NATO Very High Readiness Joint Task Force (VJTF).

SECURITY AND DEFENSE POLICY OF FINLAND TO THE EU, NATO, PFP AND THE NORDIC COUNTRIES IN THE XXI CENTURY

In this article, the author highlighted some important aspects that influenced the changes in the security and defense policy of Finland after the Cold War. These changes have had a major impact on the country's development. Also, the author chose and studied the important part of Finnish security and defense policy based on the basic state policy documents. In 1995, Finland is entering the EU, which changes the course of the foreign policy of Finland. During this period, Finland is trying to strengthen its position in the international arena by maintaining a policy of neutrality and independent military defense. After analyzing the basic document of security and defense policy of Finland from 1994 to 2012, it can be concluded that the cooperation with NATO is an important aspect for Finland, even despite the fact that it is not part of the Alliance. Finland has been participating in UN peacekeeping operations since 1956 and in the framework of the NATO Partnership for Peace (PfP) program from 1994. Within the framework of the PfP countries took part in the events in Afghanistan, Kosovo, Bosnia and Herzegovina. Finland's participation in peacekeeping operations and crisis management is the subject of Finnish security defense policy strategy. The Finnish documents on security and defense policy outlines the importance of cooperation between Finland and the Nordic countries of Europe. Particular attention is paid to the development of regional cooperation in the field of environment, economy, health, transportation and cultural events.

Austrian Security Policy Documents – a Walk on a Tightrope between Neutrality and International Solidarity

After achieving the Vienna State Treaty, Austria had to develop its security policy missing fundamental documents. The first main document was the constitutional law on neutrality, which was passed by the Austrian parliament on 26th October, 1955. Even before that, the Austrian defence law was approved on 5th September, 1955. Although Austria promised in the Moscow Memorandum to pursue a neutrality policy like Switzerland, the Austrian policy left this line by becoming a member of the UN in 1955. So the Austrian security policy started to walk a tightrope between neutrality and international solidarity because of her UN membership and membership in other organisations like EU or NATO Partnership for Peace (PfP) later on. This essay emphasizes the steps of amendments, which were made in the Austrian constitution and her policy during almost 60 years with respect to international security policy and Austrian participation in international operations. The aim of this essay is to point out the new understanding of international solidarity of “neutral” Austrian policy.But it is necessary to stress the main points of neutrality and what that meant in international security policy from a legal point of view.

Benchmarking contract management process maturity: a case study of the US Navy

Purpose– The purpose of this paper is to present the results of contract management process maturity assessments in the US Navy using a process capability maturity model. The maturity model is used to benchmark an organization’s contract management process maturity and to use the assessment results to develop a road map for implementing process improvement as well as knowledge-sharing initiatives.Design/methodology/approach– This is survey-based research on benchmarking contract management processes in the US Navy. A web-based assessment tool was deployed to US Navy contracting officers located at aeronautical systems, sea systems, and logistics support contracting agencies. The assessment tool consists of survey items related to the use of contracting best practices. The survey responses are then used to calculate the agency’s contract management process maturity level.Findings– The benchmarking results reflected higher maturity levels in the pre-award contracting processes (Procurement Planning, Solicitation Planning, and Source Selection), while lower maturity levels were reflected in the post-award contracting processes (Contract Administration and Contract Closeout). The research findings related to process capability enablers also reflected higher mean scores for the pre-award processes and lower mean scores for the post-award processes. These maturity levels and process capability enabler scores reflect the extent of the implementation of contracting best practices within the Navy contracting agencies.Research limitations/implications– This research uses a purposeful sampling approach designed to acquire data on organizational contract management processes. The assessment survey was administered only to qualified Navy contracting officers. The Navy contracting agencies are responsible for procuring billions of dollars in supplies and services in support of the Navy mission. Although the assessed contracting agencies procure different types of systems, supplies, and services, the contract management processes used are common to all Navy, Army, Air Force, and other US federal government agencies. The conclusions based on the analysis of these benchmarking assessments may be applicable to Department of Defense (DoD) and other government agencies.Practical implications– The findings suggest that benchmarking can be effective in measuring and improving contracting process capability within the Navy. Benchmarking contracting processes can have far-reaching effects throughout the DoD. The Under Secretary of Defense’s has mandated initiatives related to improving both pre- and post-award contracting processes. The use of these benchmarking assessments can be instrumental in tracking the achievements of these process improvement initiatives. Additionally, the US Congress is leading the push for auditability in procurement operations. By benchmarking and improving its contracting processes, the DoD will be winning the battle toward integrity, accountability, and transparency of its financial operations.Social implications– Benchmarking contracting processes can also have far-reaching effects in society. Many governments are focussing on integrity, accountability, and transparency in public procurement. International organizations such as Transparency International (TI) have identified process capability and process integrity as key for reducing the potential for procurement-related fraud, waste, and abuse. Additionally, NATO member countries and partner nations are focussing on the value of assessing and improving procurement processes for strengthening transparency and accountability. The value of benchmarking and improving contracting processes is gaining much attention in global public procurement agencies as they strive for accountability, integrity, and transparency in their governance processes.Originality/value– There are multiple reports on deficiencies in DoD’s contract management processes, identifying poor contract planning, and Contract Administration as just some of the critically deficient areas. In response, the DoD is increasing its emphasis on developing its workforce competence through education initiatives. However, very little attention is being paid to benchmarking contract management processes. This research reflects the value of benchmarking DoD’s contract management process maturity and using the results for implementing process improvement initiatives. Using process benchmarking data, agencies can identify process improvement initiatives that will ensure government tax dollars are spent in the most effective and efficient ways.

The “sleep-walking giant” awakes: resetting German foreign and security policy

A quarter of a century after the fall of the Berlin Wall, the role of the Bundesrepublik in Europe is once again the focus of international scrutiny and academic debate. Having long been seen as a “reflexive multilateralist” and “tamed power”, with a “leadership avoidance reflex” and a “civilian power” strategic culture, the Eurozone crisis has pushed the Berlin Republic into the role of “reluctant hegemon”. At the same time, however, Germany has been widely criticized by its EU and NATO partners for its half-hearted commitment to the Afghan war and its failure to support its allies in the Libyan intervention. Prompted by a call by Federal President Joachim Gauck in 2013 for Germany to live up to its international responsibilities, new themes in foreign and security policy have recently emerged. At the Munich Security Conference in February 2014, a more active and engaged approach was outlined by both the Foreign and Defence Ministers. This paper will examine recent shifts in the discourse of German foreign and security policy, and considers the extent to which these have been accompanied by significant shifts in policy outcome and implementation – particularly in the light of the Ukrainian crisis.

Diplomacy disturbed: NATO, conservative morality and the unfixing of a middle power

This article aims to explain the evolution of Canada’s relationship with NATO during the tenure of the Conservative governments of Stephen Harper (2006–14). A long-standing pillar of the country’s international policy, engagement with NATO has been noticeably weakened as Canada withdrew from joint Alliance programmes, ended participation in its operations, and paid less attention to relationships with NATO partners. Based on analysis of primary sources and interviews conducted among Canadian and NATO policy-makers, we argue that the loosening attachment to NATO has two sources, both underpinned by a particular interpretation of morality shaping the Conservative approach to foreign policy. One source is Canadian foreign policy becoming ‘unfixed’ from what was broadly termed its ‘middle power’ identity; the second, the experience of the ISAF mission in Afghanistan (2006–11), which made NATO as an institution seem incompatible with the Conservatives’ approach to foreign policy.

Virtual simulation training using the Storz C-HUB to support distance airway training for the Spanish Medical Corps and NATO partners.

In medicine, the advancement of new technologies creates challenges to providers both in learning and in maintaining competency in required skills. For those medical providers located in remote environments, access to learning can be even more formidable. This work describes a collaboration created to facilitate the use of new communication technologies in providing distance training and support to health care personnel deployed in remote areas.

NOVÁ POLSKÁ BEZPEČNOSTNÍ STRATEGIE: Důraz na obranu teritoria

The new Polish National Security Strategy was approved at the end of the last year. Its creation reflected ongoing shifts in global security environment most importantly the Ukrainian crisis and current assertive behaviour of the Russian federation towards her traditional areas of geostrategic interest. It focuses on a transmission of strategic priorities from participation in international operations to an imminent provision of the Polish territorial defence. New priorities are laid upon national defence potential, fulfilment of commitments towards the NATO and strategic partnership with the United States.

“ABSOLUTE FRIENDS”: UNITED STATES ESPIONAGE AGAINST GERMANY AND PUBLIC INTERNATIONAL LAW

Since 2014, the USA stands accused of engaging in espionage against Germany, a NATO partner and supposedly close ally. Many, though by no means all of these allegations became known because of the Snowden revelations. In Germany, this has led to a public backlash and has caused many to criticize the German government’s feeble reaction. Against this backdrop, this article considers whether the alleged US conduct may have even gone beyond abusing Germany’s trust by actually violating public international law. After summarizing the main accusations, the state of the debate on the legality of espionage in international law will be analysed. This will allow the conclusion that there is so far no convincing answer to the question of whether espionage violates public international law or not. This is due to the imprecise, contradictory and changing definitions of the term “espionage”, but also, more importantly, to the fact that there is no necessity for international law to deal with “espionage”. Rather, customary international law already provides clear guidance as to the lawfulness or unlawfulness of most, if not all, activities commonly associated with espionage. A detailed legal analysis of the alleged US spying activities will confirm this proposition and reveal that US conduct, if proven, did indeed violate public international law in each case. The USA not being able to rely on any legal justification for its actions, Germany would consequently be well within its rights to adopt countermeasures.

EU, US, and TURKEY in THE CAUCASUS: IS THERE A CLASH OF INTERESTS?

Although the maln plnyer in the Caucasus is still the Russian Federation, it is not just neighboring powers such as Iran and Turkey, but also the EU and the US that have started showing their interest in the region during the last decade - namely. after the dissolution of the Soviet Union. There is a lot of evidence us to how Russia influenced the South Caucasus in the past. Significantly, this influence still affects t he politics, economies and social life of the region. A new player, however, began to influence the regional situation in a number of important ways. Each party involved in the region has its own interests, but the key interest that every player has could be summarized as a desire to get a larger share of the region's energy resources. It wou ld appear that Turkey, being a NATO partner and a close ally of the US, doesn't have serious conflicts with the US in the South Caucasus, America's more active involvement in the region after September 11, 2000, will force all parties to re-examine their policies toward the region. It seems, however, that some of the EU projects in the South Caucasus either leave Turkey aside or have been prepared without taking Turkey's interests into consideration.

NATO W NOWYM ŚRODOWISKU STRATEGICZNYM: CYBERATAKI PODLEGAJĄ JUŻ ARTYKUŁOWI 5 TRAKTATU PÓŁNOCNOATLANTYCKIEGO

The greatest change ever in the defence policy and military strategy of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation occurred in 2014 in response to a series of major cyber attacks against NATO member states and partner states - Estonia in 2007, the United States and Georgia in 2008, and others in later years - and to a general transformation of the security environment in which cyberwar and other threats to cybersecurity gain rapidly in importance. At the 2014 Wales Summit, NATO recognised that cyber defence is part of its central task of collective defence and that Article 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty - ”The Parties agree that an armed attack against one or more of them in Europe or North America shall be considered an attack against them all . . .” - can be invoked in the case of cyber attacks. This statement is the first and only expansion of the meaning of Article 5 and the first and only addition of a new type of warfare to the policy and strategy of NATO. After the change, the Alliance must face new challenges not less urgent and difficult than the old ones of kinetic warfare or weapons of mass destruction. This article addresses the broadest strategic context of the change. An analysis is made in the light of the global strategic thought and of the development of warfare through history. By entering the new strategic space of cyber warfare, NATO proves itself to be among the world’s most modern and advanced powers while, at the same time, it returns to the ancient - and lasting - tenet of strategy: information is not inferior to force. This way the Alliance moves away from Carl von Clausewitz and closer to Sun Zi. The recognition of cyberspace as a strategic space also corresponds to another influential idea in the heritage of strategy: the concept of the ”great common” the control of which is the key to the power over the world and over war and peace worldwide. Alfred Thayer Mahan considered the global ocean to be the ”great common” crossed by vital trade routes and by navies competing for superiority. Now cyberspace is as open, vital and fragile as the maritime space was in Mahan’s vision. Cyberwar also creates a promise and a temptation of a decisive strike - the first and last strike in a war - circumventing all military defences and paralysing the enemy country. It is a new version - less lethal or not, dependent on the tactics of cyber attacks in a cyber offensive - of the idea of strategic bombing and of the entire concept of air power, especially by its visionary Giulio Douhet, and then of nuclear strategy. Finally, the article provides two practical recommendations regarding the policy and structure of the North Atlantic Alliance in unfolding new era. Now NATO needs a speedy follow-on to the breakthrough decision of the Wales Summit. Cyber defence should be fully integrated into the next Strategic Concept which is expected in or around 2020 but could be worked out sooner because of the accelerating transition of the security environment. NATO should also consider establishing a global Cyber Command to maintain the initiative and to assure the credibility of the enlarged meaning of Article 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty. This credibility will be immediately, continuously and comprehensively tested by many players of the global game.

Latvian Security and Defense Policy within the Twenty-First Century Security Environment

The aim of this paper is to analyze fundamental factors which form and profoundly shape security and defense policy of the Republic of Latvia. One can argue that historical background, geographical location, common institutional history within the former Soviet Union, the Russia factor, the relative smallness of the territory of state and the population, the ethnic composition of the population, the low density of the population and rather limited financial and manpower resources available for the defense of the Republic of Latvia are the key factors of influence on the state security and defense policy. The core principles of the security and defense policy of Latvia are the membership in powerful global military alliance of NATO and bilateral strategic partnership with the United States. However, security and defense cooperation among the three Baltic States as well as enhanced cooperation within the Baltic-Nordic framework is seen as an important supplementary factor for the increased security of the Republic of Latvia. Latvia has developed a sustainable legal and institutional framework in order to contribute to state security and defense; however, security challenges and significant changes within the global security environment of the twenty-first century will further challenge the ability of the Republic of Latvia to sustain its current legal framework, and more importantly, current institutional structure of Latvian security and defense architecture. Significant internal and external challenges will impact the fundamental pillars of Latvian security and defense policy, such as American strategic shift to the Pacific, and lack of political will to increase defense budgets in European part of NATO. It has to be clear that very independence, security and defense of the Republic of Latvia depend on the ability of NATO to remain an effective organization with timely and efficient decision-making, and the ability of the United States to remain militarily effective and committed to the security and defense of Europe.

On the Transatlantic Edge

Since the 1990s, Denmark, Norway, Sweden and Finland have worked as NATO members or partners, participating in expeditionary operations and playing political leadership roles in the transatlantic security community. Today, however, the Nordic-Baltic security environment is changing rapidly, a trend only further accelerated by the Ukraine crisis. Magnus Nordenman argues that the emerging strategic environment will force the Nordic nations to focus on challenges closer to home, and that their current defence constructs will be challenged if they are not further refined and if co-operation is not extended.

Beyond Afghanistan NATO's Partnership with Central Asia and South Caucasus: A Tangled Partnership?

This article examines how the Alliance's partnership policy has changed in Central Asia and South Caucasus since the 1990s and aims to clarify to what extent NATO's new partnership policy can affect its relations with these countries. NATO–Russian relations and the Afghanistan operation are evaluated as the main drivers of this process. The target date of the withdrawal of the ISAF combat mission in December 2014, set at the Lisbon Summit 2010, as well as the shifting of the focus of long-term US foreign policy to the Asia-Pacific region and the US aim of balancing China's influence in this region increase the necessity for the Alliance to redefine its future policy towards Central Asia and South Caucasus. The article claims these developments have caused the need to treat Russia more as a partner than a potential competitor in constituting the policy towards Central Asia and South Caucasus. Furthermore the article claims there is no possibility for new Alliance expansion in this part of the world in the short to medium term.

US-Turkish Relations in the Obama Era

As the new-look Obama administration sets foreign policy goals for the coming four years, many of the changes that swept through the Middle East during the US president's first term will continue to reshape regional geopolitics. It is within this context that the relationship between the US and its NATO partner in the region, Turkey, could come to play a vital role. Beniamin Poghosyan argues that after a period of apparent distance, during which Turkey prioritised its relations with non-Western allies, Ankara's recent policies show a renewed emphasis on its strategic alliance with the US in its attempt to successfully ride the waves of unrest in the Middle East.

NATO and energy security: from philosophy to implementation

Despite an array of concerns on the part of its 28 member states, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization is gradually moving towards greater involvement in energy security issues. Real world events as well as the interests of some of NATO's partner countries have been important drivers in this regard. The challenge for the alliance will be to develop a practical agenda in energy security which plays to NATO's strengths, yet, without unduly militarising the issue nor duplicating efforts by other actors.