NATO Forces Research Articles

Implementation of NATO standards in the training system for the Security Service of Ukraine

Incorporation of North Atlantic Alliance standards into domestic legislation, that governs relations in the security and defense sector is one of the key requirements for Ukraine to obtain a NATO Membership Action Plan and further deepen Euro-Atlantic integration with a view to acquiring Alliance membership. An Important condition for these tasks is the implementation of NATO standards and procedures in the legislation governing military education. In the process of standardizing and achieving the state of compatibility of the security and defense sector of Ukraine with the relevant NATO forces, the specificity of the application of standards in improving the system of training specialists for the Security Service of Ukraine should be highlighted separately. According to this development course, military education today includes formal and informal (general training) components, and the improvement of professional competence (special training). Professional training of military specialist according to NATO standards is carried out at the appropriate levels of management: operational, tactical, strategic. It remains compulsory for officers to have received a higher education in the relevant educational programs. Taking into account the specific nature of the professional activities of the members of the special service, the tasks assigned to them and the functions performed for that purpose, namely, countering intelligence and subversive activities, combating terrorism, counter-intelligence and defending national statehood, Ensuring the security of the State in cyberspace, etc., the training system for the Security Service may be differentiated according to its functional direction and institutionalized in the military education system or outside it. At the same time, an important basis for the development of the educational component in the Security Service of Ukraine will remain the recruitment of teaching staff from among persons with practical experience. Despite the format of the model chosen, training for the security forces should be based on NATO standards, with a conceptually new piece of legislation.

The role and place of artillery in combating “Anti-Access/Area Denial” A2/AD systems

The modern “Anti-Access/Area Denial” A2/AD systems are defined as a combination of all possible measures that can limit the ability of a potential opponent to enter and occupy a given area (operational theatre). Their action relies, among others, on radio-electronic disruption of digital guidance systems, communication, command and control systems, shooting down long-range maneuvering missiles, drones, and aircraft. The primary assumption of the anti-access concept is to deprive the enemy of the possibility of entering a given operational area (A2 – Anti-Access) through long-range destruction and depriving them of freedom of action in that theatre (AD – Area-Denial) by medium and short-range weapons. The Surface-to-Air Missiles (SAM), Anti-Ship Ballistic Missiles (ASBM), and Anti-Ship Manoeuvring Cruise Missile (ASCM) are used to carry out A2/AD tasks. Field artillery has also been used recently, particularly the Long-Range Precision Fires (LRPF). The purpose of the article is to determine the chance of using field artillery against the A2/AD systems. According to the authors, the NATO forces will lose control in the air in the first period of the conventional conflict with an equivalent opponent, and its rapid recovery will be a priority. Field artillery, as a weapon with ever greater possibilities of precise and deep destruction, can become a decisive factor, allowing dominance of A2/AD systems and enabling the implementation of tasks of its air-force and army aviation, as well as ground forces.

Cyber offense in NATO: challenges and opportunities

Abstract As a response to the Russian invasion of Crimea, NATO returned to the core military concepts of deterrence and collective defence. This NATO adaption has recently come to include attempts to integrate offensive cyber effects into NATO force structure and response doctrine. The article argues—counter to what is publicly declared—that such an integration does little to strengthen NATO's deterrence posture and is unlikely to deter non-military, hybrid cyber activity below the threshold of collective defence. The article identifies several practical challenges to the current integration effort, which include the temporal dimension of developing exploits, battle damage assessment and deconfliction. With these challenges in mind, the article suggests that deploying minor and less resourceful cyber effects that cause persistent ‘cyber annoyances’ holds an unappreciated potential as they can drain opponent resources, disturb vital IT-systems and complicate decision-making. The article ends by arguing that NATO should not adapt its collective defence clause to cyberspace. A more active NATO in cyberspace risks undermining the cyber-intelligence norm that so far has prevented escalation and thereby increasing the likelihood that Russia misinterprets intelligence and active cyber defence activities as military preparation, armament or an attack in the making.

AN AFRICAN UNION WITHOUT MUAMMAR GADDAFI: Challenges and Prospects of Strong Arab-Black Africa Cooperation

The uprising that eventually ousted Muammar Gaddafi was one political enigma that seems to have defied the imagination of most Africanist scholars. Many questions may arise, yet not all may find suitable answers. This paper however attempts to tackle some of these questions in the light of the respective roles played by the AU and NATO in the entire episode heralding the demise of the Libyan leader. First, could NATO’s involvement in the Libyan conflict be a pay-back package for the Lockerbie Bombing and alleged Gaddafi’s sponsorship of international terrorism? Secondly, why did the Africa Union, an organization whose conception and formation cannot be totally separated from visible efforts of Muammar Gaddaffi, stand aloof while NATO forces aided and abetted his destruction? Thirdly, given the subsequent trend of insecurity that greeted Gaddafi’s exit from power both in Libya as represented by the warring factions, and globally as represented by the ISIS, could the objectives of Gaddafi’s removable be said to have been me?

Dialogues and Peace Treaties in Afghanistan: An Analysis from 2010 to 2019

After the American invasion of Afghanistan in 2001, the war-torn nation confronted numerous hardships and adversities in the following decade. US-led NATO forces overthrown the Taliban regime on 13 November 2001. The Taliban encountered severe blows from the US and allied forces, which constrained them to take shelter in the neighbouring countries, besides the hilly areas of Afghanistan (Afridi, Afridi, & Jalal, 2016). The region has witnessed a fierce fight between the Taliban and the NATO troops till 2010. Afterwards, a new phase in the Afghan conflict has begun; a progression of table talks and negotiations was initiated at various fronts. This particular research will focus on the dialogues, treaties, and negotiations among the conflicting parties to find a peaceful solution to the Afghan war.

The Role of Afghan National and Defense Security Forces in the Security of Afghanistan

Security has been one of the greatest concerns of Afghanistan for a long but this aspect gained great momentum in 1979 upon the Russian intervention in Afghanistan. It became a common phenomenon in the entire world in September 2001 when the Pentagon was hard hit by the terrorist attacks. This led to the establishment of a democratic government in Afghanistan Vis Vis the need for an increased security system. With the transition of the NATO forces from Afghanistan in 2014, the Afghan National and Defense Security Forces were assigned the task of maintaining security in the country. Main objectives of the study circle around challenges before the ANDSF, its achievements, and the future of the ANDSF. This paper focuses on the current status of the ANDSF in the security paradigm of the country since security is still a big challenge before the government.

The strategic relations of Pakistan and Russia in 21st Century

A systematic investigation of the steps that Russia has taken after 9/11 to improve strategic relations with Pakistan gives an idea of ​​why it is moving so carefully towards Pakistan. Now it has become important to see what kind of steps Russia has taken to further enhance strategic relations with Pakistan. In June, 2014 the Russian leadership began negotiations to provide Pakistan with state-of-the-art war helicopters to combat drug traffickers (Ullah, 2014, p.1). This development has taken as a surprise in the international community and certainly is not one that can be easily overlooked. The United States and Europe are looking disturbed and some experts have made suppositions that Russia is maneuvering the withdrawal of NATO forces by increasing instability in Afghanistan to increase its role in the aftermath of the withdrawal of NATO forces. In the new situation, Pakistan will have to be strengthened at the front of foreign policy so that it can better cope with the state of affairs that can emerge after the withdrawal of NATO forces. Some experts believe that Russia no longer wanted to make things one-sided and want to increase the role of other stakeholders of the region in the solution of Afghanistan. In the past Russia has paid extraordinary attention to India and ignored Pakistan. These experts believe that Russia now wanted to create a balance of power in the region through cooperation with Pakistan and is trying not to give too much to any one country in the world. Talks between Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan and Russian President Putin during the SCO summit in June 2019 were highlighted in the national media of Pakistan and Russia as well as in the international media (Pakistan eyes new horizons with Russia, 2019). The history and nature of Pakistan-Russia relations have been very unique and interesting. Pakistan and Russia relations teach the lesson that elements like sentimentality, friendship, and enmity have no place in international relations. In the modern state system, these are the national interests, based on which the two states can come closer to each other and work together to achieve their goals by putting their difference of past behind the scene.

The south Caucasus and NATO’s defence education enhancement programme. The measurement of its effectiveness

The aim of this paper is to review NATO’s Defence Education Enhancement Programme (DEEP) and to bring to the fore the measures of effectiveness regarding its implementation and to determine its shortcomings in the South Caucasus region. At the same time, the paper highlights the efforts of the DEEP teams to influence the partner educators through dialogue and encouragement. The authors refer to the best examples considering the measures of effectiveness. Considering the outcomes achieved by the partner nations, they endeavoured to apply Kirkpatrick model for measuring DEEP’s effectiveness in the South Caucasus countries. The paper discusses how they can more effectively address the challenges in their professional military education (PME) through their tailored DEEPs. The paper analyzes the processes that led by the South Caucasus nations, their national interests and what steps still need to be taken to realize their ambitions to be intellectually interoperable with NATO forces.

ОСНОВНІ НАПРЯМИ ВДОСКОНАЛЕННЯ МОВНОЇ ПІДГОТОВКИ КУРСАНТІВ У МЕЖАХ АКАДЕМІЧНОГО ВІЙСЬКОВОГО СПІВРОБІТНИЦТВА

The paper focuses on developing of cadets' language training (CLT) in the professional military education (PME) schools in the framework of the Ukraine-NATO and Ukraine-EU academic military cooperation. It identifies an urgent need in improving the language training of cadets due to the contradictions between the required level of language proficiency for future officers (level 2 according to STANAG 6001) and insufficient foreign language skills of a considerable number of graduates from Ukrainian PME schools. Academic military cooperation is considered as important area of activities to domestic and partner-nation PME schools. Its main objective is to ensure integration of national military education in the global educational space. Such cooperation is mutually beneficial and allows Ukraine to develop capacity to influence the international security system; improve the Ukrainian Army operational capabilities and acquire interoperability with NATO forces. The main means to achieve these goals are implementing the Euro-Atlantic standards, perfecting the Ukrainian servicemen training, including improving CLT. The paper examines the key directions of the Ukrainian academic military cooperation with NATO and EU in developing CLT in the framework of adopted programs. It describes main aspects of these projects and their implementation mechanisms as well as key advantages, opportunities and achievements of such cooperation. Based on the effectiveness assessment of existing academic military cooperation programs, it was concluded that they have a positive impact on improving the CLT with use of open access to training resources, intellectual achievements, modern training technologies and best practices of partner countries. The main tasks for further development of the academic military cooperation include perfecting support to CLT, improving professional development of the faculty and implementing innovative forms of education.

The Return of the Military Memoir: The Bundeswehr Deployment to Afghanistan and the Re-Emergence of a Literary Form

This article examines the re-emergence of the military memoir in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) since the deployment of the Bundeswehr, the armed forces of the FRG, to Afghanistan as part of NATO’s International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) in 2001. The resurgence of a literary form associated in the 1950s with the apologetics of officers of the Wehrmacht, Hitler’s army, and the construction of a usable Second World War past is striking. The article locates this phenomenon in a gap that has been growing since the mid-2000s between official claims about the deployment and soldiers’ perceptions of the reality on the ground. It also reads memoirs by Achim Wohlgethan, Heike Groos, Andreas Timmermann-Levanas and Robert Sedlatzek-Muller as examples of the soldiers’ dominant narratives – of the exercise of military skills and of trauma – to emerge from ISAF. These recent memoirs resemble more closely the texts by soldiers from other NATO forces and they offer a partial normalisation of a form with a problematic history in the FRG. In the face of ongoing suspicion on the part of German scholars, the article draws on a tradition of English-language scholarship to argue also for a normalisation of critical approach. What is needed is a method able to relate the texts to international scholarship about the form while remaining sensitive to the distinctive way in which, against the background of the form’s problematic history in Germany, they embody key values of the founding ideal of Bundeswehr of the soldier as a ‘Citizen in Uniform’. Tweetable Abstract: The return of the military memoir in German suggests the normalisation of a difficult form; critical approaches are urgently required to explore this.

Russian Electronic Warfare, Cyber and Information Operations in Ukraine

NATO is more dependent than ever on electronic systems which are being targeted by increasingly sophisticated electronic warfare (EW), cyber and information operations. Russia has demonstrated considerable proficiency across these domains, in particular during the crisis in Ukraine. Russia is now reported to be mounting a sustained information operations campaign in the Baltic states and there is concern regarding the potential impact of its EW and cyber capabilities on the operational effectiveness and survivability of NATO forces, should there ever be a confrontation. Duncan McCrory highlights some of the challenges facing the Alliance in these domains to raise awareness among the non-technical specialist community and provide options to enhance NATO’s resilience and counter this evolving threat. ◼

ON DEVELOPMENT OF AVIATION EQUIPMENT’SRELIABILITY MODELS (ON THE EXAMPLE OF HELICOPTERS)

On the example of helicopters, the topical issues of systematization and mathematical processing of statistical information taking from fault log sheetsto assess the level of reliability and flight safety of state aviation equipment are considered.
 The reliability of all helicopter systems must meet the pressing needs of defense capabilities and support the capabilities of the state aviation of Ukraine to carry out combat missions at the current level. Improving preparedness for assigned tasks will facilitate participation in combined operations with peacekeeping and NATO forces. The considered model of the system of aviation equipment on the example of helicopters consists of interdependent, jointly functioning, united by a single purpose of five subsystems of the corresponding type of specialty: “helicopter and engine”, “aircraft armament”,“aircraftequipment”, “avionics equipment”,“navigation and target acquisition system”.
 Realization and methodical approaches to the development of complex failuremodels of the elements of “helicopter and engine” system by types of helicopters are substantiated. The paper proposes to address on the example of helicopters the lines of approach the problem of assessing the real level of operational reliability and flight safety of aircraft to maintain their serviceable condition.
 When putting military aviation assets into operation according to the technical condition, using statistical models of reliability and flight safety, the important task of increasing resource indicators is solved, which requires improving the system of collecting, processing and analyzing information from fault log sheets.

Attitudes and Motivation of Afghan Students toward Learning English

AbstractThis study investigated Afghan students’ attitudes and motivation toward learning English at six different universities in Afghanistan. Several factors were believed to influence their success in learning English (i.e., motivation types as a major factor together with variables, such as gender, grades, fields of study, parental/teacher involvement, language learning anxiety and academic achievement). In searching for a reliable attitudinal profile of the subjects, quantitative research methodology was adopted along with mixed research techniques. The data was collected from 457 university students (273 male and 184 female) and 12 university EFL teachers through questionnaires and interviews. The findings showed that most of the Afghan university students held a positive attitude toward learning English and they were highly influenced by three types of motivation (i.e., instrumental, integrative, and intrinsic). Significant differences were found in the attitudes of students in terms of their fields of study, grades, and language learning anxiety. Interestingly, the findings also showed that some students were demotivated to learn EFL due to the propagation that English will no longer widely be used if NATO and US forces leave Afghanistan. It is suggested that EFL teachers should adopt motivational strategies in their classes to develop students’ positive attitudes and enhance their motivation toward learning EFL.

Complicating Digital Nationalism in China

SCHNEIDER, Florian. 2018. China’s Digital Nationalism. Oxford: Oxford University Press. HAN, Rongbin. 2018. Contesting Cyberspace in China. New York: Columbia University Press. At the end of April 1999, Chinese hackers hijacked several US government websites. They replaced home pages with messages such as “Protest USA’s Nazi action! Protest NATO’s brutal action!” In the midst of the war in Kosovo, this was retaliation for the accidental bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade by NATO force...

ВІЙСЬКОВО-ІСТОРИЧНІ АСПЕКТИ МІЖНАРОДНОГО ВІЙСЬКОВОГО НАВЧАННЯ «RAPID TRIDENT-2019»

This paper presents military-historical aspects of multinational exercise Rapid Trident-2019 that was conducted in Ukraine in September 2019. The article includes a comparative analysis of the annual exercises Rapid Trident starting 2006. The work describes main objectives and key events of the Rapid Trident-2019. It outlines using of simulation techniques and imitation technologies as well as experimental application of NATO Lessons Learned Process for collection data and analysis of the exercise performance. The article contains an assessment of the exercise effectiveness based on analysis of main outcomes of Rapid Trident-2019, evaluation of accomplishment of training tasks and achieving exercise objectives. It introduces the generalized recommendations for further improving military exercises, enhancing Ukrainian Army capabilities and developing operational interoperability with NATO forces.

The M16 in Vietnam: A History of the Weapon’s Effectiveness in the Vietnam War and the Necessity of its Creation

Based off the AR-15 and necessitated by the need for a superior weapon to that of the enemy, the M16 made its debut in the Vietnam War. The M16 was an icon for protagonists in movies and TV, a symbol for democracy, and it became the image for American or NATO forces for decades to come. It is still in service today as the standard issue weapon for 85 sovereign nations, including the United States. Few doubt the efficacy of the weapon’s later, more advanced models in the Gulf War, the invasion of Grenada, or the war in Afghanistan. The Vietnam War, however, was the debut of the M16. However, the weapon’s effectiveness has faced scrutiny within the context of the Vietnam War. So, the question remains: was the M16 an effective weapon in the Vietnam War, and was it a necessary implementation?

Pakistan’s Role in the Social Reconstruction of Afghanistan in the Post 9/11 Era

Afghanistan has been under a state of war for the past few decades. Wars and the ensuing destruction in the region have badly affected the socio-economic and security environment of the country. The situation in Afghanistan has been equally alarming to the neighboring states, particularly for Pakistan which shares its longest porous border with this war torn country. Cognizant to this fact Pakistan not only fully supported the NATO forces to stem the looming threat of Al -Qaeda and Taliban but have also taken serious interest in the social reconstruction of Afghanistan. The primary focus of this paper is to highlight the role of Pakistan with respect to the social reconstruction of Afghanistan. Here the term “social” broadly employs to some important social sectors of Afghanistan such as communication, health, education, and the hosting of Afghan refugees as well as the nurturing of Afghan businessmen in Pakistan and their contribution to the Afghan socio-economic development. The paper at hand argues that Pakistan, due to its geographical proximity and ethnic similarity with Afghan Pashtun can play significant role in the social reconstruction of Afghanistan. Pakistan’s performance in this regard can become more effective if her own security concerns regarding the involvement of hostile countries in Afghanistan are properly addressed by the international community.

Towards a New Arctic

Thus far, the strategic importance of the GIUK–N (Greenland–Iceland–UK–Norway) region has been understood in a transatlantic context. With the opening of the Arctic Ocean, however, the region’s strategic significance as the gateway to the Arctic is increasing. In this article, Rebecca Pincus argues for the incorporation of a new, transpolar perspective into strategic considerations of the GIUK–N. A strategic re-evaluation is timely to prepare US and NATO forces to play a shaping role as the Arctic Ocean continues to open and great power competition persists.■

Историческая правда против лжи и фальсификаций (к 75-летию Великой Победы)

The study identifies and critically analyzes three areas of falsification of the history of World War II and the Great Patriotic War. The first area presents an attempt to distort the causes of the wars under consideration through techniques and methods of alternative history, the myth of conspiracy of two dictatorships, – the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact. The second area is falsification of the social character of the Great Patriotic War by asserting that this war was someone else’s war, rather than domestic, na-tional and liberation one. The third area is the distor-tion of historical truth regarding the course and out-come of World War II and the Great Patriotic War by claiming the lie that a number of victories of the Red Army and mass heroism of the Soviet soldiers alleg-edly did not exist, and stating that the decisive con-tribution to the Victory was made not by the USSR, but by its Western allies. The study exposes these techniques of distorting historical truth, reveals their methodology which is presented as anti-Sovietism and Russophobia, on the one hand, and the desire to review the results of the Nuremberg Trials for the purpose of geopolitical revision in favor of the col-lective West, cohesion of NATO and democratic forces in the post-Soviet space in the fight against the Russian threat, on the other hand.

Peace in Afghanistan:

The year-2019, marked the 40 years of instability and chaos in Afghanistan, ever since it was invaded by former Soviet Union in December 1979. In the last forty years, the Afghan instability and conflict has been so transmissible that any peace plan, initiated even with sincerity got entombed into viscid domestic ambiguities, undesired regional rivalries and geopolitical interests of great powers. Owing to internal instability and frequent foreign invasions, there could not develop a cohesive national character within Afghanistan. Besides, there has been no institutional build-up and development which could have provided a strong base for the establishment of good governance system. In the absence of domestic peace and a unanimously acceptable leadership, the invaders and regional players have been exploiting Afghan geopolitics and its diverse societal makeup. Above all, the poor economic system, lack of needed resource base and massive unemployment constrained the flexibility, the Kabul regimes could have utilized for the minimum economic management at the domestic level. Furthermore, the post 2014 drawdown of US and NATO forces did not provide conducive environment where Afghans could have taken independent decisions to determine their future course of action for the larger national interest of the state and masses. The paper takes a critical analysis of the above-mentioned factors, which impeded peace process from taking firm roots in Afghanistan. The paper also puts into debate the US strategic interests in and around Afghanistan and diverging interests of regional countries which further impede peace process in Afghanistan.