NATO Accession Research Articles

Regional Security, Problems and Influencing Factors: A Case Study of Albania

The new national, regional and global security environment and its trends are expressed in a synthesized way in the National Security Strategy. Our region is increasingly characterized, on the one hand, by overcoming the old mindsets of confrontation between states and the perceptible reduction of traditional threats, by the promotion of a new spirit of cooperation and the values of integration in the collective security structures and on the other hand, it is facing a new nature of challenges, dangers and threats with non-traditional, asymmetric forms and contents, on terrorist, ethnic or other grounds, initiated by nationalist-extremist elements and groups. Receiving the long-awaited invitation to the Bucharest Summit in April 2008, as well as the final moment for NATO accession at the NATO Summit in Stratsburg and Kehl, marks a qualitative stage in the complete process of Albania in the Euro-Atlantic structures. In this new perspective, the security and defense of our country will suffer qualitative effects; from the concept of individual security and protection, it will finally be passed "de jure" to the concept of collective security and protection, accompanied by all the relevant benefits and contributions. Likewise, the new states of Kosovo and Montenegro have given our region a new favorable panorama of regional security. Going forward, our assessments of the security environment, expected risks and threats, and the spectrum of FARSH combat and non-combat missions will be significantly influenced by the collective security assessments articulated in the Alliance's Strategic Concept (CSC), Policy of European Security and Defense (ESDP) and the Charter of the United Nations. In this new perspective, in full accordance with the constitutional obligations, FARSH to adopt a new defense planning system, in harmony with the standards and planning processes of the Euro-Atlantic Alliance. Keywords: Influencing factors, Regional security, NATO, National security

RUSSIA’S AGGRESSION ON UKRAINE AS A CATALYST FOR CHANGE OF SWEDEN’S NEUTRALITY POLICY IN ARMED CONFLICTS AND THE COUNTRY’S ACCESSION TO NATO

Abstract: The policy of neutrality successfully served Sweden for more than two centuries. It was a pragmatic policy with certain degree of flexibility, rather than a dogmatic one, and its usefulness was in principle not questioned, neither by politicians, nor its citizens. After WW2, when concessions regarding the upholding of the neutrality were made to keep the country outside the conflict, Sweden officially continued to pursue the doctrine of “non-alignment in peacetime aiming to neutrality in war”. At the same time, Sweden developed, in concealment and without public knowledge, a wide range of security and military cooperation with the North Atlantic Alliance and its member states, including technology and intelligence exchange. Today’s dramatically changed European security situation has clearly proven that a policy of non-alignment is no longer sufficient and that a strong national defence is also not enough. The security cooperation with the Nordic countries and NATO members does not offer necessary guarantees to keep the country safe. Only full NATO membership provides such guarantees. The Russian aggression on Ukraine was the direct catalyst for a radical and surprisingly swift change of Sweden’s security policy, demonstrating the essentially pragmatic approach to the policy of neutrality. Only a few weeks after the invasion, a large majority of the parliamentary parties stood behind the government’s decision to apply for NATO membership. The purpose of this article is to briefly portray the historical and geopolitical background, the development, and the reasoning of Sweden’s long history of neutrality policy, as well as present the causes that directly influenced the change of this policy and the implications of Sweden’s NATO accession for the country’s security policy.

Wpływ sytuacji międzynarodowej na kształt dwudziestowiecznych polskich konstytucji

The subject of the article is the issue of the impact of the international situation on the shape of Polish twentieth-century fundamental laws and the determination of how the Polish constitutional legislator made it possible to implement the assumptions of Polish foreign policy. The first part of the article discusses the impact of the international situation on the provisions of the Constitutions of 1921 and 1935, with particular emphasis on the provisions relating to wartime. The second part of the article draws attention to the issues of political changes related to Poland’s membership in the Eastern Bloc countries. The third part of the article concerns the impact of the geopolitical situation on the shape of constitutional reforms during the period of Poland’s political transformation. The last part of the article analyzes the impact of Polish aspirations for European integration and NATO accession on the shape of the currently binding Constitution of 1997.

Доктринальные документы внешней политики государств постъюгославского пространства 2014–2021 гг.

The article analyses the content of doctrinal documents on the development of post-socialist states in a special sub-region in Southeast Europe – the post-Yugoslav space. The author examines the concepts of foreign policy, national security and defence. Based on the consideration of internal political development of the post-Yugoslav states separately, the evolution of relations between them within the special subregion and the process of international relations in general, three stages can be distinguished in the development of relations between Slovenia, Croatia, Serbia, Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina and Euro-Atlantic and European structures: 1991–1999, 1999–2014 and from 2014 to the present. During these years, a new national-state agenda was formed in each of the aforementioned countries, which at different stages reflected national versions of liberalism, conservatism, social democracy, which resonated in doctrinal documents – strategies for national security, foreign policy and defense. After constitutions were adopted in the 1990 s, and the first versions of doctrinal documents aimed at NATO and EU accession in the 2000 s, the post-Yugoslav states joined NATO and to a lesser extent the EU in 2000–2013.Thus, the intra-regional configuration of the Western Balkans has gradually changed and will probably continue to change, the conceptual vision of the worldview, political-ideological and practical dimensions in these countries has been transformed and will continue to be transformed – namely, the attitude to Europeanisation, to overcoming conflicts and conflictogenic factors. The aforementioned strategic documents make it possible to answer the question of the essence, forms and methods of foreign policy of post-Yugoslav states in the situation in the region, Europe and the world after February 24, 2022.

Russian Recognition of Macedonia’s New Name

The senseless name dispute and the renaming of the constitutional name of the Republic of Macedonia, which was perceived by the Western countries as a «technical obstacle» to the country's NATO and EU accession, was in fact a part of the Macedonian southern neighbor’s long-term plan to erase the Macedonian identity by violating the Macedonian people's right to national self-determination. Since, any change in the name of a country automatically entailed consequences for the national and cultural identity of the Macedonians - the titular people of the country. Russian diplomacy closely followed the events in the country and thoroughly knew the essence of the political crisis that began in 2015 which eventually ended with the renaming of the country against the will of the Macedonian people. The Russian decision to retreat from the intention to challenge the Prespa agreement in the UN Security Council as contradictory to the international law and violating Macedonian 1991 Constitution questioned the role of the Russian diplomacy in upholding the principles and norms of the rule of international law in the world. The subsequent recognition of Macedonia’s new name by Russia forced many in the Republic of Macedonia to include Russia, an indisputable fighter for justice in a multipolar world, in the list of countries involved in the national “depersonalization” of Macedonia, which appeared on the political map of Europe as a result of the anti-fascist liberation movement of the Macedonian people.

From “Original Democracy” to Euro-Atlantic Integration: Foreign Policy Issues during the Romanian Presidential Campaigns (1990–2004)

Abstract The article analyzes from a diachronic point of view the way in which foreign policy issues evolved during the presidential elections in post-communist Romania. In this chronological demarcation, the author opted to start with 1990, when Ion Iliescu,the first president after the revolution, promoted a form of isolation of the country, proposing a local model of democracy building, and to end with 2004, when the NATO and European Union (EU) accession became realities assumed by all political parties. During this 14-year period, the presidential election was the type of vote that caught most people’s attention, and foreign policy gradually found its place among the topics of interest, along with economic reform and the fight against corruption. Romania’s exit from the “grey zone” was slow and involved several stages, such as the abandonment of the conservative discourse of Ion Iliescu and its replacement with a Euro-enthusiast one, the assumption by political parties of the “spirit of Snagov,” and the reconciliation with neighboring states. The main primary sources of the study are electoral programs, debate shows, and especially articles from the press of the time, such as Adevărul, România liberă, Evenimentul zilei, Ziua, România Mare, and so on.

How Has Romania’s Economic Development Been Affected by NATO and EU Accession? Costs Incurred in the Field of National Security for Meeting the Criteria Required by Partners

The present paper analyses the manner in which the implementation of the measures assumed by Romania during the pre-accession period (NATO and EU) has influenced Romania’s economic development in recent years. In this regard, the topic is approached from the point of view that the costs requested by “partners” and supported by Romania were justified by subsequent results (such as economic development, improved national security, institutional reforms or improving Romania’s external image). To this effect, a custom analysis is developed to assess the extent to which Romania’s integration processes into the Euro-Atlantic structures have affected the further economic development of the country in terms of costs for securing the Romanian state, with effects that can be witnessed to this day. In the research undertaken in this paper, the social, economic and political conditions existing in Romania and in the states in its immediate vicinity during the pre-accession period are also taken into account in order to highlight the positive effects generated by NATO and EU accession on all levels (especially economic and security/geopolitical). Thus, it is demonstrated that Romania, as a member of the North Atlantic Alliance and the European Union, acting in a security space based on common values, interests and objectives, on the principles and norms of democracy, the rule of law, and the market economy, has enjoyed favourable conditions for its accelerated economic and social development. From a security viewpoint, the terrorist actions/attacks carried out in recent years in European countries were not critical to Romania, but only aimed at the material destruction, political destabilization, and damage to European markets. However, the measures implemented by Romania are accompanied by a low level of trust in public institutions, meaning that all future actions of the Romanian state must take into account this vulnerability. At the same time, Romanian authorities need to understand that transparency and consultation with the public and partners are important in order to find the best ways to address threats and implement international measures.

Relevance of the Annual National Program for NATO Accession - Case of Bosnia and Herzegovina

NATO integration processes have been constantly a complex topic for the public to grasp, in particular in the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Several confronting efforts were constantly in place, which often created confusion and slowed down the progress. To explain the problem, the research question has been set as: “How relevant is ANP for the NATO Accession?” The objective is to examine what the ANP as a document stands for, and how does it assist or hinder the aspiring states on their NATO path. The relevance for examination of this question lies in the fact that most political actors within Bosnia and Herzegovina use the lack of knowledge of the public on the topic to promote their agenda or present themselves as the defenders of the narrow interest of their ethnic group. To provide the society with accurate analysis, this research will examine if ANP will assist Bosnia and Herzegovina on its NATO accession path. Data will be collected using qualitative research methods and secondary research.

Формула безопасности Северной Европы

The article analyses the complex influence of dangerous changes, which took place after 2014 in the international political environment in Europe, on the ongoing transformations, suggests essential revision of national policies of the five Nordic countries (Denmark, Norway, Iceland, Sweden and Finland) in the field of their security and defenсe. The degree of military and political tension in the North of Europe has increased significantly after 2014. The conflict is escalating due to additional deployment within the so-called reinforcement of the “eastern flank” of the Alliance with three allied battalions, and NATO weapons in the Baltic States and Poland. However, great strategic stability in the zone of direct contact between NATO and Russia is still possible to maintain. The international political situation in the subregion has also deteriorated markedly as a result of the U.S., NATO and EU sanctions policy against Russia, strengthening of transatlantic relations of the Nordic countries, and reinforcement of allied ties within the framework of the Western bloc policy as a whole. It noted signified not only a revision in favor of further strengthening of transatlantic ties in the policy of bloc allegiance of the Nordic countries – members of NATO (Denmark, Norway, Iceland), but also an obvious intensification of practical cooperation between formally non-aligned states (Sweden and Finland) with the Alliance structures. The Nordic Defenсe Cooperation (NORDEFCO) has also started to acquire a risky pro-Atlantic style, losing its previous autonomous subregional nature. Apparently, in the present complex situation, the Nordic Five is disposed to solve security and defence problems by: 1) having a greater many-sided cooperation with NATO; 2) giving a real, limited meaning to the European Union in the military-political sphere; 3) continuing to bear pressure upon Russia for the purpose of limiting Russian influence in the subregion, especially in the Baltic region. In the near future, the problem of NATO accession for Sweden and Finland may remain in the same precarious condition unless some dangerous force majeure circumstances occur in the Baltic region.

Politicization of everyday ethnicity and religion in North Macedonia

The aim of this article is to analyse the dynamics of religion-ethnicity relation in the Republic of North Macedonia. Special emphasis is placed on the current ethno-political tensions between Albanians and Macedonians and the use of religion and religious symbols in this collision, which is reflected both in the political discourse and in the everyday life and relationships, influencing perceptions and collective notions of people about religion and ethnicity. The findings show that the process of maintenance and shift of the ethno-religious boundaries is dynamic, multidirectional and multi-layered. It is influenced by domestic political, social, economic and cultural developments, international factors such as the EU and NATO accession of the country, as well as the spread of radical Islamic ideologies.

21 years of Polish military NATO membership - glass half empty

After the accession to NATO, Polish military should have adapted to new realities but the process coincided with changes of the security environment and NATO strategic reorientation. In order to meet expectations and contribute to Allied requirements, Polish Armed Forces faced the dilemma of keeping balance between transformation, the forces numerical decrease and modernization of the inventory. Due to the choice of direction with the focus on the capability problems, the change has not brought expected effect until now. Applying existing terminology and notions, the article examines discrepancy between perceptions of the NATO accession and the state of the military effectiveness in the face of deepening Polish - American military strategic partnership.

Experience of Postsocialist Transformation in the Slovak Republic

In the article the experience of post-socialist transformation in the Slovak Republic after the Velvet Revolution and gaining of independence after the collapse of Czechoslovakia in 1993 was examined. The process of reforming of the society and state, the transition from the communist to the western model of economy, the role of public sector on the path to EU and NATO accession were investigated. It was defined that the reforming of authorities, society and the state, which had already begun in the common state of Czechs and Slovaks under the leadership of V. Havel in 1990-1992, had a great value for the formation of independent Slovakia, because, despite some differences, the European destination became a key point which determined the process of accelerated modernization and the transition from planned socialism to a free market relation. It was determined that the «peaceful divorce» with Czech Republic had become one of the most important steps on the way for successful European integration of Slovakia.
 The key role of civil society in the transforming of Slovak state and overcoming the negative consequences of the dominance of communist ideology on the path of European and Euro Atlantic integration was represented. The public sector has become a driving force that guided Slovak society towards accelerated modernization in 1998-2006. It was shown the process of struggle of the European choice supporters with pro-Russian policy of V. Meciar, whose period should be generally considered as a «Slovak kuchmism». The final victory of pro-European forces in the 1998 elections led to the acceleration of modernization processes in Slovakia, implementation of required changes in society and state managing necessary for EU and NATO accession.

A Logic Beyond Lausanne: A Geopolitical Perspective on the Congruence between Turkey's New Hard Power and its Strategic Reorientation

Turkey’s new expeditionary capability, resting on enhanced naval capacity and new forward bases, is the logical result of Turkey’s post-Cold War strategic reorientation. Moving beyond the Cold War framework, Turkey's strategic goal is to become an interregional power that will set the terms for a new pattern of connectivity between Europe, Africa and Asia. ‘Reclaiming’ a foreign policy prerogative exercised by the Ottoman Empire but discontinued after Turkey’s founding following the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne, Turkey's policymakers are seeking to move beyond the Lausanne orientation that informed Turkey’s 1952 NATO accession and persisted throughout the duration of the Cold War. This study examines Ankara's challenge of calibrating the use of its hard power instruments to serve its post-Lausanne strategic orientation toward establishing a Turkey-centered, interregional connectivity.

An uncertain journey to the promised land: The Baltic states’ road to NATO membership

ABSTRACT Most accounts of NATO enlargement depict it as the implementation of US grand strategy. This article aims to restore agency to the acceding states, specifically the Baltic states who joined the Alliance in 2004. It analyzes the dynamics of competition and cooperation among Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania in the late 1990s and early 2000s during the process of NATO accession. The article demonstrates that both rivalry and joint efforts among the Baltic states in their reforms and lobbying were crucial factors in shaping the outcome. Unlike their inclusion into the EU, NATO membership for the Baltic states seemed improbable, and thus the paper highlights the demand-driven aspect of NATO expansion.

Building a Multiple ‘Security Shelter’ in the Baltic States after EU and NATO Accession

The essay addresses the nexus between security challenges and response strategies in the Baltic region. The analysis is based on the framework provided by a shelter theory, which distinguishes three levels of security strategies oriented towards external players: political (military), economic and societal. The essay finds out that, first, military and economic challenges to the Baltic states are mostly managed through ‘external shelter’ (NATO (United States) and the European Union); second, most of the current security challenges manifest in the societal sector, predominantly as a result of Russia’s hybrid offensive activities in the region. To deal with these societal challenges, the Baltic states are employing combined strategies of ‘shelter’ and ‘building a buffer from within’, but with a clear priority on internal efforts.

NATO enlargement and the failure of the cooperative security mindset

In the 1990s and 2000s, as NATO enlargement became a reality, scholars commented on the socializing influence of NATO, predicting a transformation of security identities. Was NATO successful in institutionalizing self-restraint and cooperative security among its new members and partners? We contend that it was successful so long as threats to transatlantic security remained low. When states perceive that the threat is increasing, however, more traditional conceptions of national identity displace the cooperative security model. While a great deal of institutional learning happened through the process of NATO accession and partnership building in the past two decades, the socialization process stopped short of transforming new members’ security mindsets. Our main contribution, then, is to provide an accurate picture of NATO’s influence in terms of reshaping the transatlantic security community and to analyze the different versions of NATO that were proposed in the post-Cold War era.

Challenges of NATO aspıratıon: the dıscrepancy between rhetorıc and realıty

The Russo-Georgia war in 2008 and the conflict in Ukraine in 2014 galvanized the countries, which are namely squeezed between NATO and Russia into considering their strategies again. The paper examines Russia’s efforts to maintain its influence in its “near abroad” in the face of NATO’s enlargement. It principally focuses on identifying the challenges particular countries face as obstacles to NATO accession. The arguments raised in the paper prove that, the primary reasons of Russia-Georgia War and Ukraine conflict are associated with these countries’ NATO aspiration. An argument regarding the Alliance’s reluctance to actively engage in partner nations is also presented.
 The objective of the study is to consider the repercussions of NATO aspiration and introduce the real prospects of cooperation with NATO. The research methods primarily used in the book are comparative analysis and synthesis.

The Primordialisation of Ethnic Nationalism in Macedonia

After the Greek veto on Macedonia’s NATO accession in 2008, the Macedonian government launched comprehensive policies to reconstruct the Macedonian ethno-national narrative as stretching back to ancient Macedonia. The ‘Skopje 2014’ project, which was a large-scale reconstruction of the capital city in neoclassical and baroque styles, as well as new educational and mass media campaigns claiming the continuous existence of the Macedonian nation since antiquity, were the cornerstones of the Gruevski government’s project. The so-called ‘antiquisation’ programme was both a domestic and international assertion of Macedonia’s name, identity and history amid Greek challenges and attempts to undermine Macedonia’s legitimacy in the eyes of the international community. The Skopje 2014 project increased tensions between ethnic Macedonians and Albanians in Macedonia, and also deepened divisions among Macedonians.

2018 – Year of Ukrainian Reforming

The interview with Аlexander Vinnikov, Head of the NATO Representation to Ukraine, provides answers to such questions as NATO assistance to Ukraine in the process of reforming the defence and security sector, and availability of programs already being implemented in Ukraine. NATO members help to develop capabilities of Ukraine in logistics, standardisation, cyber defence, communications, and medical rehabilitation. Special attention is drawn to the enhancement of knowledge and skills of employees of the defence and security sector in Ukraine, NATO support in social adaptation of former servicemen, improvement of the defense and education system of Ukraine, construction of communication facilities and expansion of cooperation among scholars, working upon security-related projects. NATO Trust Fund for Medical Rehabilitation provides aid both for private persons and medical establishments. Ukrainian rehabilitation centers are being equipped with modern medical facilities, and servicemen are undergoing rehabilitation both in Ukraine and abroad. The article also offers an account of the possibility of NATO accession as one of the most important matters in the relations of Ukraine and NATO along with key global threats NATO is facing. Among such threats, the Ambassador singles out nuclear proliferation in North Korea, terrorism, a precarious situation in the Middle East and North Africa as well as permanent violation of international state borders by Russia. An ever-increasing number of cyber attacks is also mentioned. No state can counter these challenges on its own. In the modern unified world, such complex global challenges require global actions. Thus, the Ambassador stresses that NATO is working upon continuous adaptation of the Alliance to an ever-demanding security environment. Keywords: NATO, international relations, state borders, servicemen, medical rehabilitation.

The Changing Status of Women as Others in the Romanian Constitution

Abstract This article investigates the extent to which the Romanian Constitution has provided for adequate means to enhance women’s equal citizenship in its first twenty-five years of existence. Taking as its starting point Simone de Beauvoir’s thought, encompassed in the idea that gender inequality is derived from defining women as ‘the Others’ or as totally opposite to men, the article shows that since its adoption in 1991, the Romanian Constitution began to depart from the stereotypical and antagonistic understanding of women and men’s roles in society that Romania had inherited from its Socialist past. In 2003, when the Constitution was reviewed for Romania’s EU and NATO accession, the requirement that only men should serve in the military was replaced with the guarantee of equal opportunities for men and women to occupy public, civil or military positions. Meanwhile, the Constitutional Court inched toward being an active actor in advancing gender equality. For example, in 2005 the Court held that allowing only women in the military, but not men in the same position, to take parental leave was unconstitutional and, in that same year, it gave women’s reproductive rights a rather liberal interpretation. However, this article argues that the developments that have taken place have not been progressive enough. The Constitution still provides only for paid maternity leave, provides special working conditions only for women, does not explicitly mention the protection of reproductive autonomy, does not connect bodily rights with equality but with privacy, and lacks clarity on the admissibility of measures – such as gender quotas – to promote more women into the public sphere.