Native Traders Research Articles

STRATEGI PROTEKSI EKONOMI PASAR SAMPANG DALAM MENGHADAPI MONOPOLI DENGAN PRAKTIK KOLABORASI


 
 
 Sampang District is the only area in Cilacap Regency where citizens of Chinese descent are not allowed to have their own business to protect native traders from the monopoly of citizens of Chinese descent. The purpose of this study was to determine the trade protection model applied by Sampang residents in dealing with trade monopoly efforts from residents of Chinese descent. The research methodology used is the mix method. Collecting data by conducting surveys, observations, and interviews. The research location is Sampang District. Withdrawal of samples using purposive sampling method by interviewing people who know the trading system that applies in Sampang District. Analysis and processing of data using descriptive analysis. The results of the study show that the non-involvement of citizens of Chinese descent in the Sampang economy has been going on for a long time, namely when Sampang residents tried to protect their territory from the direct involvement of citizens of Chinese descent in economic activities. Sampang residents allow a business collaboration system between residents of Chinese descent and indigenous residents but using the names of indigenous people. With this strategy, the people of Sampang can develop the economy of the indigenous people without being dependent on people of Chinese descent.
 
 

Small-scale Growers’ Struggle against Marginalization in the Cotton Value Chain

This article analyses the marginalization of the native small-scale cotton growers during British colonial rule in the Western Cotton Growing Area (WCGA), Tanzania, and their struggle against it. Marginalization was practiced mainly by Indian cotton traders for three decades to maximize profit at the expense of natives who farmed the crop. The Indian traders who were licensed by the colonial authority to buy and export marginalized the growers through underpaying and cheating on them. From the 1930s local chiefs and their subjects (growers) began to protest against this situation, but were ignored by the colonial authority. At the end of the 1940s, growers formed groups which took initiatives that led to minimized marginalization with limited support from some colonial officials. Minimized marginalization did not imply control of the cotton value chain. With the support of native traders, local growers fought on until co-operatives were formed, which allowed them to gain the upper hand over the Indian merchants in the cotton value chain.

“Opposition on the Coast”: The Hudson’s Bay Company, American Coasters, the Russian-American Company, and Native Traders on the Northwest Coast, 1825–1846. James R. Gibson

<i>“Opposition on the Coast”: The Hudson’s Bay Company, American Coasters, the Russian-American Company, and Native Traders on the Northwest Coast, 1825–1846</i>. James R. Gibson

Searching for the Indian in the English East India Company Archives: The Case of Jadow the Broker and Early Seventeenth-Century Anglo-Mughal Trade

The East India Company, one of the earliest joint-stock enterprises, helped revolutionize English economic structures. Although recent years have seen a surge of interest in its early history, the native traders and translators who formed the front lines of the East India Company's operations—acquainting the English merchants with mercantile and social systems in Mughal India—often escape scholarly attention. Turning to Company court minutes, the letters of Sir Thomas Roe, and other public as well as private records, this paper explores the circuits of knowledge that were established between the English merchants and their Indian associates. As local informants, they aided in the Western construction of an Indian imaginary that often went beyond older epistemic stereotypes of Asians. Simultaneously, the Company became responsible for the well-being of these Indians. The complex relationships between Indian brokers, translators, and the Company suggest how gossip, trade, and translation became interrelated categories. In particular, this essay follows the East India Company's exchanges with Jadow, one of the very first Indian brokers to work with the Company. These Anglo-Mughal encounters allow us to better understand the circuits of collaboration and conflict that marked the inaugural years of the Company's activities in the Indian subcontinent.

Comparative systems and the functioning of networks: the Caribbean and Indo-Pacific models of trade. XVII and XVIII centuries

All commercial networks operating during the First Global Age in the Atlantic and Indo-Pacific systems had a number of common elements, although it is also true that in these two areas of study, very different dynamics emerged. In both areas, the strategies implemented by networks were designed to make them extremely cooperative, very dynamic, with a nonlinear structure and multifunctional. In contrast, noteworthy among the most significant differences is the high degree of participation of native traders and commercial networks in the Asia-Pacific, with Europeans taking part and learning alongside them, while the Atlantic, and the Caribbean in particular, were essentially European in nature.

The Flemish Bastard and the Former Indians: M�tis and Identity in Seventeenth-Century New York

The Flemish Bastard and the Former IndiansMétis and Identity in Seventeenth-Century New York Tom Arne Midtrød (bio) In 1709 the English Board of Trade recommended the settlement of three thousand Palatine migrants on the Hudson and Mohawk rivers in New York. The officials expressed confidence that these colonists would not only produce naval stores for the fleet but also intermarry with the Indians "as the French do" and lay the foundation for an expanding fur trade. They knew well that French Canadians had long mingled with Indians and produced children of mixed ancestry, or métis. What they perhaps did not know was that New York had long had métis of its own.1 Compared to Canada, New York never had a large métis population, and some historians have commented upon the social distance between Dutch and Indians. Nevertheless, intimacy resulting in métis children does not seem to have been uncommon in this colony. Dutch observers charged Indians with lack of sexual restraint, and liaisons between Dutch men and Native women sometimes worried the authorities. In 1638 the Dutch council prohibited adultery with blacks and Indians and at least occasionally took legal action. Manor lord and patroon Kiliaen van Rensselaer warned his nephew Arent van Curler and forbade his tenants from sleeping with Indian females. Sexual promiscuity with Indian women was among the charges levied against provincial secretary Cornelis van Tiehnoven by his political enemies in the 1640s. Prosecutions of colonists impregnating Indian women are known from the early English period.2 Native people probably thought these relations should involve a degree of reciprocity and mutual obligation. Historians have stressed that many Native peoples saw marriage and other intimate relations as means [End Page 83] of incorporating outsiders, and an early Dutch observer alluded to the existence of this practice among Native traders in New Netherland. Such intimacy created a bond between strangers, and in 1643 a Long Island chief deplored Dutch violence by recalling how his people had let early Dutch visitors sleep with their daughters. In 1659 Mohawk envoys complained that Dutchmen involved with Native women who had passed away did not honor obligations to the relatives of the deceased. In some cases colonists may have married Native women according to local custom, and in 1683 a Long Island Englishman married a Native woman according to English law.3 To most métis born from these relationships, European ancestry was probably just a relatively minor biological fact. They followed their mothers—normally in charge of children—and became for all practical purposes fully Indian. In 1680 a Dutch visitor to New York alluded to these people when he wrote of the fruits of Dutch immorality, and the Long Island chief mentioned above charged the Dutch with killing their own blood, since "there roved many an Indian begotten by a Swanneken [Dutchman]." While in Mohawk captivity in 1653 Frenchman Pierre Radisson found that his adoptive brother was courting a light-haired young woman "who, by report of many, was bastard to a Flemish." Radisson's observation seems to indicate some interest in this woman's Dutch father, but it also suggests that her biologically mixed background did not set her much apart from the rest of her community. This is, of course, not to suggest that most métis people were oblivious of the fact that they had European fathers, only that their mixed ancestry did not have much of an impact on their social standing. How much a distant European father shaped a person's self-perception is now impossible to determine, but perhaps many European fathers gave their Indian children no more than slightly light features and possibly made them the topic of occasional conversation in Native settlements.4 But some métis maintained ties to European relatives, and these were perhaps the only ones who were métis in any socially or culturally meaningful sense of the word. Scattered evidence indicates ongoing contact between métis persons and the society of their fathers. When a French force in January 1666 captured a métis boy in Mohawk country, local Dutch officials persuaded the French commander to hand him over...

Marketing in the Land of Hudson Bay: Indian Consumers and the Hudson's Bay Company, 1670–1770

The Hudson's Bay Company traded European goods for furs that were hunted, trapped, and brought down to the Bayside posts by Native Americans. The process of exchange was deceptively simple: furs for goods. Yet behind this simple process lies a series of decisions on the part of the company about which goods to provide, what levels of quality to provide, and what price to set. We examine the marketing strategies used by the Hudson's Bay Company and the role played by Native traders. We find that Native Americans were demanding consumers, concerned not only with the quantity of goods they received but also with their quality and variety. In a world where neither side could coerce the other, Natives' preferences were paramount.

Marketing in the Land of Hudson Bay: Indian Consumers and the Hudson's Bay Company, 1670–1770

The Hudson's Bay Company traded European goods for furs that were hunted, trapped, and brought down to the Bayside posts by Native Americans. The process of exchange was deceptively simple: furs for goods. Yet behind this simple process lies a series of decisions on the part of the company about which goods to provide, what levels of quality to provide, and what price to set. We examine the marketing strategies used by the Hudson's Bay Company and the role played by Native traders. We find that Native Americans were demanding consumers, concerned not only with the quantity of goods they received but also with their quality and variety. In a world where neither side could coerce the other, Natives' preferences were paramount.

La naissance d'une capitale africaine : Lomé

In order to bypass the British colonial customs and their Heavy taxes, some native traders created Lomé in 1880, just outside the eastern border of the Gold Coast Colony. So, this town appeared from its very beginning as a major trade center, whose inhabitants owned privately their plots of land. Some years later, a disagreement between England and France about the town of Aneho prevented either of them to intervene effectively on the spot. But an unauthorised interference from the Gold Coast authorities in Lomé triggered an appeal from the natives to a newcomer : Germany, who established in this totaly unexpected way the « Protectorate » of Togo. In 1897, Lomé became the capital of the territory and took advantage, from 1904 onwards, of the only wharf on the coast in order to assure its permanent dominance over the Togolese urban network.

Through Unknown African Countries The First Expedition from Somaliland to Lake Lamu

THE region of Africa to the south of Eastern Abyssinia has been long regarded as of exceptional interest, both by the naturalist and the novelist. So early as 1847, when most geographers still believed that the snows of Kilima Njaro were a traveller's tale, and before Kenya had been seen by a European, Captain Short returned from the Juba, and asserted the existence of snow clad mountains away to the westward. According to the statements of some native traders to the court of Abyssinia, the bamboo forests of the same region were inhabited by tribes of dwarfs; and these reports were published by Captain Harris in 1844, long before the measurements by Schweinfurth, the skeletons sent home by Emin, and the discoveries of Stanley had called prominent attention to the pigmy races of Equatorial Africa. At a subsequent period, the late M. Abba die placed a great mountain in the same unvisited district, exaggerating its height, as he recently naïvely remarked, in the hope of calling attention to it. Suahili traders also reported the existence in this region of two great lakes, of which the larger was sometimes called Samburu, and at others was confused with Baringo; it was the hope of reaching this lake region that led to the expedition of Burton and Speke, which came to such a disastrous end at the landing-place near Berbera. The excitability of the Somali, and the fascination of the discoveries made in East Africa south of the equator, subsequently diverted attention from this region, and it was not until 1888 that the first Europeans reached it. Teleki and Höhnel then entered from the south, and found, as reported, that there were two great lakes: the larger was named by its discoverer Lake Rudolf, apparently on the principle of Oliver St. John's dedication of his memoirs to Cromwell, who, by persuading him to travel, had given him the leisure in which to write them. After Teleki's return, several attempts were made to reach the twin lakes from the north, along Burton's projected route. But it was not until 1895 that success was gained by the expedition described in this volume. Through Unknown African Countries. The First Expedition from Somaliland to Lake Lamu. By A. Donaldson Smith, Hon. Member of Acad. Nat. Sci., Phil. Pp. xvi + 471, with illustrations and five-sheet map. (London: E. Arnold, 1897.)

Through Jungle and Desert. Travels in Eastern Africa

BRITISH East Africa and the adjoining parts of Africa, which are included in the spheres of influence of Germany and Italy, consist of a series of zones which run approximately parallel to the coast. Along the shore of the Indian Ocean is the low narrow coastal plain. In the interior are the high grass plains of Masailand, the dense forests and plantations of Kikuyu and Mau, and the thickly populated and well-watered basin of the Nyanza. Between these fertile zones lies a broad tract of barren, sandy, scrub-covered plains, occupied only by herds of game which follow the rains across it, or by small colonies of people who live along the banks of the rivers, or on the tracts of lava that form oases in the desert. This barren Nyika offers few attractions for man or beast, and both native traders and European explorers have hastened over it by the easiest routes to the richer countries of the Central Basin. Hence although the region of the Victoria Nyanza has been fairly well explored since first visited by Speke, the country to the north of the available routes to it has been largely left unvisited. Teleki in 1888–89 followed the great rift valley northward to Lake Rudolf; while Piggott, Peters, Hobley, and others made known the main points in the topography of the Tana Valley. But to the north of the Tana, and to the east of the Rift Valley, was a vast region of which nothing was known, except what could be gathered from the rough records of various Arab and Suahili traders, whose itineraries had been published by New and Denhardt. Through Jungle and Desert. Travels in Eastern Africa. By William Astor Chanler 8vo. Pp. xiv + 535. With 85 illustrations and 2 maps. (London: Macmillan and Co., Ltd., 1896.)

Across Africa 1

To cross Africa has almost ceased to be an extraordinary feat. Indeed it seems evident, the more we know of the Portuguese native traders, that even before Livingstone's memorable first journey, it was no uncommon thing for the Pombeiros to do in the ordinary way of business. Of course some routes are more dangerous than others, and that by which Stanley made his famous march was perhaps the most difficult and dangerous, that could be selected. Still the journey performed by Major Serpa Pinto was in many ways remarkable, and perhaps not its least remarkable feature is the characteristic manner in which he tells his story. The Major's narrative is in every respect a contrast to the quiet and sober narrative of Dr. Holub, recently reviewed in these pages. The Major is all excitement and enthusiasm, and his frequent digression to unbosom himself of his feelings under his frequently trying circumstances, though they do not convey much information, are pleasant reading. The expedition of which he was leader was fitted out very handsomely by the Portuguese Government, its object being to cross the continent from the Portuguese settlements in the west to those on the east coast. He was accompanied by MM. Ivens and Capello, but these soon parted from him,and conducted an exploration on their own account, the full narrative of which has yet to be published. Much time was wasted at the outset before the expedition could leave Benguella, collecting carriers and making other arrangements, so that it was January, 1878, before the Major fairly started for the interior. Although much of the ground he traversed had been gone over before, coinciding partly with the route of Livingstone, still he was able to open up a considerable stretch of new country, and most of all to clear up to a great extent the complicated hydrography of the region lying between the West Coast and the Zambesi. While the Major has many interesting notes on the natural history of the country he traversed, and while he seems to have been able to bring to light some new animals and not a few new plants, the main value of his narrative lies in the full details he gives on the geography and ethnology of Western South Africa. He was unable to carry out the original programme of the expedition, having been compelled to turn southwards on reaching the Central Zambesi, reaching the East Coast at Natal. On leaving Benguella the Major proceeded in a south-easterly direction towards the Cunene, before reaching which he turned north-eastwards, proceeding by Caconda to Bihé. After staying here for some time he again turned south-eastwards across the Cuando to the Zambesi, a little below its junction with the Liba, which seems to have more right to be considered the main stream than that which comes from the east. Proceeding down the Zambesi, passing numerous cataracts, he got into trouble among the Barotse, a new king having succeeded to the deposed Sepopo, whom Dr. Holub found ruling the Marutse-Mabunda kingdom at Sesheke. Escaping with bare life, he fell in with the French missionary family Coillard, who gave him all possible succour, visited and attempted to survey the Victoria Falls, and proceeded southwards and eastwards in a leisurely way into country pretty well known, but of which and of its various native states he is able to give us some interesting details. Between the West Coast and the Zambesi the expedition must have crossed hundreds of rivers, many of which Major Pinto has laid down with approximate accuracy in his maps. For he deserves the highest praise for the persistency with which he took his observations under the most trying circumstances, so that to the cartographer his work is of the greatest value. It is no easy matter to discriminate the various watersheds here, and indeed the observations of Major Pinto, combined with those of previous travellers, shows that many of the rivers which flow north to the Congo, south-west to the Atlantic, south by Cubango to Lake N garni, and south-east to the Zambesi, rise quite close together on what is really a table-land; and in the rainy season it will often be difficult for them to make up their minds which direction they shall take. Major Pinto's numerous maps tend greatly to clear up the complicated hydrography of this region.

Living Birds of Paradise in Europe

WE have just received at the Zoological Gardens of Dresden two living Birds of Paradise, viz., Paradisea papuana, from New Guinea, and Paradisea apoda, from the Aru Islands, both males, in excellent health and fine condition. Mr. von Below, Assistant-Resident of Makassar, in Celebes, brought them home in a three-months' passage from Makassar, viâ Java, Suez, Gibraltar, London, and Hamburg to Dresden, where he intends to spend the winter, and has deposited the birds in the Zoological Gardens. They have already been about three years in captivity with him at Makassar, where I saw them when passing through I that place to New Guinea in 1873. The birds, therefore, are accustomed to cage-life, and as the conditions under which we have placed them are most favourable—consisting chiefly in a large space to allow free movement, and in an equal temperature of about 20° Réaumur—there is some hope of our being able to keep them alive. Mr. von Below got these birds through native traders who have their home at Makassar and trade to New Guinea and the Aru Islands. He fed the birds in India with grasshoppers, bananas, and rice, and on board the steamers with the same, cockroaches being substituted for grasshoppers. In Dresden we try to feed them with bread, rice, and worms (Mehlwürmer). Both are very active, and cry their well-known “wôk, wôk” with much force; the specimen of Paradisea apoda especially is not the least shy, and takes the worms out of one's hands. Their fine plumage suffered, of course, on the voyage, but I was astonished to see that it was not damaged more. As they probably will moult from about November till April, the plumage will not be at its finest condition till the month of May, and, supposing that the readers of NATURE will be interested in the further fate of these Birds of Paradise, I shall report in time how they are getting on.