National Struggle Research Articles

ИСПАНСКАЯ КОММУНИСТИЧЕСКАЯ ЭМИГРАЦИЯ О РЕСПУБЛИКАНСКОМ ПЕРИОДЕ

This article analyzes how the Communist Party of Spain (PCE) interpreted the Republican period from a double point of view. The PCE fought against the Republic because considered a bourgeois republic that had to be destroyed by a workers' revolution that culminated in a proletariat dictatorship. The sectarianism and scarce social support began to be overcome from 1934 and, especially, from 1935 with the Popular Front tactics from the Communist International. In addition to this, the PCE was included in the electoral coalition of the Popular Front in February 1936: the PCE was presented as a popular party more than a worker party. The Civil War facilitated its social and political penetration as a popular front party. The exile times created a myth in the Republican period, focused on the years of the war. The PCE interpreted the Republican period from the interests of the foreign policy of the URSS. For this reason, it was interpreted as a national and international struggle against fascism aggression, except in the period between the German-Soviet Pact and the Nazi attack on the USSR.

Ethical Reckoning

AbstractIn this article the author builds on the idea of Bangladeshi national cinema as human rights cinema to explore its role in documenting and engendering understanding about women, vulnerability, and agency within a Muktijuddho gender ideology. Drawing from feminist sociologist Patricia Hill Collins’s conceptualization of a Black gender ideology, the author proposes that in cinematic traditions, an idealized Muktijuddho gender ideology influences and entrenches gendered social norms and reinforces perceptions of masculinity and femininity in war. These perceptions serve to justify patterns of legibility, recognition, and rejection for discursive practices of national inclusion and exclusion. Specifically, the author analyzes Nasiruddin Yousuff’s Guerrilla (2011), an award-winning film featuring the story of Bilqis Banu, a middle-class, Muslim female combatant who takes on at once the national struggle for self-determination and the gender struggle against patriarchal cultural norms. The film opens up new ways of imagining the category birangona and elicits a deeper appreciation of differentiated agency, vulnerability, and humanity.

Perpetuation of Taras Shevchenko's memory in the Ukrainian national movement of the Dnieper region at the beginning of the XX century

The relevance of this topic is seen in the fact that its study provides an opportunity to deepen the understanding of the underdeveloped problem of perpetuating the historical memory of Taras Shevchenko – a symbol of the Ukrainian nation's struggle for social and national freedom as an important factor in opposing the imperial regime. Tsarism by methods of ideological, gendarmerie-police, censorship pressure in every way prevented the activation of conscious Ukrainians in the early twentieth century. The aim of the study is to study the perpetuation of the memory of Taras Shevchenko in the Ukrainian national movement of the Dnieper region in the early twentieth century. The results of the article are that based on the study of archival and published documents, journalistic materials of the press and memoirs, various methods of legal and illegal activity of the Ukrainian national movement in preserving the historical memory of Taras Shevchenko were reconstructed. It is emphasized that the progressive public widely celebrated the 40th anniversary of Kobzar's death in the press. In the early twentieth century Ukrainian activists raised the issue of erecting a monument to Shevchenko, continued the tradition of visiting the tomb of the Ukrainian poet, tried to perpetuate his memory in toponymy, participated in Shevchenko's memorial services, resorted to illegal gatherings in honor of Kobzar, mentioned him during meetings and communication in among the intelligentsia. The originality and scientific novelty of the article in the production and development of insufficiently researched plot on historical Shevchenko studies, actualization and conceptualization of various concrete-historical material. Conclusions were made on various forms and methods of struggle to preserve the memory of Taras Shevchenko, which contributed to the establishment of national consciousness among Ukrainians, strengthened the political tendency in the Ukrainian national movement.

Palestinian Women’s Organization’s: Their Challenging Journey towards Women’s Empowerment

Palestinian Women’s organizations have a very important role in Palestine's civil society. The development of these organizations is well recognized and they reached their peak at the beginning of the INTIFADA. Until the creation of the Palestinian Authority (PA), women’s organizations formed part of the national struggle against the Israeli occupation, and their agenda was subordinate to that of the national movement. In the late 1980s, however, a process of transformation was initiated that provided women’s organizations with the opportunity to focus on women’s issues. Indeed, since the creation of the PA, women’s organizations have focused almost exclusively on women’s issues. The PA, in contrast, has attempted to marginalize women, as reflected in the process of its consolidation. As a result, women’s organizations have attempted to influence PA policy to improve the position of women in Palestinian society. This paper examines the means and strategies that the Palestinian Women’s Organizations have adopted to influence Palestinian Authority (PA) policy.

Urfa Milletvekili Yahya Kemal Beyatlı’nın TBMM’deki Faaliyetleri

Cumhuriyet Dönemi Türk Edebiyatı’nda iz bırakmış yazarlardan birisi olan Yahya Kemal Beyatlı, Osmanlı Devleti’nin yıkılma döneminde dünyaya gelmiş ve Cumhuriyetin ilk elli sekiz yılında yaşamıştır. Trablusgarp Savaşı, Balkan Savaşları, I. Dünya Savaşı gibi Türk tarihinin önemli dönemlerine tanıklık eden Beyatlı, Kurtuluş Savaşı döneminde İleri, Tevhid-i Efkâr, Hâkimiyet-i Milliye, gazeteleriyle Dergâh Mecmuasında Milli Mücadeleye destek veren yazılar yayınlanmıştır. 1922 yılında kısa bir süre içinde olsa Ankara’ya bulunan Beyatlı, yine aynı yıl Lozan Heyet-i Murahhasası’na Müşavir olarak atanmış ve 1923 tarihinde TBMM’nin oluşturulması için yapılan seçimlerde, Urfa milletvekili seçilmiştir. Çalışmada; Türk Edebiyatı’nın önemli isimlerinden Yahya Kemal Beyatlı’nın yazarlığının yanı sıra TBMM’nde Urfa milletvekili olarak seçilmesi ve mecliste bulunduğu dönem yapmış olduğu çalışmalar literatür taraması yapılarak akademik çerçevede aktarılmaya çalışılıp, ”Tarama Modeli” ile incelendi. Araştırmanın sonucunda; Beyatlı, Mecliste; İrşad, Maarif, Kütüphane ve Hariciye Komisyonlarında görev almıştır. 1925’te Fransızlarla yapılan “Türkiye Suriye arasındaki sınırların düzeltilmesi” görüşmelerine delege olarak gönderilmiş, görüşmelerdeki başarılısı nedeniyle 1926 tarihinde Varşova Elçiliğine atanınca, Şanlıurfa Milletvekilliğinden 23 Mayıs 1926 tarihinde ayrılmıştır.

The Italian occupation of Libya and the national struggle (1914-1918)

The Italian occupation of Libya and the national struggle (1914-1918)

Complex Risks of COVID-19 Pandemic: Possible Metamorphization of National into Cosmopolitan Sustainable Development

The purpose of this article is to analyze the complex risks of coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) and their nonlinear influence on sustainable development. In the context of this global pandemic, this article shows the limits of “thinking national” and argues that metamorphization of national to cosmopolitan sustainable development is possible on the basis of overcoming national egoism with cosmopolitan survival. The article builds on the “the theory of metamorphosis” proposed by U. Beck (2010). Phenomena are analyzed through the effects of the “arrow of time” (I. Prigogine) and “methodological cosmopolitanism”. The main results are as follows: The risks of COVID-19 have mixed effects on sustainable development. On the one hand, they undermine the traditional approaches towards social security and sustainability, but on the other hand, there is a chance of establishing cosmopolitan medical cooperation in the struggle against viruses by passing from national biopolitics and national structures of sustainable development to cosmopolitan (global concerted) counterparts. The conclusion is drawn that in order to realize this possibility, it is necessary to re-discover the existing visions of sustainable development while taking into consideration the common struggle of nations against epidemics.

PRENSES KADRİYE HÜSEYİN VE MEHASİN-İ HAYAT İSİMLİ ESERİ

Princess Kadriye Hüseyin is one of the important figures of Turkish Literature that developed in Egypt. The work of Princess Kadriye Hüseyin, who thinks that people should give importance to moral education and values education in order to protect cultural values and prevent corruption, is taught in a fluent style in Mehâsin-i Hayât. As in the Divan literature within the Turkish litera-ture developing in Egypt; Important figures have also been raised in the field of New Turkish literature. The most important of these personalities is undoubtedly Princess Kadriye Hüseyin. Princess Kadriye was born on January 10, 1888 in Cairo. Princess Kadriye is a member of the Kavalalı Mehmet Ali Pasha family, whose name the Egyptians speak highly of today. This fa-mily dominated Egypt until 1952, when Kavalalı Mehmet Ali Pasha became governor in 1805. Princess Kadriye Hüseyin witnessed the collapse of the Ottoman Empire and the liberation struggle of Anatolia. National Struggle in Turkey has neglected its moral and material support. Princess Kadriye Hüseyin "always saw herself as a part of Istanbul" due to her grandmother be-ing from Istanbul. Kadriye Hüseyin, who took part in the establishment and operation activities of the Hilal-i Ahmer Ladies Center, which was established within the Ottoman Hilal-i Ahmer Society, and made material and moral contributions; He wrote articles on life, people, cultural, religious and national values, spirituality, manners and manners with the consciousness of being indigenous, national and well-being. Kadriye Hüseyin has written important works such as Me-hasin-i Hayat, Temevvücât-ı Efkar, Muhadderât-ı Islam, An Important Night, My What, Letters from the Holy Ankara. Princess Kadriye Hüseyin penned the first examples of the essay in the Turkish literature that developed in Egypt, which is defined as the writings that the writer has written in a style that carries the air of speaking to himself, without making definitive judgments and without the need to prove his personal thoughts on any subject he chooses according to his own will. His work named Mehâsin-i Hayat consists of trials. In this study, information about the life, literary personality and works of Princess Kadriye Hüseyin will be given and her work consisting of essays named Mehasin-i Hayat will be introduced.

Zrod kanibala Slovákov:Verejný a súkromý život Bélu Grünwalda vo Zvolenskej župe (1867–1874)

Prvá etapa verejného pôsobenia Bélu Grünwalda, obdobie pôsobenia vo funk- cii hlavného notára (1867–1871) a prvé podžupanské obdobie (1871–1874), je za- streté rovnako ako jeho mladosť. Ak však chceme pochopiť slovensko-maďarské národné konflikty po roku 1874, ktorých hlavnou postavou sa stal, musíme odkryť aj túto etapu jeho života, keďže jeho stanoviská k národnostným otázkam sa kryš- talizovali práve v týchto rokoch.The first era of Béla Grünwald’s (Szentantal, Hungary, 1839 – Courbevoie, France, 1891) public career, his life stage as notary (1867–1871) and as subcounty governor (1871–1874) in Zvolen County are almost unknown. However, if we want to understand the Slovak– Hungarian national conflicts after 1874, of which he became the main character, we must also reveal this stage of his life, as his views on national struggle crystallized in those years. Based on a note from Zvolen County dated 4 July 1867, the Minister of Culture József Eötvös removed the “Pan-Slavic” teachers from the grammar schools in Banská Bystrica. Grünwald’s biography highlights the central role of the new notary in this matter. Never- theless, this conflict did not provoke Grünwald’s struggle with the “Pan-Slavs” but was part of the power conflicts between the “Hungarian” and “Slovakian”, Catholic and Lutheran elites of Zvolen County. At the end of 1865, it was even one of the most important “battle- fields” where the local Hungarian and Slovak networks represented by Antal Radvánszkyand Štefan Moyses met.In April 1873, the first issue of the periodical Svornosť, Grünwald’s personal project, was published in Banská Bystrica. Grünwald’s primary goal was to push Slovak enthusiast periodicals from the Slovak public sphere. Therefore, after 1873, Grünwald became the number one enemy of the Slovak national movement and at the same time its target.At the end of 1873, the leader of the Slovak national movement Viliam Pauliny-Tóth published a text mocking Grünwald in the political newspaper of the Slovak national move- ment Národné noviny. Though Grünwald was represented by a pseudonym, it was easily recognizable to anyone. The attack and scandal had very serious effects not only on Grün- wald’s dislike of the Slovaks but also of his entire life. Pauliny-Tóth exposed Grünwald’s private life and love affairs to the public, destroying Grünwald’s social prestige down to the ground. Grünwald gave a political response to the attack: not long after, he managed to get the Hungarian government to close the three Slovak grammar schools and the Matica slovenská.

ANALYSIS OF THE SCIENTIFIC HERITAGE OF PROFESSOR SERHIY LYTVYN THROUGH THE PRISM OF BIOBIBLIOMETRY

The purpose of the article is to make bibliometrical analysis of publications and to characterize the main periods of scientific, scientific-pedagogical, and public activity of Doctor of Historical Sciences, Professor Serhiy Lytvyn. The methodology consists in the use of general scientific methods: analysis, synthesis, logical method, method of visualization of research results. Methods of selection, bibliographic characteristics, grouping, and systematic analysis of scientific publications are used. Scientific novelty. The total number of Serhiy Lytvyn’s publications and works for 1989–2019, including articles, abstracts, other types of publications (monographs, textbooks, manuals, methodical materials, etc.), journalistic works (articles, interviews, resolutions, statements, appeals, prefaces, etc.) are determined. The distribution of the scientist's publications for the specified period is divided into four types: articles, theses, other publications and journalistic works. Bibliometrical analysis was performed on the basis of 328 published works by Serhiy Lytvyn. The main peaks of the scientist's publishing activity by years both in general and by separate types of publications are revealed. The main stages of his scientific and pedagogical activity are singled out, they were determined on the basis of the analysis of publications. The thematic distribution of publications and references is carried out. Conclusions. Biobibliometrical analysis of Serhiy Lytvyn's scientific work and his public activity made it possible to assess the breadth of his scientific interests, publication productivity, citations, thorough contribution to the development of military history, military affairs, petliurology (research of the Petliura issue), history of Ukrainian statehood and culture, record and archival sciences. The productive 30-year path of formation and development of the scientist and his scientific heritage, that includes more than five hundred works and scientific events, the organizer and participant of which he was, allows speaking about Serhiy Lytvyn as a notable colorful and interesting figure of scientific and educational space, historian, source and archivist, well-known petliurologist, researcher of military affairs, military history, history of the national liberation struggle of the Ukrainian people in 1917–1921, teacher, scientist with strong research dominant.

Formation of Ukrainian identity and national state formation in the modern era of the XIX century

The article examines the dynamics and features of the revival of Ukrainian national traditions, mainly languages and their institutionalization, which are accompanied by the formation of an intellectual national-patriotic elite, whose representatives were examples of moral behavior and political leadership in the struggle for national liberation. It is noted that having formed relatively separately in the four main parts of the Ukrainian lands (Dnieper, Galicia, Bukovina and Transcarpathia), the Ukrainian scientific, cultural, educational and political elite began to unite efforts in organizing joint Ukrainian national revival institutions and actively participated in political life. It is argued that Ukrainian nation-genesis does not represent in political history a perfectly uniform movement towards progress. Perhaps this is the contradiction that causes either the decline of national life and the restriction of political freedoms of the masses, or the rapid rise of national and patriotic feelings and the mass awakening of national identity and the struggle for political freedoms. The middle of the XIX century, which became a period of national revival for the peoples of Europe, has been studied. This was preceded by important socio-political events of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, in particular the bourgeois-democratic revolutions, which largely implemented the ideas of freedom, equality, and justice. It is outlined that the bourgeois-democratic revolutions and the national liberation struggle of the European peoples gave prospects for the Ukrainian nation to be reborn and developed. However, the Ukrainian lands were part of the imperial states with different levels of development of political culture, law, public morality, education and more. Thus, the Austrian monarchy of “enlightened absolutism” and the Russian monarchical despotism treated the Ukrainian people differently. Political events of the late XIX – early XX centuries. analyzed through the prism of the then dominant imperial spirit and the rise of the national consciousness of the peoples who were colonized by the imperial states. This means that Ukrainian national genesis and its institutionalized political freedoms are understood only in the closest connection with the imperial spirit of the European geopolitical space and national liberation movements. It is proved that the concept of political freedom for the peoples whose territories were seized by the imperial states, arose as a scientific philosophical and political thought in the first half of the XVIII century. and already in the works of J. Locke, J. Vico, N. R. J. Turgot, J. N. Condorcet and I. Kant, G. W. F. Hegel, and many other thinkers, it acquired a general civilizational worldview significance.

The UN declaration on the rights of peasants, national policies, and forestland rights of India’s Adivasis

ABSTRACT The United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Peasants and Other People Working in Rural Areas (UNDROP) is one of the most ambitious UN declarations. We analyse the policy and legal challenges of protecting these rights vis-à-vis India's indigenous Adivasi peasants. Longstanding social and political mobilizations have enabled Adivasis to secure significant statutory and legal rights, which address the goals of land rights and food sovereignty, sustainable development, and socially just climate action. However, powerful actors and agencies opposed to these rights hold considerable sway over India's political and judicial institutions. For example, contrary to its reputation as an activist court, India's Supreme Court has failed to protect Adivasi rights. Such countermobilization against Adivasi rights, especially by some environmental groups advocating for the enclosure of Adivasi lands for the sake of wildlife and biodiversity conservation, underscores the difficulty of enforcing economic and social rights. This article offers five key insights to inform future human rights advocacy and praxis to protect the rights enshrined within UNDROP. Our analysis identifies synergies between international human rights activism and the national and subnational struggles to protect peasant rights.

Nostalgia, identity, and homeland: Reading the narratives of the diaspora in Susan Abulhawa’s fiction

ABSTRACT Palestinian American writer Susan Abulhawa’s novels Mornings in Jenin (2010) and The Blue Between Sky and Water (2015) capture the experience of the Palestinian community following Israeli occupation and the expulsion of Palestinians from their homeland. This article explores the ways in which Abulhawa shows the dismantling of the national sovereignty of Palestine as having thrown the citizenry of the Palestinian Arabs into a state of disarray. Drawing on theories of nation, nationalism, and nostalgia, it discusses how Abulhawa’s protagonists have recourse to cultural memories of the homeland to conceptualize and rebuild their disrupted subjectivities. Analysing the important role of nostalgia in perpetuating love of a lost territory, it argues that, for Abulhawa, the yearning to return is fundamental to the social connectedness and nationalist struggles of the dislocated Palestinian Arab community.

Limpopo’s Legacy: student politics and democracy in South Africa by Anne K Hefferman

Reviewed by: Limpopo’s Legacy: student politics and democracy in South Africa by Anne K Hefferman Zolani Noonan-Ngwane (bio) Anne K Hefferman (2019) Limpopo’s Legacy: student politics and democracy in South Africa. Johannesburg: Wits UP. The last decade has seen the publication of an impressive number of historical studies that question and problematise the picture of Black Consciousness drawn by an earlier body of scholarship. In the latter works Black Consciousness often comes across as either an anticlimactic culmination to earlier forms of radical African nationalism (Gerhart 1978) or as a gateway to a more substantial political treatment of subsequent historical moments such as the secondary school student uprising in 1976 (Brooks and Brickhill 1980, Hirson 1979), and the popular mass movements in the 1980s (Marx 1992). Emerging at the end of the supposedly quiescent 1960s the political force of Black Consciousness is represented as ‘muted’, with its protagonists locked in an endless quest for ‘mythical self-sufficiency’, all this at the expense of providing both a political leadership for a restive working class and organisational structure for the largely spontaneous surge of student protests. Black consciousness historiography has come a long way since then. From in-depth intellectual histories (Magaziner 2010) to studies of the material impact of its developmental programmes on the countryside (Hadfield 2016), Black Consciousness has recently been treated substantially both in its own internal complexity and in relation to the broader anti-apartheid struggle within the country and, as in the volume under review, in exile. Limpopo’s Legacy: student politics and democracy in South Africa is a timely and unique contribution to this new body of work. The book tells the story of student and youth politics as they developed in today’s rural Limpopo Province and went on to influence, if not shape, the national struggle in South Africa. Thus, the book centres ‘local and regional experiences’ as its [End Page 133] main contribution both to the historiography of Black Consciousness and the recent histories of student and youth activism. Indeed, to the general international literature on youth the book’s particular contribution, both theoretically and ethnographically, is a Global South perspective. The book begins with the ‘incubation and development’ of Black Consciousness at the University of the North, currently the University of Limpopo, or more popularly Turfloop, in the late 1960s and 1970s, through the resurgence of multiracial Charterist local and regional student and youth congresses in the 1980s, and ends with the African National Congress’ (ANC) Polokwane national conference held at Turfloop in 2007. Indeed, the timeline for this study can be extended at both ends to start with the formation, at students’ agitation, of the first Student Representative Council (SRC) at Turfloop in 1960 (and its squabbles with the administration throughout that decade) and ending with the second wave of #FeesMustFall as it manifested at Turfloop in 2016. On the one hand, then, Limpopo’s Legacy problematises the widely held notion of the ‘quiescent 60s’ (see also Brown 2016) while, on the other hand, it anchors its historical narrative in recent events affecting higher education in South Africa. Besides its unique focus on local experiences, another rewarding and distinctive aspect of the book is that it is also an extended political profiling of generations of actors associated, by birth or education, with the Northern Transvaal (Limpopo Province): from Onkgopotse Tiro – through contemporary national figures such as Cyril Ramaphosa, Frank Chikane, Mosiuoa Lekota and Aubrey Mokoena – to Peter Mokaba and Julius Malema, Limpopo Provinces’ ‘most famous sons’ (216). While most of the literature on, and popular memories of, the national anti-apartheid struggle have focused on the urban political careers of these individuals, the book traces the trajectory of their activism from the rural Northern Transvaal where they politically came of age. Its argument is that this geographically marginal enclave was in fact the crucible of political activism and ideologies that influenced the national struggle. Like all black universities founded under the grand scheme of Bantu Education, Turfloop was designed to produce graduates who would form an ethnically homogeneous civil service and intellectual vanguard for the apartheid homeland system. Unlike some of the other black universities, however, Turfloop had...

REASONS FOR THE CREATION OF THE ANTI-BOLSHEVIK BLOC OF NATIONS (ABN): EASTERN EUROPEAN AND UKRAINIAN DIMENSIONS

The article is devoted to a relatively poorly studied page in the history of the Ukrainian diaspora, the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations (ABN), an anti-communist organization of the period of the Cold War. The author identifies the reasons for the emergence and formation of the ABN, which restored its operation on April 16, 1946 in Munich. Later, almost 20 diaspora groups from Eastern Europe and Central Asia were merged into this structure. The author analyzes the reasons for the participation of Eastern European and Ukrainian diasporas in the formation of the bloc. In particular, the author analyzes the materials of already existing studies on various types of anti-communist movements. The article focuses on the fact that the Eastern European anti-communist movement represented by the ABN was primarily anti-Bolshevik and differed from other anti-communist organizations, first of all, in the idea of establishing independent national states after the disintegration of the USSR. Special attention is paid to the role of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (Bandera) – OUN(B) in the creation of the concept of joint struggle of enslaved nations. Some other similar Eastern European projects and their cooperation with the ABN, in particular, the Polish emigrant organization ―Prometheus‖ and representatives of the Russian ―White‖ movement, are also considered. The research also emphasizes that the concept of joint struggle of subjugated nations against imperial rule, which emerged in Eastern Europe at the beginning of the 19th century, lasted, respectively, until the 20th century. At the beginning of the Cold War, when anti-communism became an integrative ideology of Western countries, the ABN, led by Yaroslav Stetsko, managed to establish contacts with representatives of Asian and Latin American anti-communist organizations. This allowed them to become part of a transnational anti-communist network. The stages of formation and entry of the ABN into the transnational anti-communist network are determined. Recent researches and publications on the outlined problem are analyzed. The author bases his study on unpublished documents and materials.

Конфлікти пам’яті. Вуличні маніфестації під час відзначення 250-річних ювілеїв оборони Львова (1905) та Університету Яна Казимира (1912)

The events of the 17th century, the anniversaries of which took place in Lviv at the beginning of the 20th century, are well-known, researched and even significant. Moreover, they are still used to promote historical policy. The siege of Lviv is part of the Ukrainian national canon of national liberation struggle. And the date of the founding of Lviv University in 1661 (which was enshrined in the literature during the anniversary described in the article) is officially considered the beginning of the history of Ivan Franko Lviv University. At the same time, less attention is paid to how these stories became part of the collective memory in the early twentieth century, as well as a tool in political confrontation. Despite the fact that at the beginning of the 21st century their relevance in historical politics has not diminished. The aim of the article is to demonstrate how history is instrumentalized by politicians to mobilize their electorate. In this case, these are two examples: the history of the conflict, as in the case of the siege, and the history against the background of the conflict, when an ancient event serves as an argument in opposition to the university. In both situations, "defenders of historical truth" cooperate with "defenders of national interests." The methodological basis of the study comprises the principles of historicism, objectivity and systematics. General scientific and special research methods were used in solving the set tasks: historiographical analysis, generalization, quantitative, chronological, retrospective. The scientific novelty of the work lies in a comprehensive analysis of the state of study of the issue in modern historiography and comparison of existing data with the available evidence of the time. Conclusions. The commemoration of the anniversary of the siege of Lviv by Bohdan Khmelnytsky's troops in 1655 and the founding of Lviv University in 1661 were a consequence of what local Polish politicians called "the discovery of a forgotten history." When an event from the past (since the time of the divided Rzeczpospolita - Commonwealth) became the basis for the formation of a national myth. Thus, the siege of Lviv became an example of the loyalty of the Lviv citizens to the ideals of the Commonwealth, and Joseph’s University became the University of Jan Kasimierz. A side effect of this "discovery of history" was the intensification of interethnic conflicts. Under the influence of revolutionary events in Russia, tensions only increased, and newspapers abounded with calls to "show" opponents who ruled in the city. And such cases of street demonstrations occurred periodically.

Селяни стають… козаками (до історії холодноярського досвіду національно-визвольних змагань періоду Української революції 1917–1921 рр.)

Селяни стають… козаками (до історії холодноярського досвіду національно-визвольних змагань періоду Української революції 1917–1921 рр.)

Asian Theological Ferment (For Doing Theology in Contemporary Indonesia: Interdisciplinary Perspectives)

Creative theology in Asia started emerging mostly after decolonisation. The experience of nationalist struggles against colonial rule provided a new impetus, new perspectives and indigenous resources for original theological enterprises. The first part of this presentation goes into the analysis of factors and forces at work in the post-colonial era for the creation of Asian theologies. The second part goes into some of the salient features and characteristics of Asian theologies, despite regional differences in terms of societies, cultures and histories. The third and final part highlights the importance of moving in a new direction in Asian theologising, which should assume the nature of public theology. The presentation then goes on to sketch some of the features that will characterise Asian public Theology along with the challenges it presents.

ŠUMADIJSKI VUKIĆEVIĆI

The Vukićević family originates from the Vasojević tribe. The Vukićević family from Šumadija is from the Lopaćani fraternity and their motherland is the village of Vinicika near Berane. At the beginning of the 18th century, four brothers emigrated (they were refugees) and settled in four areas. One around Čačak (Dragačevo), the other in the village of Oparić in Levač county, the third in the vicinity of Sombor (Bačka) and the fourth, Vuka Vukićević, came to Svetlić, which was uninhabited and became the founder of this village. The gathering for the Vasojević family feast, St. Archangel Michael, testifies that all Vukićević people are related. This branch in Svetlić will play a very significant role in the enormous national struggles. The mentioned branch is ancient and has its genealogy, which extends to three centuries. A writer, a journalist, a doctor, a mathematician, and an engineer took part in making the genealogy. All of them belong to the same lineage.

Epic Landscapes: Benjamin Henry Latrobe and the Art of Watercolor by Julia Sienkewicz, and: Building America: The Life of Benjamin Henry Latrobe by Jean H. Baker

Reviewed by: Epic Landscapes: Benjamin Henry Latrobe and the Art of Watercolor by Julia Sienkewicz, and: Building America: The Life of Benjamin Henry Latrobe by Jean H. Baker Erik Carver Julia Sienkewicz. Epic Landscapes: Benjamin Henry Latrobe and the Art of Watercolor. Newark: University of Delaware Press, 2019. ISBN: 9781644531594 Hardcover: 288 pages Jean H. Baker. Building America: The Life of Benjamin Henry Latrobe. New York: Oxford University Press, 2020. ISBN: 9780190696450 Hardcover: 304 pages The attack on the US Capitol on January 6, 2021 seized our attention with its violence and farce. Its violation of the authority of the federal government included the disruption of deliberation, the mediated transgression of sovereign boundaries, and vandalism of the fabric of the Capitol itself. These moments of disruption foreground the centrality of architectural symbolism to the machinery of national governance and become opportunities for its revaluation. Such was also the case following the War of 1812, when architect Benjamin Henry Latrobe returned to Washington to rebuild the edifice following a decidedly severe incident of capitol-involved violence. And like the redcoats’ attack of August 24, 1814, January’s outburst represented an escalation in an ongoing national struggle, one waged in significant ways in the realm of history and architecture. At a time when architectural neoclassicism and the year 1776 are unexpected flashpoints in America’s culture wars, Latrobe is back. To speak of Latrobe, the “primogenitor” of the profession and prolific polymath, has always been to grapple with fundamental questions of the nation’s architectural practice and intellectual life.1 In Talbot Hamlin’s exhaustive 1955 life and works, Latrobe emerges as an American modernist, tragically ahead of his time. In the 1970s, Edward C. Carter II led, with the Maryland Historical Society, an initiative to publish Latrobe’s extensive papers. The entire corpus reached microfiche in time for the Bicentennial, and published volumes continued through 1995. This material has since informed scholarly refashionings of Latrobe for a post-2008 cultural landscape ruled over by the likes of the Tea Party and the musical Hamilton. [End Page 68] Two recent works leverage the journals and correspondence in these volumes to cast Latrobe as something more than the nation’s first architect. Julia Sienkewicz’s Epic Landscapes: Benjamin Henry Latrobe and the Art of Watercolor analyzes the early watercolors in his journals to depict him as an ambitious and reflective amateur artist perceiving the nation with an immigrant’s eye. Jean H. Baker’s Building America: The Life of Benjamin Henry Latrobe instead uses correspondence and journals to assemble a biography rooting his career as the nation’s architect firmly in his education and family life. In part, these perspectives reflect disciplinary and generational concerns. While Epic Landscapes emerged from an art history dissertation, Building America registers its author’s training in social and political history as well as the feminist and cultural turns her work has taken in subsequent decades. The books focus on different time spans: while Baker retells Latrobe’s life story, Sienkewicz closely reads his work over a four-year period. Even when looking at the same historical moments, the two often make starkly different interpretations. In recounting Latrobe’s journey to America aboard the Eliza, for example, Sienkewicz foregrounds his watercolors to narrate it as a melancholy, brooding “purgatory,” while Baker identifies in his journals a sardonic pride and an enthusiasm that “never faltered.”2 Both authors note Latrobe’s private distaste for slavery and, in different ways, interpret his depictions of plantation life as critiques. While Sienkewicz reads his deadpan rendering of a group of enslaved fishermen on an unrefined Virginia plantation as a form of realist “undeception,” Baker chooses to explain another image, Overseer Doing His Duty, as a sarcastic indictment of sexual and racial power.3 Baker however complicates such progressive attributions by acknowledging his frequent use of convict labor and his acquisition of an enslaved man named David Smith in 1804.4 In discussing Latrobe’s design for the Virginia State Penitentiary, Baker contrasts its liberal reformism with the legislature’s illiberal purse strings.5 Sienkewicz instead analyzes Latrobe’s liberties with the renderings, arguing for a sort of primacy of image over building...