reviews 375 and Die on women.The collection focusesprimarily on politicaland socioeconomicsubjects , whichis entirely legitimate in a studyofmodernization, butdoes notreallyengagewithcultural history, either in content or in conceptualmethod . Perhapsas a consequence, thevolumedoesnotquiteexplain how and whyitsorganizing conceptof modernization can standalongside the 'modernity' thesisof neo-totalitarian scholarship, or challengethe neotraditionalist arguments ofa relatedbodyofwork,eventhoughtheessaysof Gatrell, Kangaspuroand Pynnöniemi interrogate theconceptofmodernizationinparticularly interesting ways.In a fewoftheessays, theconceptseems to be an argumentative add-on,rather thana convincingly integral element deriving from theevidence.Despitethisreservation, thebookis ablyedited by Smithand Kangaspuro,and the collectionoverallmakesan engaging case, on itsown terms, foritsguidingprinciple. Modernization remainsan essential highway and yeta sometimes imprecise routeintoinvestigations of Russianhistory (andRussianstudies moregenerally), and thisbook'svaluable and interesting essayswill accordingly be read withprofit and occasional scepticism byundergraduates and specialist scholars alike. UCL SSEES Mark B. Smith Turda, Marius and Weindling, Paul J. (eds). BloodandHomeland: Eugenics and Racial Nationalism in Centraland Southeast Europe1900-194.0. Central EuropeanUniversity Press,Budapestand New York,2007.x + 467 pp. Map. Illustrations. Notes.Bibliography. Index.£13.95(paperback). World War One increasedsocial expectations throughout Europe. It also raisedinterest ineugenics - theimprovement ofthehumanspecies, notonly through improved publichealthbytheelimination ofdiseasesliketyphus, but through improvement of thegeneticstockby selective breeding.Since the subjectwas forbidden underCommunism, the relevantarchiveshave only recently been opened,so thisvolumeadds muchto our knowledge ofhow eugenicideasand practice developedinCentralEuropeand theBalkans.We knowthatthestory endedinthemasskilling ofgypsies, thementally subnormal and sixmillion Jews,and manyassumethattheprocesswas inevitable. Notso.Within theeugenics movement emotional romanticism competed with conventional medicine and enlightened traditions. Indeed,thelatter prevailed untilthe 1930swhendespairgenerated by theGreatDepressionled to the triumph ofprejudiceoverscience,and thennoteverywhere. Zoologists,psychologists, anthropologists and archaeologists, as well as medicalresearchers helpedto developeugenicthinking; and Germanyand Austriaexertedthe mostpowerful influences. As Turda pointsout in the introduction to thiscollection ofpapers,professional eugenicists werelargely dependenton the stateforfunding, and so came to servenation-building agendas.'Defining thenation',therefore, 'becamesynonymous with justifying thedomination ofa givenethnicmajority', and itwas notlongbeforesome eugenicists werearguing that'genetically inferior individuals' shouldbe eliminatedto prevent 'thedegeneration ofthenation'.Geneticsciencewas as yet in itsinfancy, leavingspace forideasbased on popularideology. Oftensuch 376 SEER, 87, 2, APRIL 2OO9 ideas had theirorigins in literary analogies,as Herder'sfoundation myth of nationalism, thatlanguage containsthe spiritof a nation.Nazi theorists arguedthatifthe'spirit ofnation'was initslanguage,thenitmustalsobe in itsblood. The acceptanceofsuchnotionswas aided by confusion between culture, languageand race;byassociation ofJewswithunwanted modernizationand by rhetoric. Pseudo-science gainedacceptance,providing justifications for thedeadliest kindofsocialengineering. Geneticsciencehasadvanced sincethen,and itis instructive to compare1930sunderstandings ofheredity withrecent research findings (e.g.foran accessible, ifnowoutdated, summation , see L. L. Cavalli-Sforza et al., TheHistory and Geography ofHumanGenes ; Princeton, NJ,1994). Hans Günther, Professor at Berlinfrom1933,maintained thatEuropeans came fromsix distinct racial groups,and thatGerman 'race psychology' explainedinheritedmentaltraitswhich informed national culture.This becamefundamental to Nazi 'scientific' racism.Another leadingtheoretician was RudolphHippius,whoseinterests in demographic planning and howto distinguish betweenGermansand Poles earnedhimSS support. In Austria RudolphPöch'sbigethnographic study ofFirst WorldWar POWs was used byanthropologist OttoReche topromote Germanexpansionism byshowing thatsomeethnic groupswereracially relatedto Germans.He also developed a proofofpaternity certificate fortheViennacourts, whichwas to be developed to attest to race on geneticgroundsonce theNazis gainedpower.By suchmeanscultural and political assumptions and prejudices weregrafted on to scientific and administrative procedures to enabletheNazis to implement their programme. In Croatiathedriving forcecame from nationalist intellectuals terrified of 'racial degeneration' and contamination by SerbsandJews.Their alliance withtheBosnianMuslims, their 'bloodbrothers', corrected their demographic deficit. So Croat feelings ofdisadvantage fertilized thegroundin whichthe murderous Ustashaflowered in the1940sand againin the1990swhen,with Germany'shelp,theybrokeup Yugoslaviaand achievedparityof killing withtheirethnicenemies.In little Estonia'demographic hysteria' tookon a self-pitying tone.'Whowouldridicule a nationofthree million people,'asked local nationalists; but how could thattarget be reached?The authoritarian stateintroduced a six-year plan to improvepublichealthand increasethe population. Evenso theracists weretohavetheir moment. In 1941, after the Sovietforceswithdrew, theyslaughtered Tallin'sJews (on the sitewhere Tallin'spopularyachtmarinais today)before theGermansmarchedin. Otherpapersfocuson calmernationalcontexts. Czechssharedinthegeneral desireto createa healthier society, but by eliminating mentaldefects, epilepsy, alcoholism, venerealdiseaseand TB, rather thanpeople.In Poland eugenicswere supportedby the centreand left,and the movement was class-rather thanrace-oriented, although a darker sidewas reflected in fears of 'racial degeneration'. Hungary,arguesTurda, was 'in the vanguardof eugenicthinking' and broad-ranging enoughto appeal to bothsocialists and fascists. The crisisof1920encouraged thedevelopment ofracialnationalism and thosewho believedthat Jewscarriedsocialdisease.Germannotionsof racialhygienetookrootin Bulgariatoo,whereProfessor Konsulovmused about thepossibility of creating'a mankindwhichhas not knowndisease, reviews 377 highlyintelligent, unusuallygiftedand moral,whichwould need no law' thoughBulgaria'sleadingbiologist contested ideas ofracialpurity, pointing out...