Quebec Nationalism Research Articles

Representations of the Quebec nation through reactions to Bills 21 and 96: an analysis of editorials and Op-eds in English-language media

This article examines the representations of the Quebec nation in English-language media, specifically focusing on editorials and Op-eds which discuss Bill 21 An Act Respecting the Laicity of the State and Bill 96 An Act Respecting French, the Official and Common Language of Quebec. The study explores the perspectives expressed by members of the dominant English-speaking group in response to these nation-building policies introduced by Quebec public officials between 2019 and 2023. Specifically, it asks: How do editorials and Op-eds in established English-language newspapers represent the Quebec nation in response to Bill 21 and 96? In doing so, the research uncovers how the Quebec nation and its nation-building enterprises are portrayed in the media by examining four established newspapers: the Globe and Mail, the Winnipeg Free Press, the Montreal Gazette, and the Calgary Herald. Mobilizing a qualitative and inductive critical content analysis approach, it highlights core common themes and key normative and regional variations in the perspective advanced by the media outlets.

Population-based birth cohort study on diabetes in pregnancy and infant hospitalisations in Cree, other First Nations and non-Indigenous communities in Quebec

ObjectivesDiabetes in pregnancy, whether pre-gestational (chronic) or gestational (de novo hyperglycaemia), increases the risk of adverse birth outcomes. It is unclear whether gestational diabetes increases the risk of postnatal morbidity...

Does it Matter Who Directs the Story? Comparing Québec’s Immigrant Cinema and the Cinema of Immigration Through Case Studies of Karaman and Deraspe, Villeneuve and Bensaddek

If it is true that “[c]inema has from its inception been transnational, circulating more or less freely across borders and utilizing international personnel” (Ezra and Rowden 2006, 2), it is equally indisputable that cinematic traditions have historically reflected and reinforced national, regional, or ethnolinguistic identities. The cinema of Québec is a case in point, such that Bill Marshall’s choice of title for his 2001 landmark study,Quebec National Cinema, generally went unremarked upon. Since the turn of the millennium, however, “other” or immigrant stories are receiving increased interest and representation on screen. The crux of the current terminological dilemma is that while theorists of accented, diaspora, exilic, or transnational cinema tend to privilege films made by immigrant directors, a significant number of Québec films about immigrant experiences have been made by non-immigrant directors. Drawing on films released since 2010 by Onur Karaman, Sophie Deraspe, Denis Villeneuve, and Bachir Bensaddek, I discuss how they defy or destabilize the terminological landscape and propose the distinction between immigrant cinema and the cinema of immigration, the latter of which, I argue, embraces films made about immigration by non-immigrant directors. By bringing together examples of the cinema of immigration and immigrant cinema, this article examines the issues raised by the expanding inclusivity and popularity of stories of and by Québec’s ethnocultural “others.”

Screening for psychosocial risks among physicians in a pediatric hospital

Over the past decades, productivity practices at hospital resulted in staff overload and burnout. Prompted by physicians’ complaints, this study assessed the level of psychosocial risk among senior pediatricians in a university hospital.The survey used the checklist of Quebec's National Institute of Public Health that comprises two six-indicator parts: “Context” and “Key Components” of the Organization.The psychosocial risk level was evaluated by a physician–psychologist duo during interviews of homogeneous groups of workers. The indicators were scored, tabulated, and discussed.The survey led to a substantial qualitative and quantitative clarification of physicians’ working conditions, claims, and needs. Regarding Context, the staff reported mainly: (a) cumbersome organization and norms vs. limited human resources (lack of stability, incentives, and promotions); (b) absenteeism and presenteeism; (c) reluctance to seek care or advice for fear of discredit; (d) presence of verbal violence; (e) self-imposed harsh returns-to-work; (f) work–life conflicts and difficult mental disconnection from work. Regarding the Key Components, the staff reported mainly: (a) work overload (physical, mental, psychological, and relational/social), continuous stress, and perceived exhaustion; (b) low job satisfaction and insufficient recognition; (c) inconstant support by their superiors; (d) poor job relationships and colleagues’ support; (e) occasional participation and lack of real autonomy and/or strategy sharing.The survey succeeded in underlining concerning issues that required the immediate attention of occupational physicians and managers. It proved the method feasible and valuable in the medical context despite a high diversity of staff functions and degrees.

A new party system linked to the evolution of Quebec nationalism

A new party system linked to the evolution of Quebec nationalism

United in division: explaining attitudes towards Muslims in Canada and Quebec

ABSTRACT This article evaluates the gap in attitudes towards Muslims between Quebec and the rest of Canada (ROC) and compares this gap to the importance of other explanatory variables. To do so, the article provides a comprehensive model that constitutes the most extensive study of attitudes towards Muslims in Canada yet. This model boasts the highest explanatory power found in the recent literature. The article finds that while there is a difference in attitudes between Quebec and the ROC, these differences are modest in comparison to inter-individual differences within each region and have weak explanatory power. Group threat theory, social identity theory, and leader evaluations all show greater explanatory power than the aforementioned Quebec gap. Contact theory has weak explanatory power. None of the variables associated with Quebec nationalism appear to have a statistically significant effect in the analysis focused on Quebec cases either.

Considering the Revolution

Considering the Revolution

Ethical nationalism in Quebec. The little-known political tradition of a small nation

Ethical nationalism in Quebec. The little-known political tradition of a small nation

Language, Federalism and Canadian Diplomacy

Canadian diplomacy has greatly shaped Canada’s debates over language and vice versa. How has the history of Canadian diplomacy reflected the bilingual and bicultural nature of the country? Or, conversely, how have Canada’s debates over language and Quebec nationalism affected Canadian diplomacy? The answers are complex. Francophone diplomats played a key role in pushing for Canadian autonomy from Britain at the 1926 Imperial Conference. As Robert Talbot explained, “Canadian foreign policy was being shaped with French-Canadian and modern Anglo-Canadian priorities in mind.” This role was less prominent over the following three decades but, with the election of the Quebec Liberals in 1960, federal diplomacy became directly challenged by Quebec’s international ambitions. This tension reached a crisis point with the Montreal 1967 visit of General Charles De Gaulle, President of France, and again during the Quebec referendums of 1980 and 1995.

Transformations in contemporary Quebec nationalism, 1960–2020: A shift in the sources of collective animosities

AbstractThis article is interested in the shift of the object of hostility, which historically fuelled Quebec nationalism. The main targets of discontent have long been the ‘rest of Canada’ and the lower socio‐economic status of Francophones. After the 1995 independence referendum, the feeling of dissatisfaction with Canada, and even resentment, gradually faded. This retreating within Quebec's borders has led many French‐speaking Quebecers to become concerned about the conditions that make possible the preservation of their cultural and linguistic heritage in North America. This shift has meant that the source of concern is now individuals and groups who do not share this heritage rooted in Western Judeo‐Christian values or who are perceived not to adhere to the concerns related to the preservation and development of the French character and the dominant values within the ‘Quebec nation’. The expression of these concerns has manifested itself primarily in debates about the place religion should occupy in public and civic spaces since the mid‐2000s.

Quel sens donner à la sécurisation culturelle pour la main-d’œuvre autochtone? Le contexte du secteur forestier québécois

Employment can enable First Nations to improve their socio-economic conditions and foster individual and collective well-being. At the same time, there is a growing scarcity of labour in the Canadian forestry sector. In order to address this issue, it is important to consider the difficulties in attracting and retaining First Nations workers in this sector, something that is also the purpose of the efforts undertaken by many First Nations in Quebec, as well as elsewhere in Canada. This qualitative case study research is in line with the initiatives of the Atikamekw of Wemotaci First Nation. Its objective is to better understand the issues and possible solutions to attract and retain Atikamekw workers in the forestry sector. The results show five sets of issues: ( i) the perception of a hierarchy, ( ii) inadequate training methods, ( iii) the individual nature of the work, ( iv) the inclusion of cultural practices, and ( v) the creation of community benefits. For forestry stakeholders interested in attracting and retaining First Nations employees, this research is an invitation to reflect on their practices. The results suggest various avenues to either implement or maintain a cultural safety approach with First Nations workers. [Journal translation]

René Lévesque political discourse features in context of fight for quebec identity

This article considers René Lévesque’s (1922–1987) political discourse in context of his fight for Quebec identity. In our opinion, he was the most brilliant Quebec leader during the second half of the XX century. A selection of his grand speeches and the best interviews “La voix de René Lévesque” (Québec, 2002) were used as the source for analysis. Being media and mass communication researcher, the author does not aspire solely to linguistic analysis. We consider René Lévesque’s political discourse in view of his ability to communicate with different audiences supporting the Quebec’s identity. So, it was very important to determine R. Lévesque’s target audiences and the principal methods of influencing them. The speeches of R. Lévesque as a politician reflect his experience as a TV journalist (his habit of oral, not written presentation of information), hence some “roughness” of his speeches – the use of interjections, tautology, and the lack of stylistic artistry. One of the conclusions made is that all public R. Lévesque’s speeches demonstrate, step by step, his consistent programme for preserving Quebec identity in its English environment (the change of self-designation into “Québécois (Quebeckers)”; the proclamation of French as the only language of the province; the attempt to secure the support of France, its former metropolis; referendum on province independence; declining the federal offer to sign “patriated” Canadian Constitution without recognizing Quebec as “a distinct society” and others). However, Prime Minister Pierre-Elliotte Trudeau, his federal opponent, considered René Lévesque an ambitious person, who wanted to split united Canada. Unfortunately, “La voix de René Lévesque” did not include the internal Quebec Party discussions on province independence, which became the reason for René Lévesque to abandon Quebec Party and his post of Quebec Prime Minister. The author argues that political discourse of national Quebec leader René Lévesque was a form of social action, which served as a prerequisite for recognizing the Quebec Nation by the Parliament of Canada in 2006. At present Quebec Party, based on René Lévesque’s political legacy continues to develop it, and the thesis of Quebec’s Independence is still in its programme. The research shows that political discourse of small nations leaders like René Lévesque needs to be under further studies. The resonating context of the modern world gives us many other similar regional situations.

The New Face of Quebec Nationalism: Reconsidering the Nationalism/Democracy Nexus

ABSTRACT Although nationalism remains a significant motif of Quebec politics, it no longer has the same texture, the same purpose, or the same spirit it once had. What accounts for this change? And what should we make of it? This article proposes a critical reflection to gauge whether the nationalism/democracy nexus at the heart of much of the literature on nationalism still defines and characterizes contemporary Quebec nationalism. The article examines the reasons why today’s mainstream Quebec nationalism sets itself apart from the motivations that informed its earlier expressions and unequivocal stance against the Canadian state, assesses current Quebec nationalism in light of the democratizing impetus that nationalism is usually said to embody and nurture, and offers some critical thoughts on the analytical limits of the nationalism/democracy nexus for our understanding of the historicity of Quebec nationalism.

Fire in the Mainframe

The 1969 Sir George Williams computer centre occupation has always felt like a secret, or underground, history, with whose protection Black Montreal has been entrusted. It is underground because it is often buried by mainstream Quebec history. When the FLQ (Front de libération du Québec), Quebec nationalism, and the October Crisis of 1970 are discussed, little or no reference is made to the occupation. That omission is telling, because people of my generation have grown up hearing about those events as centrepieces of “recent” Canadian history, and because, at the very least, the occupation shares the timeline. The occupation, in fact, preceded the October Crisis, and there is anecdotal evidence of a kind of cultural overlap. As a Black writer in Quebec, I am attracted to minor characters and suppressed histories, and this informs part of my interest in the occupation.

Les représentations de l’interculturalisme à l’Assemblée nationale du Québec

L’interculturalisme n’ayant toujours pas été officialisé par l’intermédiaire d’une loi ou politique publique formelle et contraignante, comment les parlementaires québécois – mais aussi les intervenants avec qui ils dialoguent – se le représentent-ils dans leurs échanges à l’Assemblée nationale? Cet article se propose de répondre à cette question en réalisant une analyse de contenu critique qualitative et systématique des échanges portant sur l’interculturalisme à l’Assemblée nationale du Québec depuis l’apparition de cette notion en 1987 (33e législature) jusqu’à la portion de la 42e législature (2018-) qui précède l’ajournement des travaux au mois de mars 2020, en raison de la pandémie de COVID-19. En montrant l’existence de deux principales coalitions de discours, l’une qualifiée de libérale-pluraliste et l’autre de républicaine-moniste, cet article décortique les débats parlementaires en illustrant comment les acteurs associés à ces deux approches se représentent les fondements du modèle québécois en matière d’aménagement de la diversité, le rapport qu’il propose entre la culture majoritaire et les minorités ethnoculturelles, et ses objectifs présumés.

In Search of the Folk Society: Nationalism and Folklore Studies in Quebec

Québécois nationalist ideologies base the uniqueness of Québécois identity on distinctive cultural traditions which, they urge, need to be protected. Among other cultural specialists, folklorists have worked to document traditional Québécois culture. But such research ‘objectifies’ traditional culture by placing it in new settings and attaching new meanings to it. And folklorists, as traditional in Québec as ‘tradition’ itself, thereby change the culture that they intended to preserve. Thus the question arises: was Québec ever a folk society, homogeneous and isolated, or were folk traditions continually recreated by scholars and nationalists alike?

Quebec Bill 96 - Time For a Primer on Amending the Constitution

On May 13, 2021, the Government of Quebec introduced Bill 96, “An Act Respecting French, the Official and Common Language of Quebec” in the Quebec National Assembly.1 Bill 96 is a multi-faceted, and fairly sweeping, modernization of the Charter of the French Language, commonly known as Bill 101. It is primarily an attempt to use the power of the state to ensure that French is used more in Quebec, that more Quebecers are educated in French, and that anyone who wants to learn French has access to French lessons.2 As there is some evidence that French is being used less in Quebec than it has been in recent decades, the government wants to act to make French the “common language of Quebec,” as the Bill’s title suggests. While a number of the provisions of Bill 96 may violate the rights of the English-language minority in the province, which is a matter that should be of concern to all Canadians and the Government of Canada, I want to address another issue with the constitutionality of Bill 96.
 1 Bill 96, An Act respecting French, the official and common language of Québec, 1st Sess, 42nd Leg, Québec, 2021 (first reading 13 May 2021), online: <www.m.assnat.qc.ca/en/travaux-parlementaires/projets-loi/ projet-loi-96-42-1.html> [An Act Respecting French]. 2 Kate McKenna, “Quebec seeks to change Canadian Constitution, make sweeping changes to language laws with new bill”, CBC News (14 May

The Anti-Israel Movement in Québec in the 1970s: At the Ideological Crossroads of the New Left and Liberation-Nationalism

Since the late 1950s, Third World nationalism in Algeria, Vietnam, and the Middle East had fascinated radical Quebec nationalists. Quebec nationalism’s militant arm, the Front de libération du Québec (FLQ), styled itself as a national-liberation movement fighting against Anglo-Canadian exploitation and oppression. After the Six-Day-War, the PLO became a significant source of inspiration for these elements. Quebec was their Palestine, as one prominent Quebec Nationalist asserted. This militant Quebec nationalism coincided and often overlapped with the rise of the New Left at Quebec’s universities and in its unions. Like its European and American counterparts, the Quebec New Left adopted the ideologies of anti-imperialism and anti-Zionism, and in 1972, the Quebec-Palestine Association was established in this milieu. Anti-imperialism combined the Marxist analysis of class struggle with a nationalistic worldview, which saw the world divided between oppressor and oppressed nations. For the New Left, Israel became the epitome of an oppressor nation. It was associated with all the supposed vices of the West: Racism, capitalism, inauthenticity, and militarism. This paper sheds light on the founding years of the Quebec anti-Zionist movement in the early 1970 and discusses the themes and images it used to describe Israel and the Arab-Israeli conflict. Furthermore, the paper investigates whether these articulations a genuine critique of Zionism and Israeli policies or whether they were, instead, a reflection of antisemitic stereotypes. Moreover, the paper compares Quebec anti-Zionism to parallel manifestations of New Left anti-Zionism in Germany, asking whether the cultural context in Quebec affected the message of anti-Zionism.

Nationalism, Secularism, and Ethno-Cultural Diversity in Quebec

An ongoing debate over the intersections between secularism and ethno-cultural diversity is taking place in contemporary societies. For example, in just over a decade, Quebec has witnessed multiple attempts to reframe its approach to issues of nationalism in the context of secularism and the regulation of ethno-cultural diversity. This qualitative and historically minded article studies the relationship among nationalism, secularism, and the regulation of diversity, through three stages of analysis. First, it explores the Catholic history of Quebec and the secularization dimensions of its nationalism since the Quiet Revolution and the ongoing debate within the province about religious accommodation and the integration of immigrants. Second, it lays the stage for examining the political and historical rise of the recently passed Bill 21 An Act Respecting the Laicity of the State in Quebec, through analysis of the failed, yet pivotal, proposal for a “Quebec Charter of Values” during the leadership of Parti Québécois (PQ) Premier Pauline Marois (2012–14). Throughout this article, the content of the charter under the PQ and the successful Act under the Coalition Avenir Québec are discussed in light of policy transfer from France to Quebec regarding secularism and the public display of religious symbols, as well as Quebec’s unique context within the Canadian federation. Finally, it turns to recent political and policy developments in Quebec, including the passing of the new Act, as they relate to the changing relationship among nationalism, secularism, and diversity.

“God Save the Queen”: Narrating Nationalism and Imperialism in Quebec on the Occasion of Queen Victoria’s Diamond Jubilee

Les fêtes du Jubilé de la reine Victoria, en 1897, doivent être considérées comme des stratégies désignées à renforcer l’identification de la Reine à la nation. Les nombreuses ovations dont elle fait l’objet à travers l’Empire britannique suggèrent une cohésion impériale aux célébrations du Jubilé qui réduit la complexité des structures narratives sous-jacentes. En nous penchant sur un seul exemple, cet article examine les récits visuels et textuels du fascicule, Souvenir du Jubilé de Québec (1897). L’analyse structurale du livret permet de retrouver les traces d’une archéologie visuelle des récits à travers les diverses couches de signification. Outre le texte racontant l’histoire du règne de Victoria, il existe trois ou quatre autres histoires qui peuvent retenir l’attention du lecteur. Elles sont construites par le positionnement répétitif de la publicité, des portraits, des vues urbaines et des autres images. Nous pensons que les mots et les images ont été consciemment organisés pour renforcer la légitimité de l’ordre impérial. Cependant, les variations mineures du schéma, les juxtapositions, les séquences et les élisions apparemment inconscientes mettent à jour des écarts quant à la pensée dominante qui sous-tend le discours du Jubilé. Les nuances dans ces récits divergents pourraient peut-être permettre d’y inscrire la voix « sub-alterne » des Canadiens français au moment même où ils semblent adhérer au discours de la Couronne.