Palestinian National Research Articles

المجلس الوطني الفلسطيني والمعركة الانتخابية المسكوت عنها: قراءة أولية فيما يفترض أنه النظام الساري لانتخاب المجلس (2013) (The Palestinian National Council and the Silent Electoral Battle: Preliminary Reading of What Is Supposed To Be the Current System for Electing the Council (2013))

Arabic abstract: وفي ضوء ملاحظة اهتمام جمهور الناخبين الفلسطينيين بالانتخابات العامة (التشريعية والرئاسية)، قبالة إهمالهم المرحلة الثالثة من العملية الانتخابية القائمة (انتخابات المجلس الوطني)، تقوم هذه المقالة على دراسة نسخة غير منشورة من نظام جديد لانتخاب المجلس الوطني الفلسطيني، حصل عليها كاتب المقالة من مصدر موثوق. تتناول هذه المقالة، في قسمها الثاني، سبعة موضوعات أساسية مختارة، كما ورد تنظيمها في النظام الجديد: النظام الانتخابي، عدد أعضاء المجلس الوطني، التسجيل في سجل الناخبين، أهلية الانتخاب والترشح، تمثيل المرأة، الإدارة الانتخابية، والجهة القضائية المختصة بقضايا الانتخابات. قبل ذلك، يستعرض القسم الأول ماهية المجلس الوطني من حيث اختصاصاته، مدة ولايته، وسلطة تنظيم انتخابه، مع الإشارة إلى الأحكام ذات العلاقة في النظام الجديد. كل ذلك بالمقارنة أحيانا مع النظام القديم و/أو قانون الانتخابات العامة المنظم للانتخابات التشريعية والرئاسية English abstract: While the Palestinian electorates have shown great interest in the general elections (legislative and presidential); they are showing no interest in the third stage of the ongoing electoral process, which is the elections of the National Council. This article is based on the analysis of an unpublished version of a new system for the election of the Palestinian National Council, which was obtained by the author from a reliable source. In its first section; the article reviews the national council in general by discussing its nature in terms of its specializations, term and the authority to organize its elections. This is done with reference to the relevant provisions in the new system and in comparison, at times, with the old system and / or the general election law regulating legislative and presidential elections. The second section discuss seven topics which are regulated in the new system: the electoral system, the number of members of the National Council, registration in the registry of voters, eligibility to vote and run for office, representation of women, the electoral administration, and the judiciary concerned with election issues.

قانون الانتخابات العامة المنظم للانتخابات التشريعية والرئاسية في فلسطين للعام 2021: نسخة مدمجة (Palestinian General Elections Law: A "Compact" Version)

Arabic Abstract: عقب ما يرنوا عن خمسة عشر عاما على آخر انتخابات رئاسية (2005) وتشريعية (2006)، تعطلت خلالها دورية الانتخابات، وساد فيها الانقسام، تخوض فلسطين اليوم انتخابات عامة، تشريعية ورئاسية، محتكمة إلى القرار بقانون رقم (1) لسنة 2007 (القانون الأصلي)، الذي جرى تعديله مؤخرا بموجب القرار بقانون رقم (1) لسنة 2021 (القانون المعدل)، قبيل شهر من انطلاق العملية الانتخابية. وألحق التعديل بتنويه/ تصحيح، بخصوص المادة (39/5)، نشرته الجريدة الرسمية. تعتبر النسخة المدرجة في هذا الكتيب نسخة مدمجة، تظهر التعديلات التي أجراها القانون المعدل على القانون الأصلي، وموضع التصحيح المتعلق بالمادة المذكورة أعلاه. وترد في الكتيب حواشي للتعليق على أبرز أحكامه المعدلة وأكثرها جوهرية و/أو إشكالية. كما يتصدر الكتيب قائمة محتويات أوتوماتيكية تتيح مطالعة أحكام المواد حسب موضوعاتها، بسهولة ويسر. يأتي إعداد هذا الكتيب ونشره، إسهاما بالتوعية القانونية لجمهور الناخبين، في ظل عدم توفر نسخة مدمجة من قانون الانتخابات العامة (التشريعية والرئاسية). English Abstract: After fifteen years of holding its last electoral process; Palestine is currently preparing for its general elections. The elections will consist of elections for the Palestinian Legislative Council and for the President of the Palestinian National Authority. The elections will be held according to the law by decree No (1) of 2007; which is the original law, which was recently amended through the law by decree No (1) of 2021; which is the amending law. The amending law was released one month before the beginning of the electoral process. The amending law was also accompanied by an amendment/ correction to article (39/5) and was published in the Palestinian Official Gazette. The copy which is included in this booklet is considered a combined version which shows the amendments made by the amended law to the original law, and the amendments/corrections of the aforementioned amended article. Through its footnotes the booklet also provides comments to the most significant, fundamental and problematic amended provisions. The booklet also contains an automatic content list that allows easy access to the articles/provisions according to their topics. The preparation and publication of this booklet comes as a contribution to legal awareness of the electorate, in light of the absence of a compact version of the General Elections Law (legislative and presidential).

The Relationship between the PLO and the Palestinian National Authority

The Relationship between the PLO and the Palestinian National Authority

Cultural diplomacy, Church politics, and nationalism in early mandatory Palestine: the case of the Jerusalem Orthodox Church

ABSTRACT The transition period from the Ottoman withdrawal from Jerusalem to the establishment of British rule was critical for the Orthodox Church. On the one hand, the rule of Patriarch Damianos was contested by a powerful opposition within the Brotherhood of the Holy Sepulchre, which was supported by the government in Athens. On the other hand, the Arab laity sided with Damianos, putting at the same time pressure on the new administration to upgrade its status both at a political and religious level. This paper attempts to contextually sketch out the historical course of events, paying special attention on the religious policy agenda of the new authorities, as well as the diplomatic and cultural factors influencing the decision-making process. Overall, the paper suggests that the internal church crisis under examination was determined by the historical reformulation caused by WWI, the development of Arab nationalism, national ambitions in Athens, and British local and diplomatic policy objectives. Moreover, it argues that this period of crisis should probably be viewed as the starting point of the modern history of the institution (This article extends and updates the analysis of my previous paper, Papastathis 2009 (in Greek). In particular, it employs and contextually analyses new archival sources from the Historic and Diplomatic Archive of the Greek Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The new archival material is related to the intra-religious background and institutional framework, and to the diplomatic and political aspects of the question under examination).

Палестина ұлттық бірегейлігінің анықталуы (таңдаулы әдеби туындылардың негізінде)

This article examines the phenomenon of the division of Palestinian national identity in relation to Israel based on the literary works of Palestinian writers. To conduct the study, there were used a specific historical method of analysis and interpretation of original literary works to work with the sources. There were selected such works of fiction for the study as Sahar Khalifa’s Wild Thorns (1974), Gharib Haifaoui’s Snatcher of Sleep (2012) and Ibtisam Azim’s The Book of Disappearance (2014) and Said Kashua’s Dancing Arabs (2002). Based on these materials, it is concluded that the Palestinian nation is divided against Israel, from attempted assimilation to armed confrontation. It also concludes that there is short-term pragmatism and a willingness of mostPalestinians to maintain economic relations with Israel,with a consequent increase in thenumber ofArabs who speak Hebrew and are familiar with Jewish culture.

Review: Promoting Democracy: The Force of Political Settlements in Uncertain Times, by Manal A. Jamal

Review: <i>Promoting Democracy: The Force of Political Settlements in Uncertain Times</i>, by Manal A. Jamal

Review

Review

The Relationship between the PLO and the Palestinian National Authority

The Relationship between the PLO and the Palestinian National Authority

The Palestinian Labor Market over the Last Three Decades

This paper consists of three economic literature review essays that survey the Palestinian labor market during the last three decades. The first essay examines the economic return to schooling since 1981 until the recent period, taking into consideration the major shocks that the Palestinian economy experienced, such as the First and Second Palestinian Intifadas (1987–93 and 2000–5), respectively, and the establishment of the Palestinian National Authority in 1993. A special focus is laid on overcoming the potential endogeneity arising from the schooling coefficient. The second essay discusses the economic costs of several conflict measures (e.g., time and geographical variation in fatalities and other conflict incidents, days under curfews, checkpoints, movement restrictions, and substitution of foreigner workers for Palestinian labor) on the labor market and human capital. Earnings and unemployment are the main labor market indicators, while the human capital impact was assessed by educational attainment. The third essay sheds light on the wage differential in the Palestinian labor market due to geographical and employment sector factors.

Peddlers and the Policing of National Indifference in Palestine, 1920–1948

Abstract This article explores nationalism and consumption in British-mandate Palestine using a history-from-below approach. It focuses on Arab and Jewish peddlers who regularly crossed national, cultural, and geographic borders in order to conduct petty trade with customers. Colonial and nationalist actors worked hard to curb the ubiquitous presence of such peddlers for various reasons. First, British colonial officials regarded urban hawking as unhygienic, noisy, and not modern. Second, many Zionist actors deemed Jewish-Arab trade threatening to the Zionist principle of ‘Hebrew consumption’. Zionist leaders also expressed concern about the presence of Jewish peddlers whom they viewed as the antithesis of the idealized, Hebrew-speaking Zionist ‘New Jew’. Third, Palestinian Arab nationalists policed Arab peddlers who violated the six-month national strike in 1936 by continuing to hawk their goods. In short, in the eyes of various nationalist actors, these peddlers displayed ‘national indifference’ that needed to be controlled. By studying how nationalist actors policed everyday, small-scale peddler-consumer exchanges, we are able to understand how a ‘culture of nationalism’ arose in mandatory Palestine.

Labor exports from Palestine to Israel: a boon or bane for the West Bank economy?

Abstract This article analyzes the effects on the West Bank economy of temporary Palestinian employment in Israel, using a new database and a computable general equilibrium model. The results show that Palestinian employment in Israel increases household incomes but distorts the operation of the West Bank labor market and increases domestic wages. Employment in Israel increases the real exchange rate of the West Bank leading to “Dutch disease” effects that inhibit the development of the West Bank economy. A decrease in the number of Palestinian workers in Israel reduces household welfare, and constraints on the West Bank economy restrict domestic absorption of the extra labor. Hence, the Palestinian National Authority may seek more labor exports to Israel. This article contributes to the broader discussion on the effects of migration policies on labor-sending economies by demonstrating the nontrivial benefits from labor migrations, but that these benefits come with costs. This article explores policy options for offsetting those costs.

Analysis and Modeling of Road Crash Trends in Palestine

This paper presents an analysis of road traffic crashes in Palestine. Over the period of the past 5 decades, there have been uncommon and sever changes in the annual number of road traffic crashes. Such changes can be contributed to varying socioeconomic and political changes. Relevant data have been collected despite the difficulties in obtaining such data from different authorities for various time stages. After examining the collected data, a time series model is developed considering ARIMA methodologies to come up with a model that explains the changes in road traffic crashes during the period since the establishment of the Palestinian National Authority in 1994. Proper model verification is done for the developed model and shows a limited difference of 6.1% between the observed and the forecasted traffic crashes for 2017. According to the developed model, a generally increasing trend is observed, which is expected to continue in the future, and consequently, there will be a vital need to improve traffic safety conditions and develop a national traffic safety program in Palestine.

The 1967 Arab-Israeli War And Its Repercussions On The Palestinian National Project

The This study aimed to investigate the repercussions of the 1967 Arab-Israeli war and its repercussions on the Palestinian national project, in light of the variation in Palestinian and Arab visions of the means of liberation. The main problem of the study is the divergent views on the Palestinian National Project, where people were divided between the vision of comprehensive national liberation for Greater Palestine from the sea to the river, and the vision of partial and possibly interim national liberation for small Palestine (West Bank and Gaza Strip). The researcher used the analytical historical approach through tracking the events of the 1967 war, studying the available documents, in addition to the documents of the Palestinian national project, what historians and experts wrote, and interviewing the leaders of the Palestinian factions and Palestinian political analysts to reach the facts about the implications of the setback to the Palestinian National Project and trying to analyze it to reach the questions of the study. The study concluded that the Palestinian national project turned into different factional projects, after the PLO abandoned the armed struggle and recognized the State of Israel on the land occupied in 1948. The study concluded that the reasons and factors that led to the retreat of the Palestinian National Project relate to the Western support for the occupation and the field reality that was imposed by force, the Arab and Islamic abandonment of the liberation of Palestine, the exclusion of the military option in favor of the political option, and the Palestinian internal division and rivalry. The study recommended working to change the existing reality, through a comprehensive national reconciliation program, based on political partnership, in which the political vision and resistance unite, in addition to restoring the Arab and Islamic dimensions of the Palestinian cause to save the Palestinian National Project, which is the liberation of the Palestinian land with its known historical area.

Scale development and validation for measuring business-to-business Wasta relationships

PurposeManagers of multinational enterprises (MNEs) from developed economies are often cautious to understand the cultural environment where they do business. This is predominantly true in developing economies, and even more so in certain Arab countries where MNEs have limited knowledge and experience. The purpose of this study is to report on the development of a research instrument that is applicable to Arab business culture, following the 2011 Arab Spring. The investigation draws on data from three different groups of people, i.e. leaders (business professors and leading politicians), business people and postgraduate business students, all of Palestinian nationality. The article examines the Arabic culturally based business structure called Wasta, a system that relies on social networks and the reciprocal exchange of favors. A research instrument is developed to measure three dimensions of Wasta across these three different groups of people and examines their influence on relationship satisfaction and organizational performance. The findings reveal that the groups are affected differently by these dimensions and see different utility in Wasta. Such insights may be useful for MNE practitioners when entering Arab countries, when seeking to employ younger Arabs and when partnering with Arab businesses or dealing with government officials.Design/methodology/approachResearch paperFindingsThis study has focused on the impact of Wasta on relationship satisfaction and on relationship performance for three different groups of individuals: business people, students and leaders. It was hypothesized that higher levels of each component of Wasta would contribute positively to relationship satisfaction, and that the latter would in turn lead to higher relationship performance. Findings generally supported these hypotheses with some variations among groups. Furthermore, it was predicted that the model would be relevant to all three groups, but would be structured differently reflecting their different views of business. The findings of this study help answer our research question about the socio-economic, cultural and political factors that influence the business process involving Arab and non-Arab business managers.Originality/valueOriginal paper

Determinants of Fertility and Contraceptive Use among Palestinian Women in the Gaza Strip: Qualitative Study

The current total fertility rate among Palestinian women in the Gaza Strip (4.5 births per woman) is higher than that of all neighbouring countries, and the population growth rate of 3.3% per year is also one of the highest in the world. This study aimed to examine the main determinants of fertility and contraceptive use among Palestinian women in the Gaza Strip. The study entailed collecting primary qualitative data that were collected through focus group discussions with contraceptive users and non-users who have at least one child less than 5 years of age. Six focus groups were assembled with 9 participants per group. Framework analysis was used to analyse the focus group data. The findings of study verified that the lack of social security policies and welfare services for elderly people encouraged parents to have many children to secure old age support. The current Israeli-Palestinian conflict was a driving force for fertility. Women desire more children as insurance against expected deaths due to the on-going conflict. Also, unemployment among women was a motivating factor for women to have more children and to use contraceptive, while Religion: “the Islamic doctrine”–does not have a direct effect on fertility decisions and contraception use. The findings of this study suggest that the Palestinian National Authority need to implement strategies to increase women’s labor force participation rate and to establish a social security system to provide income and other social welfare services to needy elderly people. Finally, increased knowledge about the availability and best practices of contraceptive methods is an important policy action.

The meanings of citizenship between resettlement and return: the case of displaced palestinians

ABSTRACTThe issue of citizenship and Palestinian refugees has always been linked to their joint relationship to the right of return. Palestinian refugees were initially apprehensive towards the acquisition of citizenship, as many believed that this would be used to replace their right to return to the homes they were displaced from. As Israel insisted on resettlement as the only solution to the refugees’ predicament, Arab states – with the exception of Jordan – refused to grant Palestinian refugees citizenship in order to preserve their Palestinian nationality and right to return. However, due to decades of statelessness and secondary displacement, increasing numbers of Palestinian refugees have sought citizenship elsewhere. Through a historical account as well as interviews with both stateless Palestinians and Palestinians with citizenship, this paper explores the social, political and legal implications of the acquisition of citizenship for Palestinian refugees, and the various meanings citizenship holds for those denied rights in their place of residence and return to their homes, from simply as a means to a better life to a means of resistance. It also shows that, for many, the acquisition of citizenship is not a replacement for the right of return, contrary to the views of state actors.

What Do the Palestinians Want?

Journal of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies Vol. 43, No.3, Spring 2020 What Do the Palestinians Want? Sam Bahour* Palestinians’ Strategic Choice Palestinians today, as represented by their political agency ever since the 16th session of the Palestinian National Congress in Algiers in November 1988 and their subsequent issuance of the Palestinian Declaration of Independence, have two very straight forward demands: 1. Full rights between the Mediterranean Sea and Jordan River, including the right for Palestinian refugees to return to their homes; 2. Statehood in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and Gaza Strip; post-November 29, 2012, one could claim Palestine has already been codified in the international system of governance and now only requires the extraction of the Israeli military occupation from its lands. If one defines the second point as the Palestinian right to self-determination , then it may be lumped into the first point and, all together, the issue of rights, full rights, is the Palestinian single demand. To some unfamiliar with Palestinian history, this may seem like a lot, however, it is merely a portion of what was taken from them by force over the last seven decades. It is noteworthy to mention that the majority of the world’s peoples and the majority of the world’s countries stand with the Palestinians here; it is the global superpower, the United States, which stands in the way of the achievement of these goals. In the meantime, while the Palestinian struggle remains, Palestinians want to be treated as equal human beings wherever they reside, from the refugee camps in South Lebanon to the refugee camps in South Gaza, and everywhere in between, near and far. Collectively, these demands are the Palestinians’ strategic choice. It is a politically inspired choice, one that was developed on the heels of decades 26 *Sam Bahour serves as a policy adviser to Al-Shabaka, the Palestinian Policy Network and does business consulting in Palestine as Applied Information Management (AIM). He is chair of the board of Americans for a Vibrant Palestinian Economy (AVPE) and co-editor of HOMELAND: Oral History of Palestine and Palestinians. He writes frequently on Palestinian affairs and blogs at www.epalestine.com. @SamBahour 27 of emotional reactions to the events imposed upon them. This strategic choice is not etched in stone, it is a product of a distinct Palestinian political system. No one can guarantee that this choice will not be modified or changed if deemed unachievable for any reason. A rights-based approach is the most conducive one to the current Palestinian national agenda and a political end-game cannot be openended . Moreover, the struggle for national self-determination cannot come at the expense of the struggle for rights—and vice versa. These two processes are simultaneous dynamics: one process focuses on the rights of the individual (political, human, and civil), while the second focuses on the rights of the nation (national rights, specifically self-determination). The mutuality of these processes—rights and politics—are two asynchronous and inseparable tracks. One’s personal conviction of what political path the Palestinian leadership should have taken throughout its history is immaterial for this analysis. Until and unless today’s Palestinian political system can reconstitute itself and declare an alternative strategy, it is imperative upon anyone engaged in the imperfect world of realpolitik to accept the current Palestinian political agency’s strategic choice and act accordingly. This current strategic choice of establishing a Palestinian state on 22 percent of British-mandated historic Palestine has international legitimacy and has witnessed the majority of the world’s nations recognizing this “New” State of Palestine based on that international legitimacy. It is therefore not an academic choice, but rather the result of already spent Palestinian political capital that has resulted in a matter of law. Thus, the current polarized discourse about the choice between a onestate solution or a two-state solution is a red herring that has, not innocently, been adopted by the highest level of the powers-to-be at a time when Palestine is systematically being codified and recognized in the international sphere. Simultaneously, the rights of Palestinians cannot remain at the mercy of the need to...

Gratitude versus children's rights: An exploration mothers’ attitudes towards disability and inclusive education in Palestine

The Palestinian National Authority has signed into law human rights protocols that promote, protect and ensure the rights of all children and the rights of persons with disabilities, including the right to an inclusive, equitable education. These protocols are supported by a series of laws and policies which seek to realise the aim of respecting all human rights entitlements. However, chronic occupation has devastated Palestine's infrastructure, fractured the economy, and fragmented the integrity of the State, with the consequence that inclusive education is difficult to achieve. Shame, stigma, and prejudice about disability, and general ignorance about the rights of children are also significant barriers to inclusion. This research focuses on the inclusion of children and young adults with disabilities in educational and vocational training centres in Palestine. Two, semi-focused focus groups were conducted with mothers of children with disabilities to explore their attitudes to disability and whether their children were being provided with an education that met their needs as learners with disabilities. The data was analysed against the Convention on the Rights of People with Disabilities, and reveals that the mothers generally valued the centres. However, low expectations and lack of respect for, or understanding about, children's rights, mean that children with disabilities do not have equal opportunities to make the most of their talents and develop to their fullest potential. As a result, children will continue to face discrimination, segregation or exclusion, not only within educational settings but also within their communities.

The War of Words: Language as an Instrument of Palestinian National Struggle

This critical set of reflections addresses how the increasing visibility of the Palestinian struggle and the growing attention to Palestine in the (US) academy coincides with altered and depleted meanings for terms and concepts once central to a Palestinian liberation framework. The authors challenge the de-familiarization of the Palestinian political lexicon by ruminating on past, present and potential future meanings for words whose currency, they argue, has assumed a deceptively simple valuation. What are the unforeseen political consequences of visibility, of “incorporation,” and how might these be resisted within the arena of meaning and through the process of reviving language as an instrument of national liberation struggle? Revisiting old definitions of terms and contributing thoughts to the value of words such as Zionism, peace process and negotiations, statehood and violence, the authors contest the boundaries of disciplinary research in service of Palestinian liberation.

Pomoc rozwojowa w Palestynie: mylne założenia i podtrzymywanie status quo?

Development Aid in Palestine: Wrong Assumptions and Maintaining the status quo?&#x0D; This article is focused on critically analyzing the main assumptions on which development aid for Palestine is based, in the context of the present political and economic situation in the Palestinian territories, especially the West Bank (which is governed by the Palestinian National Authority). Palestinian Autonomy is one of the main receivers of development aid in the world. However, development assistance has a certain structure, which is based on certain assumptions of the donors. In the case of Palestine, these include that development aid leads to real economic growth and building an independent Palestinian statehood, that it supports the peace process and the two-state solution, that it is politically neutral, and that the donors are acting in the best interests of beneficiaries. Those assumptions are challenged here.