National Opinion Research Articles

National support for gun policies among U.S. adults in 2019 and 2021

Gun-related deaths and gun purchases were at record highs in 2020. In light of the COVID-19 pandemic, public protests against police violence, and a tense political environment, which may influence policy preferences, we aimed to understand the current state of support for gun policies in the U.S. We fielded a national public opinion survey in January 2019 and January 2021 using an online panel to measure support for 34 gun policies among U.S. adults. We compared support over time, by gun ownership status, and by political party affiliation. Most respondents supported 33 of the 34 gun regulations studied. Support for seven restrictive policies declined from 2019 to 2021, driven by reduced support among non-gun owners. Support declined for three permissive policies: allowing legal gun carriers to bring guns onto college campuses or K-12 schools and stand your ground laws. Public support for gun-related policies decreased from 2019 to 2021, driven by decreased support among Republicans and non-gun owners.

Colombian university journalism as a virtual stage for transitions toward acts of memory and peace

This article is concerned with narrating the research-creation experience that emerged from the CAPAZ project (Analytical Center for University Productions in the Framework of Conflict). It aims to account for the emergence of the transmedia web platform “RUTAS: University Peace Stories in Colombia,” based on the analysis of the media representations produced by the national opinion sector of university journalism that are concerned with peace narratives from 2000 to 2021. A mixed methodological approach and an experimental scheme with Big Data techniques derived from an automated lexicometric analysis led to the implementation of a strategy for creating pedagogical narratives that categorized the results obtained. Thus, RUTAS was born as an exercise involving the deployment of knowledge and creative skills around the notions of design as a possibility and hypermediality as a scenario of digital and interactive stories, housed in virtual, cultural, and open platforms that would give rise to multiple representations and media appropriations in the field of communication and education.

Designed to Do Good: Key Findings on the Development and Operation of First Responder Deflection Programs.

Opioids and drug overdoses have claimed more than 750 000 American lives since the late 1990s. Overdoses since the mid-2010s have risen dramatically, due to synthetic opioids such as fentanyl whose lethality is disproportionately greater than street drugs of earlier decades. Until recently, most police and other first responders lacked resources beyond arrest to respond to overdoses and other nonviolent crimes. Largely in response to the opioid crisis and synthetic opioid-related overdoses, first responder deflection (FRD) has emerged as an alternative. First responder deflection has enabled first responders across the United States to save lives by training them to administer naloxone, a medication that blocks opioid receptors after overdose, then linking these individuals to community-based treatment and services. Consequently, FRD has helped keep many citizens out of the justice system entirely, giving them a chance to rebuild their lives and become productive members of their communities. To this end, TASC's Center for Health and Justice and National Opinion Research Center at The University of Chicago collaborated on a national FRD survey encompassing a comprehensive overview of the field and its role in responding to the opioid crisis. The findings reveal how FRD offers alternatives to traditional policing, including its role in advancing racial and social equity by aligning public health and public safety for those who otherwise might enter the justice system. This article will discuss the methodology, key findings, and policy implications of this national survey (encompassing more than 300 active FRD programs). We will present results on the development of FRDs and how they operate. Results will cover the extensive involvement of law enforcement agencies in initiating FRD initiatives; the role of non–first responder partners in providing treatment and services through FRD; and the scope of Medication-Assisted Treatment in these programs, among other important findings.

Publisher’s note

Gun-related deaths and gun purchases were at record highs in 2020. In light of the COVID-19 pandemic, public protests against police violence, and a tense political environment, which may influence policy preferences, we aimed to understand the current state of support for gun policies in the U.S. We fielded a national public opinion survey in January 2019 and January 2021 using an online panel to measure support for 34 gun policies among U.S. adults. We compared support over time, by gun ownership status, and by political party affiliation. Most respondents supported 33 of the 34 gun regulations studied. Support for seven restrictive policies declined from 2019 to 2021, driven by reduced support among non-gun owners. Support declined for three permissive policies: allowing legal gun carriers to bring guns onto college campuses or K-12 schools and stand your ground laws. Public support for gun-related policies decreased from 2019 to 2021, driven by decreased support among Republicans and non-gun owners.

'God will protect us': Belief in God/Higher Power's ability to intervene and COVID-19 vaccine uptake.

BackgroundVaccines represent one of the best ways to counter the COVID-19 pandemic. However, vaccine hesitancy among the population limits the effectiveness of vaccines. Recent research has explored the role of religion in vaccine hesitancy, but in doing so has encountered a “black box” problem. There is a relationship between religion and vaccine hesitancy, but the explanation for why remains unclear.PurposeThe purpose of this study is to explore the relationship between religion and vaccine hesitancy. We propose that how an individual conceptualizes God/a higher power is associated with getting vaccinated for COVID-19.MethodsWe use data from a nationally representative survey of U.S. adults, collected using the Amerispeak® probability-based panel via the National Opinion Research Center (NORC) at the University of Chicago. We examine the association between individuals’ views of God/a higher power as both a supervisory and an intervening figure on vaccine uptake and likelihood of getting vaccinated through logistic regressions.ResultsWe find that belief in God’s/a higher power’s supervision is not significantly associated with the odds of COVID-19 vaccine uptake or vaccination intent. However, belief in God’s/a higher power’s ability to intervene in the world is significantly and negatively associated with the odds of COVID-19 vaccine uptake and the odds of having received or planning to receive a COVID-19 vaccine. In addition, in models where belief in the ability of God/a higher power to intervene are included, Christian nationalism ceases to have a statistically significant association with intent to receive a COVID-19 vaccine.Conclusions and implications:These findings suggest that how individuals conceptualize God/a higher power is associated with their willingness to get the COVID-19 vaccine. Given this, those who see God/a higher power as more involved in the world may contribute to delays in achieving herd immunity. This information benefits those working on vaccination campaigns in understanding the beliefs of some of those who are most hesitant to get vaccinated. In addition, this intervention mechanism could also mediate other negative relationships between religion and other science and health-related concerns.

The Correlates of Government Expenditure on Mental Health Services: An Analysis of Data From 78 Countries and Regions.

BackgroundGovernmental investment in mental health is of vital importance for the implementation and maintenance of educational, preventive, and therapeutic services related to mental illness, particularly in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs). However, mental health expenditures represent only a small portion of total health spending in many countries. Little is known about the economic, social, or health-related factors that may influence variations in governmental spending in this sector.MethodsData on government expenditure on mental health as a percentage of total healthcare expenditure, collected by the WHO from 78 countries and regions in the period 2013-2014, was available for study. These data were analyzed in relation to key economic, social, and health-related indicators. The selection of these indicators was based on prior national and regional research and expert opinion as reported in the existing literature.ResultsGovernment spending on mental health was below 1% of health expenditure in 24.4% of the countries studied. A number of economic, social, and health-related indicators were significantly associated with variations in spending on mental health. Based on the partial correlation, sub-group, and multivariate linear regression analyses, the variables most significantly associated with low government spending on mental health were the burden of communicable diseases (β = −.47, p = .001) and cultural collectivism (β = −.37, p = .008).ConclusionsThese results suggest that low government investment in mental health may be associated not only with economic or political factors but also with variations in disease burden and in cultural attitudes across countries. Though no direct assumption regarding causation can be made, such findings may be of value when advocating for greater public investment in mental health, particularly in non-Western cultures with a high competing burden of infectious diseases.

The Polls—Trends

Abstract Public opinion research has long demonstrated that white Americans are generally resistant to racially egalitarian policies. Using decades of national public opinion data, we re-examine opinion on race policy in the wake of considerable polarization and shifts in racial attitudes across white partisans. We find that white Democrats have in recent years shown both increasingly liberal racial attitudes and a marked increase in support for policies promoting racial equality that at times rivals the levels of support expressed by Black Americans. We also find, however, that these trends among white Democrats are tempered by heightened levels of racial resentment and continued opposition to racially egalitarian policies among white Republicans. Today, partisans appear to be far more polarized on matters of race and racism than at any point in the last three decades.

Aided recall of The Real Cost e-cigarette prevention advertisements among a nationally representative sample of adolescents

E-cigarette use among youth remains a significant public health concern. In 2018, The Real Cost campaign began disseminating messages about the harms of vaping, primarily using digital media. We sought to determine the prevalence of aided recall of The Real Cost e-cigarette prevention ads and identify potential differences by participant characteristics. Participants were a nationally representative sample of adolescents living in United States (US) households recruited by the National Opinion Research Center (NORC) at the University of Chicago’s AmeriSpeak panel in September and October of 2020. A total of 623 adolescents completed the survey. Analyses were weighted to represent the distribution of youth in the US, and effect sizes for individual characteristics were estimated using an adjusted marginalized two-part model. Seventy-one percent of adolescents recalled at least one of the five The Real Cost e-cigarette prevention ads, with individual ad recall ranging from a low of 38.8% (for Magic) to a high of 50.1% (for Narrative). Adjusted estimates of aided recall identified significantly higher recall among Black adolescents and those that used social media at medium or high frequencies (p < 0.05). Results support ongoing efforts by the FDA to reach youth with e-cigarette prevention messages using primarily digital media.

Citizen satisfaction with public service delivery: A test of alternative theories

AbstractTwo prevailing theories explain citizen satisfaction with public services from different levels and sizes of government. Reform theory argues that citizens derive the most satisfaction from larger government units because of economies of scale in service delivery. Political economy theory argues that citizens achieve the most satisfaction from smaller local government units since their voice is more likely to be heard. Both theories have been tested yielding mixed findings. An alternative theory argues that citizens have different levels of satisfaction depending upon the specific services received and directly experienced. These theories are tested using Canadian national public opinion survey data.

Assessment of Food Safety and Foodborne Zoonotic Bacterial and Fungal Pathogens in Pig Meat Sold in Slaughterhouses of Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of the Congo

Foods produced from animals are major reservoirs for many of the foodborne pathogens such as Campylobacter species, non-Typhi serovars of Salmonella enterica, Shiga toxin-producing strains of Escherichia coli and Listeria monocytogenes. The zoonotic potential of foodborne pathogens, as well as their ability to produce toxins that cause disease or even death, are enough to highlight the gravity of the situation. In this research, it is evidenced that animals act as vehicles in transmission of foodborne pathogens such as Candida albicans, Citrobacter freundii, Escherichia coli, Enterobacter agglomerrans, Klebsiella oxytoca, Proteus mirabilis, Salmonella spp, Shigella dysenteriae, Staphylococcus aureus and Yersinia enterocolitica. their impact, and their current status. This study contributes to improving the health of the meat consumed by the Kinoise population and popularization of national and international opinion about the dangers posed by the consumption of these meats if there is infection. Matete market with 42.8% of samples contaminated with Staphylococcus aureus, three out of six samples may be declared unfit for human consumption and samples from other sites may also be declared unfit for consummation because the bacterial count revealed were above the threshold recommended by the FAO. These were 33.3 % (case 2/6) of samples contaminated with Staphylococcus aureus, Central Market 33.3% Staphylococcus aureus and Salmonella spp), Gambela 33.3% (Staphylococcus aureus and Salmonella spp), Liberté market 20% contaminated with Salmonella spp samples. Since no effective interventions have eliminated these pathogenic bacteria from animals and food, we indicated that they will continue to cause outbreaks and deaths around the world.

Judicial Selection and State Gay and Reproductive Rights Decisions

Partisan cues, dynamic representation, and indirect accountability provide theoretical underpinnings for the influence of judicial selection and public opinion in state courts. It is unclear, however, how their effects change across different policy domains. We begin to address this gap by examining state gay and reproductive rights decisions. The effect of national public opinion is conditional on nonpartisan elections for gay rights decisions, whereas judges in retention systems are more responsive to state-level opinion. Partisan elections are the conduit for opinion in reproductive rights cases. This only partially supports the theoretical expectations, suggesting policy domain makes a difference.

How Does Race Moderate the Effect of Religion Dimensions on Attitudes toward the Death Penalty?

We examined the moderating role of race on the relationship between religion and death penalty attitudes in the United States. We operationalized religion by distinguishing four dimensions: religiosity, spirituality, afterlife beliefs, and denomination. Using 2018 General Social Survey data from 1054 adults, collected by the National Opinion Research Center at the University of Chicago, we show that the impact of each dimension of religion varies across racial groups. Logistic Regression results showed that the likelihood of support for the death penalty was associated with religiosity, spirituality, belief in hell, being female, and being liberal. Adding race as an interaction term moderated the associations of religiosity and spirituality.

The US population-level burden of cow's milk allergy

BackgroundCow's milk is a food allergen of public health importance both in the United States and globally. Its natural history and epidemiology have been most studied among infants and young children, but the public health burden it places on adults and older pediatric populations remains unclear. This study comprehensively characterizes the US population-level burden of cow's milk allergy (CMA), including its prevalence, severity, health care utilization, psychosocial impact, natural history, and other associated factors—including ability to tolerate extensively heated milk products—within a large, nationally-representative survey sample of US households. MethodsA cross-sectional survey was administered via web and telephone. Population level inference was based on data collected from participants recruited from National Opinion Research Center (NORC) at the University of Chicago's probability-based AmeriSpeak panel. Established dual-sample complex survey calibration methods were used to augment this sample with additional participants recruited through Survey Sampling International to increase the precision of the resulting estimates. In total, surveys were administered to a nationally representative sample of 51 819 US households from October 1, 2015, through September 31, 2016. Self-report responses from 40 453 adults and parent-proxy report for 38 408 children were analyzed. ResultsAnalyzing survey responses from 78 851 individuals, an estimated 4.7% (95% CI, 4.4%–4.9%) of the US population reported current CMA, whereas 1.9% (95% CI, 1.8%–2.1%) met symptom-report criteria for convincing IgE-mediated allergy. An estimated 0.9% (95% CI, 0.8%–1.0%) had CMA that met convincing symptom-report criteria and was physician diagnosed. Female and White respondents were more likely to report outgrowing CMA relative to males and those reporting other races and ethnicities. Individuals with CMA who reported tolerance to baked milk products were less likely to report severe reaction histories (33.5% vs 42.7%; p = .03), a lifetime history of food allergy-related emergency department visits (43.4% vs. 55.8%; p = .005), and treating a milk-allergic reaction with epinephrine (10.6 vs. 18.9%; p = .003). These individuals also exhibited less psychosocial burden on the validated Food Allergy Independent Measure (FAIM) than their counterparts with CMA who were allergic to baked forms of milk. ConclusionThese data indicate a discrepancy in reported rates of allergy to cow's milk among the US general population ranging from approximately 1 in 20 with reported CMA to fewer than 1 in 50 with physician-confirmed CMA. However, they suggest a substantial population-level burden of CMA, including substantial healthcare utilization, psychosocial burden and nutritional impacts—particularly among the approximately 30% of individuals with CMA who cannot tolerate baked forms of milk.

Psychometric evaluation of the NORC diagnostic screen for gambling problems (NODS) for the assessment of DSM-5 gambling disorder

The National Opinion Research Center (NORC) Diagnostic Screen for Gambling Problems (NODS) is one of the most used outcome measures in gambling intervention trials. However, a screen based on DSM-5 gambling disorder criteria has yet to be developed or validated since the DSM-5 release in 2013. This omission is possibly because the criteria for gambling disorder only underwent minor changes from DSM-IV to DSM-5: the diagnostic threshold was reduced from 5 to 4 criteria, and the illegal activity criterion was removed. Validation of a measure that captures these changes is still warranted. The current study examined the psychometric properties of an online self-report past-year adaptation of the NODS based on DSM-5 diagnostic criteria for gambling disorder (i.e., NODS-GD). A diverse sample of participants (N = 959) was crowdsourced via Amazon’s TurkPrime. Internal consistency and one-week test–retest reliability were good. High correlations (r = 0.74–0.77) with other measures of gambling problem severity were observed in addition to moderate correlations (r = 0.21–0.36) with related but distinct constructs (e.g., gambling expenditures, time spent gambling, other addictive behaviors). All nine of the DSM-5 criteria loaded positively on one principal component, which accounted for 40% of the variance. Classification accuracy (i.e., sensitivity, specificity, predictive power) was generally very good with respect to the PGSI and ICD-10 diagnostic criteria. Future studies are encouraged to establish a gold standard self-report measure of gambling problems and develop agreed-upon recommendations for the use and interpretation of crowdsourced addiction data.

Public Opinion in a Pandemic: Four Surveys Conducted with Americans throughout the COVID-19 Pandemic

The UF/IFAS Center for Public Issues Education in Agriculture and Natural Resources (PIE Center) conducted a series of national public opinion surveys to examine the perceptions of Americans related to COVID-19. The PIE Center conducted four surveys with ~1,500 Americans per survey from mid-March 2020 to January 2021. The surveys sought to understand Americans’ perceptions of a range of topics including health and communication concerns, vaccination perceptions and acceptance, mask understanding and willingness, and compound disasters and stress. Presentations in this panel highlight key areas of research from this survey series and share how communicators can use this research to craft campaigns to effectively reach Americans during COVID-19 and future public health crises.

Public opinion regarding U.S. Food and Drug Administration approval of aducanumab and potential policy responses: A nationally representative survey.

BackgroundDespite controversy among experts regarding aducanumab's approval by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration, little is known about public opinion on this matter.MethodsWe conducted a representative survey of U.S. adults ages 35 and older to (1) determine opinions regarding aducanumab's approval, (2) identify any evidence of reputational injury to the Food and Drug Administration, and (3) explore opinions regarding policy responses available to policymakers, such as those relating to a national coverage determination by the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services. The survey was administered online and in English and Spanish using a probability‐based sample derived from the National Opinion Research Center's AmeriSpeak® panel. Selection probabilities in the panel and survey design account for differences in population distribution and expected response rates by demographic. The survey was analyzed using survey weights to adjust for selection probabilities and non‐response.ResultsA total of 1025 respondents completed the survey. While approximately three‐quarters of respondents were initially unfamiliar with aducanumab, respondents were less supportive of the drug's approval once given information about the drug's potential clinical and economic impact. Sixty‐three percent of respondents support restricting aducanumab access to patients most likely to benefit. Seventy‐one percent indicated a willingness to enroll a family member with mild Alzheimer's disease in a “waitlist”‐style trial to further study aducanumab; sixty percent indicated a willingness to enroll a family member in a randomized placebo‐controlled trial. Eighty‐one percent agree aducanumab should be withdrawn from the market if confirmatory trials fail. The median respondent was willing to pay $1–5 in higher Part B premiums to cover aducanumab.ConclusionThese findings demonstrate support for a range of proposed policies in response to aducanumab's approval. The opinions of an informed public ought to be considered when developing policies in response to aducanumab's approval.

Non-governmental organizations in Africa: Role and place in the global political transformation

The article is devoted to the analysis of the activities of international (INGOs) and local non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in African countries. The very existence and activity of these organizations are conditioned by the needs of the development of civil society, which cannot always receive adequate assistance and support from official government structures. For this reason, different political groups often turn to NGOs for help. The article analyzes the problem of relations between non-governmental organizations and the state. They do not always add up simply, without contradictions. But, as a rule, they are built on balanced cooperation based on trust. It is important for the State to involve non-governmental organizations in solving urgent social problems, especially in the humanitarian sphere: the fight against poverty, lack of water, lack of sanitation, etc. Despite the fact that many NGOs are not subordinate to Governments, they nevertheless depend on them. The paper draws attention to the fact that NGOs in many African countries work in contact with representatives of the International Monetary Fund, as well as with such UN structures as the Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC), and other foreign donors. This also applies to international NGOs with a political orientation. To a certain extent, they influence national politics and public opinion in their host countries in order to transform political regimes, as was the case, for example, in Tunisia and Egypt. In other African countries (Senegal, Niger) these NGOs tried to support organizations of civil protest movements during the election campaigns for the presidential election. In this regard, the problem of financing NGOs is of great importance, which has a direct impact on the trajectory of their development. Nevertheless, the State’s continued control over the activities of NGOs prevents their politicization where this trend manifests itself.

Подходы балканских стран к сотрудничеству с Россией

The article examines three parameters of the stated subject: policies of the state governments of South-Eastern Europe in the light of the new developments in Ukraine, widespread attitudes and the configuration of political forces in these countries which may provide a chance to pro-Russian circles. The analysis is based on both national and international opinion polls and the results of the latest elections. As is shown, the traditionally strong Russophile sentiments in many countries of the region have reverberated again and affected the perception of the conflict. It's only natural for Russia’s public opinion, focused on events in and around Ukraine, to look at everything through the lens of Russia opposing the collective West. However, in a region, where the European Union for every single state is a pole of centripetal tendencies and where a NATO membership is a much needed permit to that pole, people view things in a different way. Thus, projecting Russian worldview on local reality is methodologically flawed and it would lead to incorrect assessments and conclusions. Pro-Russian sympathies made themselves known in areas where there are such. However, the potential of the pro-Russian forces is insufficient for a fundamental change in policies although the ruling circles cannot completely ignore it. The article concludes that the status and prospects of Russian cooperation with the countries of the region will remain unfavorable until the end of military operation in Ukraine, although the EU and the USA are unlikely to succeed in achieving complete abandonment of Russian energy resources in a short time.

Особенности политико-партийной репрезентации лидеров русинской общественности Закарпатья в контексте местных выборов 2020 года

The article focuses on the political and party representation of the Rusin leaders in Transcarpathia (Ukraine) who particiapted in the local elections of 2020. The analysis is based on the electoral statistics and interviews with participants in the election campaign. According to the author, the Rusin leaders are heads and activists of national cultural associations and opinion leaders who do not represent ethno-cultural associations, but are widely known in Transcarpathia. The author argues that the new electoral system of “semi-open” party lists has resulted in the failure of local elections for all candidates representing the Rusin community. However, the electoral statistics shows that Rusin leaders actually received: 1) more votes than their opponents on the political party lists (Vladimir Fenych, Vasilij Sich, Nikolai Rishko); 2) the same number of votes (Svyatoslav Gal); 3) the required 25 % of the votes from the electoral quota (Yurij Shypovych). Most of the Rusin candidates ran for the political forces “For the Future” (7 persons) and “Opposition Platform - For Life” (5 persons). Their dominance can be explained by identifying candidates with the oppositional rhetoric of these parties, as well as their proximity to regional party leaders who sympathize with the Rusin public movement and identify themselves as Rusins. One of the representatives of Rusin community ran for the party of power “Servant of the People” (Svyatoslav Gal), one (Nikolaj Rishko) - for “The Team of Andrej Baloga” Candidates Ivan Danatsko, Ivan Palinkash, and Ivan Bushko, as self-nominated candidates, distanced themselves from political parties.

The “Energy Transition”: myth or reality?

Rapid technological advances across a variety of industries are enabling society’s quest for sustainability. The resulting “Energy Transition” is causing an unprecedented shift in how the world’s population consumes energy and natural resources, driven by a range of factors including decarbonisation, economics, access to energy, societal expectations around environment and climate, energy efficiency, political and regulatory forces and emerging technologies. The “Energy Transition” will occur at different speeds and shapes in different geographies, depending on local economic and societal pressures. World energy demand is continuing to rise, mainly in the emerging economies of India, China and Africa, driven by population growth and economic development. Many countries are trying to do the “right thing” for their population and their economy and are not necessarily driven by a desire to “save the planet”. Maximising income to fund important social and education programmes is often higher in the priorities of some governments than reducing carbon emissions. The energy transition is not as simple as doing what is right for the planet. Governments, businesses and people in fossil fuel producing regions have shown that they will protect their economies despite the threat of environmental harm. The fossil fuel era will not be over soon. Despite the rapid growth in the use of renewable energy resources, in all reasonable scenarios there will still be a need for oil, gas and coal for the foreseeable future —if we are to meet the social and economic expectations of the world’s growing population. The energy mix will certainly change as we try to reduce carbon emissions, but the speed and magnitude of that change will depend heavily on national economic priorities, political will and public opinion. How fast can we realistically move towards a low carbon future and still meet the world’s growing demand for energy? What are the key constraints on the rate of change? —and what role will geoscientist play in driving and delivering the new energy solutions? The “Energy Transition” is a huge responsibility, but also a huge opportunity, one in which we all have our part to play.