National Mandate Party Research Articles

Strategi Kampanye Partai Amanat Nasional Pada Pemilu Legislatif 2024: Pendekatan Teori Marketing-Mix

This article examines to find out the successful campaign strategy of the National Mandate Party (Partai Amanat Nasional, PAN) in increasing its vote in the 2024 Legislative Election. Methodologically, this article uses qualitative method by applying case study approach. In data gathering, it employs library research by mining data from online news channels. In the data analysis, it utilizes the modern platform of NVivo 14 mainly word frequency query. To measure the campaign strategy of PAN, this article applies four indicators of marketing-mix theory: product, price, place, promotion (4P). The finding reveals that in terms of product, PAN promotes a platform of “helping people” with its past record as the reformist party and supported by the legislative candidates’ background of entrepreneurs and artists-celebrities. Regarding the price, the PAN’s campaign budget spent at least 223 billion IDR with its successful campaigns which conducted by each legislative candidate. PAN prefers to rely on the popularity of President of Joko Widodo and legislative candidates. In the context of place, the strategy of local network and canvassing are based on the creativity of each legislative candidates in attracting voters’ sympathy. The leader tour is conducted by visiting influential public figures. Concerning promotion, the campaign publication of PAN relies on printed mass media, television, and social media while event publication is carried out in various regions across the country. Among those four indicators, the price has the most significant impact which causes to the successful campaign of PAN in the 2024 Simultaneous Election.

Analysis Of The Role Of Social Media In Political Marketing Of The National Mandate Party In The 2024 General Election In Jambi City

In the world of politics, the use of social media can also be an opportunity for new political parties to introduce their parties to the public. Political marketing via social media nowadays is one of the effective marketing techniques used by a number of political actors and political parties in Indonesia, especially for new political parties, because social media can make it easier to disseminate information related to the political party. This study used qualitative research methods. The aim is to explain the phenomenon in as much detail as possible through data collection and the object of this research includes the Jambi City National Mandate Party. The method used in this research is a literature review. Literature review is a systematic process of collecting, evaluating, and synthesizing literature related to a particular research topic. Data collection and documentation techniques from Google Schoolar. Data analysis and critical review techniques. Critical review is a process of critical evaluation and analysis of a particular work or topic. Political marketing strategies teach parties to be able to differentiate their political products and image through the political marketing process. There are 4 marketing mixes in the world of politics, namely: Product, Promotion, Price, Placement.

Attitude-Based Coalition Towards Policy-Driven Policies "Coalition: Eight Parliamentary Parties And An Open Proportional System In The 2024 Elections"

This journal discusses the formation of a coalition involving eight parliamentary political parties: the Golongan Karya Party (Golkar), the Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra), the National Democratic Party (Nasdem), the Nation Awakening Party (PKB), the Democratic Party, the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), the National Mandate Party (PAN), and the United Development Party (PPP). The coalition is based on their shared stance to maintain the application of the proportional open electoral system in the 2024 election. In this context, the study refers to William Gamson's theory of determining factors for a coalition, which consists of three types. Firstly, the initial distribution of resources is a crucial factor where all coalition participants calculate opportunities deemed more rational to favor those perceived to possess the most significant or determining resources. Secondly, the rewards obtained factor into the decision-making process, where coalition participants evaluate options expected to yield the maximum reciprocity or advantage. Finally, the decision point factor plays a role, as the most effective decision is based on the strength of resources possessed by each coalition participant. The research adopts a qualitative method supported by literature study techniques to obtain data. The results of this study reveal that the coalition formed among the eight parliamentary political parties is based on the calculation made by each party, considering that the implementation of the open proportional electoral system is more rational, provides advantages, and is perceived as more effective in supporting their winning efforts in the 2024 election.

Political Motives of Islamic Parties in Nominating Celebrities as Legislative Candidates for the 2024 Elections

The National Mandate Party (PAN) is the largest Islamic party that supports legislative candidates from among artists. Therefore, this study aims to explain PAN’s political motives in supporting legislative candidates from among artists for the 2024 elections. This research used a qualitative method with a case study approach. The findings explained that the political motives of material incentives and solidarity dominated PAN’s political recruitment. The material incentive motive is that artist candidates are used as a voter-getter strategy based on their financial strength and popularity. Then, the solidarity incentive political motive tends to be related to emotional and moral relationships. On the emotional side, PAN believes in supporting artist candidates again because it reflects their significant contribution to the party’s internal and parliamentary elections. Meanwhile, from the moral side, PAN has a specific goal to convey to the public that the party has an inclusive principle for all groups. It contradicts the Islamic religious identity attached to PAN, which is not specifically shown in nominating legislative candidates for the 2024 elections.

The role of west java National Amanat Party (PAN) organizational communications in educating communities persuasive communications during the Covid-19 Pandemic

The objective study is how the party mandates national West Java to educate people persuasively during the Covid-19 pandemic. The research method that will be used in this research is descriptive qualitative. This research uses source data primary and secondary. The researcher also did interviews and observations to obtain preliminary data regarding persuasive community education during the COVID-19 pandemic. Based on observation And observation as well analysis done researcher, so results from the study of This role of communications organization done by the Board Leader Region Java West (DPW) are Already very Good from the regional level to the level of the Leadership Council of the West Java National Mandate Party Branch. DPW Pan West Java plays on its intentions by conducting persuasive communication in educating the public about the 5M campaign, namely keeping their distance, washing hands, using a mask, staying away from crowds, and limiting mobilization and interactions. The conclusion from this study is that the role of organizational communication carried out by the DPW PAN of West Java is very optimal and structural in providing information, socialization, and education-related campaign 5M to the public in a persuasive manner. Matter this can look at the progress done by the Board Leader Region West Java to its members intensely through various routine discussion forums, which are also carried out through discussion forums through the internal WhatsApp group of the West Java PAN Regional Leadership Council.

Modalities of Minangkabau Migrant Legislative Candidates in the 2019 Legislative Election

This research discusses the modalities in the victory of migrant Minangkabau candidates in the 2019 Legislative Election. Minangkabau is one of the ethnic groups in Indonesia synonymous with a matrilineal kinship system and an institutionalized tradition of migrating. Migrating is a valuable capital utilized by Minangkabau migrant Legislative Candidates to gain support for votes in electoral contests. The research was conducted on two Minangkabau migrant Legislative Candidates who took part in the contestation in the Legislative Elections for the House of Representatives of the Republic of Indonesia. The research method is qualitative with a case study type. Data were collected through interviews with Minangkabau migrant candidates, voting communities, and people involved in winning candidates, such as traditional leaders and the Minangkabau community in the realm and overseas. The results of the research concluded that Fadli Zon (Gerindra Party Legislative Candidate, Electoral District of West Java V) and Jon Erizal (National Mandate Party Legislative Candidate, Electoral District of Riau I) as two of the Minangkabau migrants, the legislative candidates for the House of Representatives of the Republic of Indonesia succeeded in utilizing existing social capital and successfully elected in the 2019 Legislative Election 2019 contestation overseas. Both are considered to have good leadership figures, able to carry out the mandate, and caring, humane, and responsible individuals. Joined in the same social entity, namely the network of Minangkabau migrants who gather through the Minangkabau migrant community, the Minangkabau Family Association. Fadli Zon became General Chairman of the Central Executive Board of the Minangkabau Family Association, and Jon Erizal served as Vice General Chairman of the Riau Minangkabau Family Association. Besides building intensive communication with the community in the election contestation.

Online Media and Political Power: Case on National Mandate Party in Local News

The 2019 election in Bengkulu city has ended. Still, it does not require that there may be aspects that need to be observed and studied scientifically, especially how the involvement of online media is in the popularity of a party, so this study seeks to analyze political news. Analysis of political news will focus on the aspect of emphasis on the whole news section by journalists and the completeness of the whole news through framing analysis of the Zhongdang Pan and Gerald M. Kosicki model. So that the formation of the political power in question can be observed in the results of an in-depth analysis of the strengths or weaknesses of the news management party about the Bengkulu City DPW PAN on Guidelinesbenngkulu.com; (1) Journalists emphasize the title, source credibility, photos and graphics, although the emphasis on photos and graphics is not too much. (2) completeness of the whole news; there are still many news sections that have not described the how-to section, so it seems shallow; there are some parts of the news paragraph that are not following the background information; all news does not include the location of the interview; the entire news section from the title, leads, content, to the closing of the news, is following the completeness of the overall news. All political news about the Bengkulu City DPW National Mandate Party is opinion news.

Parties and Environmental Issues: PDIP Action Programs in the Reformation Era, 2002-2014

This paper examined programs implemented by a political party, in this case the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP), during the 2002-2014 period. The reform era has brought environmental issues to the fore with worsening environmental degradation attributed to the implementation of Law Number 23 of 1997 concerning Environmental Management (UUPLH), which was considered to be substantially, structurally, and culturally weak. The high level of conflict in the management of the environment and natural resources (SDA) has led to demands from environmental activists for political parties to raise environmental issues in their election campaigns (Election 2004). Reflecting on the 1999 election, as mentioned in the source, only four political parties were deemed to have paid attention to environmental issues - PDIP, the National Mandate Party (PAN), and the National Awakening Party (PKB). Basically, according to PDIP’s perspective, having a great concern for environmental problems is a prerequisite to addressing environmental damage. In this regard, concrete steps taken by PDIP in overcoming environmental problems need to be explored. Using the historical method, it was found that PDIP, which won the 1999 general election and became the top three in the 2004 election, consistently paid attention to environmental issues. This concern was demonstrated not only by incorporating environmental issues into the content of the election campaign but also by implementing disaster prevention and management action programs. Prevention was carried out, among others, through regular tree planting activities and adapting to the natural conditions of each region. Meanwhile, the disaster emergency response program was carried out by PDIP through the PDIP Disaster Management Agency (Baguna).

Women's Leadership in Strategic Positions in the DPR RI (Case Study on Desy Ratnasari as a Member of the DPR who Occupies a Strategic Position in the DPR RI)

The Election Law stipulates 30% of women's representation in political parties, creating opportunities for women to enter politics. In fact, at this time women have been given the trust to become a leader, one of them in the DPR RI. The purpose of this study is to provide an overview and explanation of the leadership of women DPR members in strategic positions in the DPR RI. This research uses a qualitative approach using a case study method, with the informant being Desy Ratnasari who is a member of the Indonesian House of Representatives who is the Deputy Chairperson of the National Mandate Party Faction Leader and Chair of the West Java National Mandate Party DPW. Data collection techniques in this study are interviews, documentation and observation. The data analysis techniques used are data collection, data reduction, presentation of data and drawing conclusions. The results of this study show that many women participate in politics, but there are so many obstacles and challenges faced, such as patriarchal culture, social perceptions, and gender stereotypes. The low representation of women legislators is due to the patriarchal culture that is still thick in the lives of Indonesian people.

The Winning of Empty Box in the 2018 Makassar Regional Head Election

This research discusses how the empty box won in the 2018 Makassar Regional Head Election. This phenomenon became the elections’ history where a single candidate failed to win the election. Ten political parties consisting of Functional Groups Party (Golkar), National Democratic Party (NasDem), Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), United Development Party (PPP), Crescent Star Party (PBB), Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra), Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), People’s Conscience Party (Hanura), National Mandate Party (PAN), and Indonesian Justice and Unity Party (PKPI), promoted a single candidate pair. This study aims to describe how the movement of empty box volunteers in the Makassar Regional Head Election. This research uses a qualitative method. Selection of informants using a snowball sampling technique, and using social movement theory. There are three parts to this theory: 1) Complaint theory. Public disappointment over a candidate pair’s disqualification and consider the election organizer unfair; 2) Mobilizing structures theory. Analyze the voluntary movement of empty boxes to gather mass support and sympathizers during the election; and 3) Framing theory. Analyze the use of issues and methods of spreading the issue. This research found that the empty box phenomenon in Makassar Regional Head Election, unlike in the elections in other areas where the single candidate did not have an opponent, in Makassar, one of the candidate pairs was disqualified due to violation. It made the community, supporters, and the success team feels disappointed with the General Elections Commission’s decision. This disappointment also resulted in the emergence of the empty box volunteer movement. Movements of empty box volunteers to gather mass support and sympathizers through door-to-door socializing, leaflets, flyers, and banners call to action to win empty box and use social media and online media as campaign tools.

Review Pengaruh Local Strongman Di Provinsi Jambi (Studi Kasus Dominasi Zulkifli Nurdin Terhadap Partai Amanat Nasional)

Peralihan kekuasaan dari sentralisasi menuju desentralisasi telah banyak mempengaruhi iklim politik setiap daerah di Indonesia, hadirnya orang kuat lokal merupakan hal yang sedang mewabah di negara demokrasi. Dinamika yang terjadi mengakibatkan adanya dominasi ekonomi dan politik yang berimbas pada kehidupan demokrasi. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan studi literatur dengan teknik pengumpulan data yang berasal dari berita online, buku dan penelitian yang berkaitan dengan pembahasan. Penelitian ini memiliki tujuan untuk mengeksplorasi dan mendalami bagaimana Peran Zulkifli Nurdin dalam membuat polarisasi Partai Amanat Nasional di Provinsi Jambi hingga mempertahankan citranya sebagai orang kuat lokal. Dominasi Zulkifli Nurdin berhasil membuat Partai Amanat Nasional sebagai alat untuk membentuk dinasti politiknya di Jambi, hal ini terbutki dari petinggi di Partai Amanat Nasional hanya terdiri dari keluarga dan kroni – kroninya saja.

DINAMIKA HUBUNGAN MUHAMMADIYAH DAN PARTAI POLITIK DI INDONESIA

Muhammadiyah's contact with political parties in actualizing their ideas and ideals will be discussed in this chapter. Muhammadiyah's involvement with political parties from the pre-independence era until now is divided into 4 patterns of relations. If it is analogous to Muhammadiyah's relationship with a Political Party like a marriage, there will be four "Marriage" models between Muhammadiyah and the Political Party. First is "Official Marriage" with Muhammadiyah being a special member of Masyumi, second is "Siri Marriage" when Muhammadiyah becomes the initiator of the establishment of Parmusi in Tanwir Ponorogo. Third "Mut'ah Marriage (Contract)" when some Muhammadiyah administrators were involved in the establishment of the National Mandate Party (PAN), to the point of disappointment that gave rise to the Sun Nation Party (PMB). The fourth most recent model is not the "Marriage" that takes place, but the "Divorce" of the Islamic purification and reform organization with political parties as formulated in Tanwir Denpasar (2001).

Political Strategy In Local Elections: Study Of Bandung Municipality Mayor General Election In 2003 And 2008

This study aims to analyze the political strategies of actors in the 2008 election of the mayor of Bandung. Research location in Bandung Municipality, West Java Province. The research uses qualitative methods. The results of the study show that the election victory through political strategies can be won by the ability of actors who act as patrons to gain strength in gaining votes. In the indirect election, which was chosen by the Bandung Municipal Regional Legislative Council (DPRD) in 2003. Although the Golongan party of Dada Rosada was in third place, it was a very influential figure in Dada Rosada in bureaucrats, government and politicians using political network strategy to convince political party elites, so as to convince the party of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan) and the National Mandate Party (PAN) which is in first and second positions. The post-reform political strategy was different from before the reforms determined by the centre, so the role of political actors was very decisive in the 2003 Bandung municipal elections which were elected through the Regional Legislative Council (DPRD). In 2008 Dada Rosada not only used political network strategies to convince political elites but also used social network strategies to gain support and sympathy for the people of Bandung. Because in 2008 the Bandung Regional Head Election (Pilkada) was directly elected by the community.

Rekrutmen Calon Kepala Daerah dalam Era Pilkada Langsung dan Serentak di Kabupaten Musi Banyuasin

The era of direct and simultaneous regional head elections makes political parties really have to pay attention to the regional head candidates who will be promoted. The candidate factor has a very big role in determining the victory in the elections. On Musi Banyuasin regional election in 2017 there is one pair of regional head candidates carried by all existing political parties. One of the parties that participated in carrying out the regional head candidates was PAN (Partai Amanat Nasional or National Mandate Party). However, regional head candidates who are carried by PAN are not PAN cadres. PAN is the party that won the election in 2014 and is the only party that can support its own regional head candidates. Determination of candidates for regional head by PAN is done through open recruitment. Open recruitment is carried out by the DPD (Dewan Perwakilan Daerah or Regional Representative Council) PAN Musi Banyuasin Regency by forming a selection committee. The selection committee is tasked with selecting prospective regional heads. The selection process is done by opening a registration. Registration is done by completing the registration form and fulfilling the registration requirements. The mechanism for determining prospective regional heads is proposed by conducting regional deliberations. The reference used in determining the prospective regional head to be carried out is an analysis of the nomination registration requirements, Second, the electability and popularity surveys and the Third is result of the fit and proper test. Candidates for the elected regional head will be proposed to the DPW (Dewan Pimpinan Wilayah or Regional Leadership Council), the DPW will proceed to the DPP (Dewan Pimpinan Pusat or Central Board), then the DPP will issue a recommendation that is used as a requirement in registering at the KPUD (Komisi Pemilihan Umum Daerah or Election Commission).

Politik Hukum Islam dalam Pengaturan Tentang Kesusilaan di Indonesia (Studi UU Nomor 44 Tahun 2008 Tentang Pornografi)

This article tries to explore how the influence of Islamic law politics in drafting Law No. 44 of 2008 on Pornography. A qualitative approach was employed in this study. The treatise of Indonesia’s Pornography Law was collected as the primary data. The findings expose that there was the effect of Islamic law politics in drafting Law No. 44 of 2008 on Pornography. It can be noticed from the active involvement of Islamic political parties in parliament and the House of Representatives (DPR) members from the nationalist parties possessing an Islamic background in promoting the law enactment. Likewise, the Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI) and Islamic mass organizations also actively encouraged the issuance of this law. Another result highlights that there was a strong debate between political fractions in the DPR, including the Gerindra Party (PG), the United Development Party (PPP), the Democratic Party (PD), the National Mandate Party (PAN), the National Awakening Party (PKB), the Democratic Vanguard Star (BPD), the Star Reform Party (PBR), the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), and the mass organizations that proposed the ratification of the Pornography Law draft, and other fractions, namely: the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP), the Prosperous Peace Party (PDS), and the mass organizations that supported the refusal of the law draft ratification

Marketing of Political Communication Created by National Mandate Party (PAN) in General Election 2005-2015, North Sumatra, Indonesia

PAN establishes itself as an open, independent party, upholding religious morality, humanity and pluralism, aimed at enlightening the nation. PAN is a party born from the womb of the reform movement founded by the figures of reforms across ethnic, racial, religious and class. It is rooted in religious morals, humanity and pluralism. DPW PAN in North Sumatra utilizes various channels of communication, not just to build the image but broader than that, it is to market political communication, strengthen the emotional connection with constituents. The process of marketing is carried out continuously, not only in the run up to election or election events, such as general election of regional but also after the election is done.

MEKANISME REKRUITMEN CALON BUPATI DALAM PEMILIHAN UMUM KEPALA DAERAH SECARA LANGSUNG TAHUN 2015 DI KABUPATEN LAMPUNG SELATAN

The purpose of this research was to know the recruitment process performed by National Mandate Party in recruiting Government Regent candidate in the general election of district head directly in South Lampung at 2015. Method used in this research was qualitative experiment method with interactive analysis. Result of the research based on interview, observed documentation files, and the rule of law as guided in recruitment process by National Mandate Party South Lampung, showed that recruitment process at National Mandate Party was open with several indicators: (1) open candidacy for public in other words there is no party cadre monopoly; (2) several candidates were socialized in order to get response and idea from public; (3) selected candidates were established through convention democratically and can be accepted by society.
 Keywords: Recruitment, Government Regent, South Lampung

Analisis Sikap Politik Warga Muhammadiyah Ponorogo Dalam Pilkada 2015

Plurality of political attitudes of citizens Muhammadiyah Ponorogo in the elections in 2015 is an interesting phenomenon because almost all citizens and sympathizers of this organization gives full support to the partner Regent and Vice Regent promoted by the National Mandate Party. This study to find out more about political attitudes of citizens muhammadiyah shown in local elections (Election) Ponorogo. Moreover, the research also seek out further orientations are used as a handle by Muhammadiyah cadres and elite that are part of a successful team. Informants in this study is regular and elite members or directors of the Muhammadiyah organization spread over several districts. Data collection in studies using interviews and documentation. The final goal of this study was to determine the political direction of Muhammadiyah then it could be a foundation in nominating candidates for the next general election

Political linkages between CSOs and parliament in Indonesia: a case study of political linkages in drafting the Aceh Governance Law

ABSTRACTThis research explores how political linkages between civil society organizations (CSOs) and Parliament are established, formed, and operated, using the drafting of the Aceh Governance Law as a case study. It finds that the initiative of establishing political linkages between CSOs and Parliament was taken by the CSOs joined in the Aceh Democracy Network (JDA, Jaringan Demokrasi Aceh). It confirms Lawson’s finding that parties are not the only linkage providers; however, the establishment of non-party linkages are not indicators of parties’ failure to provide linkage. This article shows how what Lawson terms ‘typology’—participatory linkage, policy-responsive linkage, linkage by reward, directive or coercive linkage—is manifested more as different ‘dimensions’ of linkages. Participatory linkage involves a bottom-up model, unlike directive or coercive linkage, which are top-down. Likewise, the motives behind responsive linkages—for aspirations, demands, and views to be heard—tend to be from the bottom, while the motives of linkage by reward is more frequently from the top.Abbreviations: ACSTF: Aceh Civil Society Task Force; ADF: Aceh Development Fund. Independent non-profit organization that works to mobilize funds and other resources to be channelled to CSOs are characterized by changes in the framework of poverty alleviation and strengthening of democracy, with the scope of the working area of Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam; AJMI: Aceh Judicial Monitoring Institute. Aceh-based nongovernmental organization which advocates for victims of state violence; Cetro: Centre for Electoral Reform. Non-profit organization that aim to strengthen and promote fair elections through electoral system reformation; Demos: Lembaga Kajian Demokrasi dan Hak Asasi (democracy and human rights think tank); ELSAM: Lembaga Studi dan Advokasi Masyarakat (Institute for Societal Study and Advocacy); Flower: Aceh-based civil society organization concerned with gender, empowerment and strengthening grassroots women in urban and rural areas; FORBES: Forum bersama politisi asal Aceh (Joint Forum of Politicians from Aceh); Forum: LSM Aceh Forum Lembaga Swadaya Masyarakat (Aceh Nongovernment Organization Forum); GAM: Gerakan Aceh Merdeka (Free Aceh Movement); Golkar: Golongan Karya (Functional Groups). Party formed under the New Order and represented as a governmental party at that time; ICW: Indonesia Corruption Watch. Nongovernmental organization founded in 1998 whose primary mission is to monitor and report to the public incidents of corruption in Indonesia; Imparsial: Indonesian Human Rights Monitor. Founded in 2002 to monitor and investigate human right violations; JDA: Jaringan Demokrasi Aceh (Aceh Democracy Network); JPUK: Jaringan Perempuan untuk Kebijakan (Women’s Policy Network); Kalyanamitra: Women’s advocacy organization, especially for women who work as labourers, farmers, fishers, informal sector workers. Kalyanamitra derives from Sanskrit ‘Good Friend’; Koalisi NGO HAM: Coalition of Human Right Nongovernment Organizations. Founded in 1998 by nongovernmental organizations whose concern is promoting human rights in Aceh; KontraS: Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence; KPMD: Komite Monitoring Perdamaian dan Demokrasi (Committee for Peace and Democracy). Founded in Aceh in 2002 to bring peace and justice for Acehnese people; MISPI: Mitra Sejati Perempuan Indonesia (True Partner of Indonesian Women). Aceh-based women’s organization that promotes women’s participation and encourages women to speak with their own voices; MPR: Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat (People’s Consultative Assembly); PAN: Partai Amanat Nasional (National Mandate Party). Moderate Islamist political party that was founded by reformists, including Amien Rais, former chairman of the Muhammadiyah organization; PBR: Partai Bintang Reformasi (Star of Reform Party). Islamist political party founded in 2002 as a result of PPP conflict; PDIP: Partai Demokrasi Indonesia-Perjuangan (Indonesian Democrat Party-Struggle). Founded by Megawati Soekarnoputri, daughter of Soekarno, in 1999; PDRM: Pergerakan Demokratik Rakyat Miskin (Democratic Movement for the Poor); PKB: Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa (National Awakening Party). Established in 1998, representing Nahdlatul Ulama organization (associations of ulamas formed in 1926 in East Java); PKS: Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (Prosperous Justice Party). New name of Partai Keadilan (Justice Party), which emerged from the Tarbiyah party movement; PPP: Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (United Development Party). Founded by the New Order in 1973 as part of the ‘rationalization of political life’; PSHK: Pusat Studi Hukum dan Kebijakan (Centre for Legal and Policy Studies). Established in 2008 by several scholars, advocates, and law students to drive efforts for legal reform after the 1998 reformation; WALHI: Wahana Lingkungan Hidup Indonesia (Indonesian Environmental Forum). Founded in 1980, its scope is broader than just environmental concerns, but also works for social transformation, people’s sovereignty, and sustainability of life and livelihoods; YAPPIKA: Yayasan Penguatan Partisipasi Inisiatif dan Kemitraan Masyarakat (Foundation to Reinforce Public Participation, Initiative, and Partnership). Founded in 1991 to promote peacebuilding, development of democratic local governance, active citizenship, and claiming state responsibility to meet people’s basic needs

Philanthropy and the Third Sector in Korea: Overview, Extent, Activities, and Impacts

This is a part of a major work undertaken by the Asia Pacific Philanthropy Information Network (APPIN. This segment on Indonesia is divided into two sections. The first section provides an overview of philanthropy (including zakat and sadaqa), the third sector (including waqf or Muslim foundation), historical growth, policy environment, and the laws related to incorporation and tax treatment of the third sector. The second section provides an overview of an activity-based classification, identifying various fields internationally where non-profit organizations are active. The Johns Hopkins Comparative Nonprofit Sector Project developed the International Classification of Non-Profit Organisations or ICNPO. We used this classification to explore the variety of third sector activity in each country, but we extended the ICNPO to include trading co-operatives. Traditionally, philanthropy in Indonesia has been spontaneous and un-planned occurring within the family or neighborhood. Different community or occupational groups used to have their own informal bodies like Subak in Bali organised to ensure sustainability of water supply from common-pool resources. There also have been organized philanthropic activities in a hamlet or a village for protecting and creating public goods. There also have been self-reliant community organizations (LSMs) working to improve social and economic conditions as well as the welfare of local communities through community participation. Most importantly 500,000 or so arisan groups participated by housewives, employees, or young men for mutual savings, called pre-cooperatives, facilitate significant amount of savings to meet many financial needs of the members. Besides the above philanthropic activities, religion-based philanthropy is also practiced in Indonesia. For example, Muslims (85% of the population in Indonesia) provide zakat ul mal, zakat ul fitr, sadaqa, etc in charity. There are 623,829 mosques; 41,874 Protestant churches; 12,406 Catholic churches, 68,861 Hindu temples; and 7,424 Buddhist monasteries available for religious practices and educations in Indonesia (as of 2000). These organizations collect funds, build religious facilities, provide religious educations, and promote religious ethics and morale values. The re-emergence of democracy in 1998 resulted in many changes in the government’s policy and strategies. The Ministry of Justice and Human Rights issued a new law on foundation in August 2002. The newly created NGOs (mostly as foundations) are demanding and undertaking stronger roles in the on going political and democratic reform activities. Thus the identity of the Indonesian NGOs is being established as civil society organizations fighting for democracy. Some civil society organizations played considerable advocacy and consciousness raising roles in Indonesia for decades. For example, Nahdatul Ulama (NU), the largest Muslim organization in Indonesia, with millions of members, 330 branch offices, 6,000 traditional boarding schools or Pondok Pesantren, and 21,000 schools throughout the country has been an influential civil society organization since the beginning of the 20th century. Muhammdiyah, as the oldest Islamic non-profit organization in Indonesia, followed a similar path. Both the organizations, following the revival of democracy moved to national politics. The NU established its own political party, the Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa (PKB, or National Awakening Party) in 1999. One of the charismatic leaders of Muhammadiyah founded a political party, Partai Amanat Rakayat Nasional (PAN, or National Mandate Party) in 1999. These two newly formed political parties provided a president and the speaker of the parliament, respectively, to reinforce influence of the civil society organizations in Indonesian politics.