National Liberation Movement Research Articles

RISORGIMENTO'S ECHOES IN THE SOUTHWESTERN KRAI DURING THE 1860s IN THE CONTEXT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN EUROPE

The article emphasises that during the nineteenth century, the processes of the rise of national movements in Europe, which led to large-scale transformations in international relations, were reflected in the territory of Dnipro Ukraine, and of particular interest is their impact on the public life of Kyiv, Podillia and Volyn provinces, where the Polish socio-cultural presence was traditionally significant. After the November Uprising of 1830-1831, Polish political emigration influenced the formation of Polonophile sentiments in Europe and the actualisation of the Polish question in the activities of European diplomacy, parliaments, and press. The echoes of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth's noble democracy were embodied in the Polish national liberation struggle, the uprisings against Russian autocracy in 1830-1831 and 1863-1864, the role of Polish emigrants in the socio-political processes of Western European and Balkan countries, and, above all, in the events of “the Springtime of Nations” of 1848-1849. The study of the documents of the Office of Kyiv, Podillya and Volyn Governor-General at the Central State Historical Archives of Ukraine in Kyiv, which were first introduced to scientific circulation, sheds light on the rise of patriotic sentiments and resistance to Russian autocracy among the local Polish population against the background of intensification of national liberation movements in Europe during the nineteenth century, the emergence of new states on the political map – Greece (1830), Belgium (1830), Romania (1861), completion of the unification of Italy (1871) and creation of the German Empire (1871), and the state and legal transformation of the Austrian (since 1867 – Austro-Hungarian) monarchy. First of all, it is about the influence of information about the events of the Risorgimento and the related intensification of Polish emigration in Europe on the public life of the Southwestern region of the Russian Empire in the 1860s. The unification of Italy was a significant process in the context of the dismantling of the Vienna system of international relations that was initiated by the results of the Eastern War of 1853-1856. In general, it was about a set of international political processes and phenomena that influenced the balance of power on the continent. Italy's geopolitical position determined its key role in the struggle of the great European powers for control over the Mediterranean, powerful military, trade and economic leverage at the intersection of strategically important sea routes between the West and the East.

Историческая значимость деятельности Иоанна Каподистрии в решении греческого вопроса в первой половине XIX века

The article examines the activities of Ioannis Kapodistrias as an eminent politician and diplomat in the history of Russia and Greece. It analyzes Kapodistrias’ contributions to the national liberation struggle of the Greek people for independence from Ottoman domination. The role of Russia in facilitating Greece’s path to independence is highlighted, alongside an exploration of the leaders of the Greek national liberation movement. The significance of Orthodox faith, indigenous traditions, and culture for the Greek people is also addressed. The research underscores the pivotal role of Ioannis Kapodistrias in fostering relations between the peoples of Greece and Russia, grounded in their shared Orthodox faith and the institution of the Orthodox Church. An examination of archival data, scholarly works, historical literature, and the statements of high-ranking officials from the Russian Federation provides essential groundwork for further study of the personality of Ioannis Kapodistrias, as well as the application of his experiences and insights in the modern geopolitical conjuncture.

The impact of the Dien Bien Phu Victory on the decolonization movement in Africa (1954-1960)

The Dien Bien Phu victory of the Vietnamese army over the French colonists in 1954 contributed significantly to the wave of independence in the French colonies in Africa (1954-1960). This paper analyzes the impact of this historic event in inspiring nationalist movements and promoting liberation struggles in Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia and the French West African countries during that period. It also examines how the Dien Bien Phu victory weakened France’s position in its colonies and influenced the independence movements there. The results show that Vietnam’s victory had a profound influence by inspiring nationalist sentiments, encouraging resistance spirits, and fueling armed uprisings against French colonialism in Africa. Moreover, it severely undermined France’s authority over its colonies, creating favorable conditions for subsequent independence movements. The research results affirm that the Dien Bien Phu Victory was a powerful catalyst that inspired and accelerated the national liberation movements in the French colonies in Africa.

«Историк по наклонностям» и «Зощенко в философии»: скандальная карьера писателя Х. Г. Аджемяна

In the 1940s and 1950s, the writer H. G. Ajemyan actively participated in a number of important scientific discussions on history and philosophy: a meeting of historians in 1944, a discussion about the movement of Caucasian mountaineers, a philosophical discussion in 1947, a discussion of a report on the nature of nations in 1957, at which he was the main “troublemaker”. His bold ideas about the monistic unity of the state and the people, the harm of class struggle and national liberation movements to strengthen the power of the Russian state, the use of Orthodoxy to fight the Vatican, and the priority of cultural factors over economic factors in the formation of nations were criticized by academic science and party ideologists. At the same time, Ajemyan’s speeches were used by the authorities to identify ideological positions in the professional scientific community, and his interpretation of the reactionary essence of Muridism and Imamate Shamil became official after a while. In 1943, he appealed to Stalin with an absurd plan to end the war.

The Theme of the East in the Society of Marxist Historians in the Second Half of the 1920s – Early 1930s

Introduction. Oriental studies was not the leading direction in the activities of the society of Marxist historians (the second half of the 1920s – early 1930s), but it played a significant role in bringing this field of knowledge closer to the practical needs of the current policy of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) and the Comintern. Methods and materials. The research is based on traditional methods of historiographical analysis. It uses materials from historical journals of the 1920s and 1930s and archival documents. Analysis. Reports at general meetings of the Society and the History of the East section and publications in the journal “Historian-Marxist” focused on the problems of the history of the national liberation movement in colonial and dependent countries, the policy of tsarist Russia on the southern outskirts of the empire, and socialist transformations in the national republics of the USSR. If in the early years the most influential were the well-known Marxist orientalists M.P. Pavlovich, V.A. Gurko-Kryazhin, and I.M. Reisner, then in the subsequent period Oriental historians who did not have serious scientific authority but firmly adhered to the class approach occupied the leading positions in the society. After the All-Union Conference of Marxist Historians, they focused their attention on criticizing the “old bourgeois schools” in Oriental history and “exposing pseudo-Marxism in their own ranks.” Results. However, they could achieve results in solving only the second task, using, first, discussions about socio-economic formations, about the situation and tasks at the front of the study of the East, and about the non-Marxism of Gurko-Kryazhin’s historical views. The ideological turn of the mid-1930s largely devalued the importance of the research of this generation of Marxist Orientalists, and the authorities recognized the achievements of representatives of academic Oriental studies.

An imperial meantime

AbstractOn November 13, 2020, the Sahrawi movement for national liberation, known as the Polisario Front, resumed its armed struggle against Morocco's occupation of Western Sahara. With this decision, the movement put an end to a 29‐year‐long peace process throughout which the implementation of international law had been indefinitely deferred. During this cease‐fire, the Polisario used humanitarian aid to strengthen its nation‐state building in exile. This practice formed part of a larger historical narration that was inserted into the cease‐fire's temporal parenthesis, or what I call an imperial meantime. As a result, a disjuncture arose between the movement's political forms and its goal of achieving state sovereignty over Western Sahara. During this imperial meantime, a generation of refugees came of age. Describing the contradictions experienced by young politicized refugees, and highlighting the role that the control over time plays in humanitarian governance, I show how the invisible violence of a humanitarian peace anticipated the return to armed struggle.

‘It took courage to die in Angola’: Umkhonto we Sizwe’s War versus UNITA, 1975–89

Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK), the armed wing of the African National Congress, is reputed to have been a largely ineffective guerrilla army which hardly challenged the apartheid war machine. Instead, this army in exile was mostly confined to its bases in post-independence Angola, thousands of kilometres from the land they sought to liberate. While in Angola, MK forces were largely kept on the defensive as they were compelled to join the Angolan government in its war against the armed group UNITA, which received extensive support from the South African apartheid regime and the United States. Yet within this context, on the periphery of the Cold War and the anti-apartheid struggle, MK managed a degree of battlefield success against UNITA, thus helping to pave the way for negotiations with South Africa. Although constrained by structural factors, MK nevertheless managed to assert an agency that has largely gone untold in the history of southern Africa’s national liberation movements. This article reinterprets MK’s military history by putting its Angolan battles at its heart. Relying on oral testimonies and memoirs of former MK combatants as well as scholarly sources, I argue that MK’s containment of UNITA offensives in northern and eastern Angola has been overlooked as an important battlefield contribution that helped Angola’s MPLA government to endure the apartheid regime’s onslaught and shaped the Cold War endgame in southern Africa. Moreover, combat narratives from Angola have proved pivotal in shaping the memories and identities of former MK personnel, even as contemporary South African elites have deployed these narratives for their own political ends.

The National Liberation Movements in Southern Africa, 1962-1975: An Assessment of the Significance of the UN’s Acceptance of Recognition by the OAU of the Movements

The National Liberation Movements in Southern Africa, 1962-1975: An Assessment of the Significance of the UN’s Acceptance of Recognition by the OAU of the Movements

The role of the Church during the First War of Scottish Independence

The work examines the actions taken by the Scottish Church during the First War of Scottish Independence (1296– 1328), as well as the preliminary period starting from 1286. The main objectives are to determine the direct role of the Scottish clergy in diplomatic and political activities, to assess the impact on the national liberation movement, as well as to study the position of the Scottish Church in the Christian world at the end of the First War of Independence. Great attention is given to the propaganda activities of the bishops, as well as the relationship of the secular and spiritual authorities with the Roman Church before and after 1302. The transformation of the position and structure of the Scottish Church in relation to the Roman See and the entire Christian world, both legally and spiritually, is analyzed.

“Once it was Ireland, Now it is Kenya”: anti-colonialism and internationalism in the pages of the Connolly Association’s Irish Democrat in the 1950s–60s

ABSTRACT Irish Democrat was the paper of the Connolly Association, a diaspora organisation established to build support for Irish republicanism within the British labour movement. The Connolly Association and the Irish Democrat had strong links to the Communist Party of Great Britain, which advocated for a peaceful mass movement to challenge the British presence in Northern Ireland and to remove discrimination faced by Catholics in the Six Counties. Encouraged by the wave of decolonisation across the British Empire in the 1950s-60s, both the CA and the CPGB saw the struggle against Unionist rule in Northern Ireland as analogous to events in Asia, Africa and the Middle East. This paper explores the narration of anti-colonial and national liberation movements elsewhere in the British Empire in the pages of the Irish Democrat and the overdetermination of Irish national questions by post-war discourses of radical decolonisation. It also traces the formation across difference of specific solidarities between the Connolly Association and other migrant communities within the multicultural political geography of post-war Britain, including out of campaigns against racial discrimination, the “colour bar” and post-war immigration controls.

The idea of ‘United Turkestan’ in the Turkic speaking states media: influence on the Western media

ABSTRACT In the early twentieth century, amid the transformation of political systems, the idea of independence and autonomy of Turkic-speaking states gained new impetus due to the active work of Kazakh intelligentsia; in the twentieth century, a similar situation emerged – with new challenges and threats. The study aims to analyse the specifics of the formation and development of the idea of ‘united Turkestan’ in the media of Turkic-speaking countries and several European states through the consideration of the problem of protecting the interests of national minorities during the Soviet rule in the Central Asian region. The main methods were the historical method, which was used to examine the peculiarities of the activity of national liberation movements in Kazakhstan in the early twentieth century, and the method of system analysis, which was used to study the factors influencing the creation of the information image of ‘united Turkestan’ in the press. It was found that the role and influence of mass media, mainly printed publications published in some European countries and talking about the real situation in Turkestan, were decisive for the subsequent development of the concept of the community of Turkic-speaking peoples.

Historical retrospective of the formation of the institution of autonomy and self-determination of peoples

This article examines the evolution of the concept of the right of nations to self-determination from the ideas of the Enlightenment to the modern enshrinement in international law. It traces the genesis of the ideas of popular sovereignty and natural human rights in such thinkers as Locke, Grotius, Vattel and Rousseau. The key stages of formation of the institution of national autonomy are analyzed: national liberation movements of the XVIII-XIX centuries, the activities of the League of Nations, the formation of the system of minority protection within the UN. Particular attention is paid to international documents that enshrined the right to self-determination - the UN Charter, Declarations, Covenants on Human Rights. Controversial issues of correlation of this principle with the territorial integrity of states are considered. It substantiates the relevance of finding compromise solutions to ensure stability in the realization of the right to self-determination through various forms of autonomy and the formation of new states.

The Formation of the Leading Role of Communist Ideology in the People’s Democratic Republic of Korea

The formation of the ideology and leadership role of the Korean Communist Party took place in the conditions of overcoming the negative influence of the Yoshida doctrine. Korean communists attributed the failure of both the Korean national liberation movement and the early communist movement to the influence of the Yoshida Doctrine. Bourgeois nationalists concentrated their efforts on searching for a “powerful power” that they could rely on in the struggle for independence. However, they did not consider the Korean people as a subject in this struggle. This fact determined the defeat of the bourgeois nationalist movement and contributed to the preservation of foreign domination. Korean communists waged an ideological struggle against the Yoshida Doctrine, striving for an ideological theory of self-determination. This became the source and foundation of the future “Juche ideology” – the basic principle of North Korean socialism associated with political independence and economic self-sufficiency. Only under the leadership of the working class and its political parties was it possible to formulate the correct strategies and tactics, carry out the armed struggle for independence in an organized manner, overcome the fragmentation and spontaneity of the struggle and achieve victory in the struggle for national independence. In the process of fighting for the complete elimination of the “Yoshida Doctrine” in their minds, the Korean communists, represented by Kim Il Sung, created their own political party and determined the main principle of the struggle: to consider the people as the main force of it. The creation of a political party and the determination of the status of the people as the main subject became the main and direct sources of the Korean “Juche ideology”.

Uprisings in Kazakhstan Against the Tsarist Government in 1916 and Soviet Policy in 1921-1922. Similarities and Differences (Based on the Materials of Akmola and Atbasar Districts)

Relevance. The study of Kazakhstan's national liberation movements in the early XX century, particularly the uprisings against tsarist rule in 1916 and Soviet rule in 1921-1922, is highly relevant for understanding the country's path to independence. Purpose. The research aimed to examine the causes, conditions, and driving forces behind these uprisings in the Akmola and Atbasar districts, as well as identify similarities and differences between them. Methodology. Materials from the archives of the Central State Museum of the Republic of Kazakhstan, the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Republic of Kazakhstan, the Regional Museum of the Akmola Region, the Regional Museum of the Kostanay Region, the museums of the cities of Astana, Zhezkazgan, Kyzylorda, Arkalyk were used, including information that was used for the first time during the writing of the article. The historical-systemic, historical-comparative, chronological and observational methods were used; as well as historical, historical-social, and other research methods. Results. The study found that both uprisings were driven by oppressive policies, excessive taxation, and land seizures by the ruling powers. Local leaders emerged to organize resistance in both cases. The 1916 uprising was sparked by forced conscription, while the 1921-22 uprising responded to Soviet food requisition policies. Both were violently suppressed by authorities. Conclusions. The researchers conclude that these uprisings were important links in Kazakhstan's centuries-long struggle for independence. They argue for a reassessment of these events and their leaders in Kazakhstan's national history. Keywords: Kazakhstan history; Soviet Government; Tsarism; USSR

Embarking on Friendship: Exploring Early Soviet-Indian Relations

By the onset of the Second World War, the USSR had virtually no experience or established traditions of interaction with South Asian countries. Initially, Soviet-Indian relations could be characterized as tepid, largely due to a lack of accurate information about each other. During the wartime, the USSR underestimated the advantages of forging close ties with Indian left-wing centrists, favoring instead communists who provided the Kremlin with falsified data on the national liberation movement in the country.The article examines how bilateral relations evolved and strengthened as mutual knowledge grew. The second stage of Soviet-Indian relations (1955-1971) can be termed as a period of "birth of friendship," as the image of partnership is consolidated in the eyes of Soviet and Indian politicians and the public. Soviet diplomacy played a pivotal role in shaping policy changes: diplomats sought to gather crucial information about events in the country, transmit it to the USSR, and promote bilateral rapprochement, sometimes even acting in violation of instructions.The article pays particular attention to the activities of Subhas Chandra Bose, the leader of the left wing of the Indian National Congress, who according to Indian sociological surveys on the most prominent politicians of the 20th century, ranks second only to Mahatma Gandhi. During the Second World War, he was an uncompromising fighter against British colonialists. The Soviet Union did not pay sufficient attention to S.C. Bose, although he potentially could have been a valuable partner for Moscow.At present, the problem of mutual lack of awareness has resurfaced, hindering the development of closer political, economic, and cultural-humanitarian ties between Russia and India.

Активізація українського національного руху в 60-х рр. ХІХ ст.: учасники, вимоги, наслідки

The purpose of the article is to examine the development of the Ukrainian national movement in the 1860s, the formation of populist ideology in social and political thought, and the efforts of the imperial government to suppress this movement with all kinds of measures. The research methodology is based on the principles of scientificity, historical objectivity and systematic analysis, as well as on the use of methods: analysis and synthesis, historical-comparative, problem-chronological. The scientific novelty is the determination of the place of the Hrodavits in the Ukrainian national liberation movement of the 1860s, the disclosure of its significance in relation to the consolidation of the Ukrainian nation. It is emphasized that tsarism constantly persecuted the Ukrainian people in their desire for their native language and suppressed it with all kinds of methods. Conclusions. In the mid-60s of the 19th century. as a result of the Valuev decree and political persecution and repression by the imperial authorities, teaching in the national language in primary schools and the activities of Ukrainian communities temporarily stopped. The formation of populist ideology in socio-political thought falls on this time. Communities were the carrier of populist ideology. They were the social associations that represented the Ukrainian national movement in the second half of the 19th century. The majority of community members were apolitical, leaning towards educational and cultural activities. The scientific, educational and cultural activity of Hrodiv citizens in those conditions was of leading importance for the further development of the Ukrainian national movement. The activities of the communities could not remain unnoticed by the imperial government. Therefore, in the early and mid-1860s, a new period began in the attitude of tsarism to the Ukrainian national liberation movement. The activities of Ukrainian citizens constantly aroused suspicion on the part of the authorities. Administrative and police measures were taken against some of them. Tsarism constantly persecuted the Ukrainian people in their desire for their native language and suppressed it with all kinds of methods. The Valuev circular and the tsarism’s administrative persecution of the national intelligentsia were the product of imperial ideology in the fight against the Ukrainian national movement. They cherished the ideological task of neutralizing the Ukrainian national idea.

Changes in the policy of the MIA of the USR SSR regarding the Ukrainian national liberation movement in march-june 1953

Changes in the policy of the MIA of the USR SSR regarding the Ukrainian national liberation movement in march-june 1953

Activities of the Minister of Internal Affairs of the Ukrainian SSR Pavlo Yakovlevych Meshyk (1953)

The article examines the insufficiently studied in historical and legal science issue of the activities of such a controversial political figure of the first post-Stalin months of 1953 as Pavlo Yakovlevych Meshyk. It is emphasised that he, having a university degree (which was rare for NKVD personnel in those years) and significant organisational skills, made a successful career in the central apparatus of the People’s Commissariat in the late 1930s. This was also due to the patronage of P. Meshyk by L. Beria. P. Meshyk was directly involved in Stalin’s repressions. In 1941, at the age of 30, he first became People’s Commissar for State Security of the Ukrainian SSR. In 1943, he was promoted to the rank of Lieutenant General. From 1945 until March 1953, he worked on the implementation of the Soviet nuclear project. He was awarded the Order of Lenin (1949) for his active participation in the implementation of the nuclear programme, and later even received the Stalin Prize in Science and Technology (1951). In March 1953, he was appointed Minister of Internal Affairs of the Republic, where he pursued a policy of strengthening the rule of law in the activities of the state security agencies and purging them of the most odious and incompetent employees. At the same time, a policy was implemented to rid the state security agencies of their dependence on the influence of the Communist Party. At the same time, P. Meshyk came into conflict with some party officials, including the then leader of the republic, the first secretary of the Central Committee of the CP(B)U, L. Melnikov. As a result, L. Melnikov was dismissed. P. Meshyk also took some measures to “root” the leadership of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, translated the ministry’s office work into Ukrainian, eased some of the Soviet government’s repressive policies towards the Ukrainian national liberation movement, actually restored the normal operation of Lviv State University, and improved contacts with Western Ukrainian intellectuals. These were positive aspects of the minister’s activities that can be assessed as attempts at reform. However, P. Meshyk stayed in the post of Minister of the Interior for only three months. In June 1953, he was arrested and later convicted on charges of treason and conspiracy to seize power, and in December of the same year, Meshyk was shot dead. He was partially rehabilitated in 2000.

Legal basis for the regulation and functioning of youth sports and educational organizations in Eastern Galicia from 1848 to 1939

The Prosvita Society in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries played a key role in the formation and development of the Ukrainian cultural and educational sphere in Eastern Galicia. Its activities were based on historical and legal principles that determined its purpose, tasks and organisational structure. The main goal of Prosvita was to raise the educational and cultural level of Ukrainians. Its activities were based on the idea of national and cultural consciousness and self-awareness. It also promoted the creation of an extensive network of societies covering different segments of the population. This allowed for the formation of a united community that understood national needs and aspirations. She actively worked on the Ukrainisation of the school system and the promotion of the Ukrainian language in the educational process. «Prosvita» initiated and supported the creation of various public, educational, cultural and other organisations, such as «Selskii Hospodar», «Maslosoyuz», «Narodna Torgovlya», «Ridna Shkola», «Ruska Besida», «Union of Ukrainian Women», «Sokil», «Sich», «Plast», «Luh» and many others. It played a prominent role in the national liberation movement, in which Prosvita was considered one of the main institutions that fostered patriotic feelings and national consciousness among Ukrainians. The organisational structure of Prosvita helped to unite Ukrainians into a strong and well-organised community that was ready for self-determination and national revival. It actively worked to preserve and develop Ukrainian culture and identity, supporting Ukrainian traditions and language. A number of student organisations, such as the Ukrainian Student Society Sich, Academic Circle, Druh, Druzhnyi Lichvar, Academic Brotherhood, Vatra, Academic Community, Osnova, and Ukrainian Student Union, demonstrate the diversity and multilayered nature of the Ukrainian student movement. They worked on the basis of the leading higher education institutions of Lviv, such as Lviv University and Lviv Polytechnic. On the eve of the Second World War, in the western part of Ukraine, particularly in Galicia, there were a significant number of youth associations that were united into county unions. These associations ranged in size from 10 to 30 local societies and performed various functions in the fields of sports, culture, and education. At the end of May 1933, there were 109 unions in Galicia, uniting 12 county and 254 local societies. Their membership totalled 13,245 people. The societies were actively engaged in various activities such as football, volleyball, skiing, drama, and other types of cultural and educational events.

The Formation and Legal Status of the Crimean Democratic Republic (late 1917 – early 1918)

The article analyzes the events preceding the establishment of the Crimean Democratic Republic in 1917 and characterizes its legal status.
 The author establishes that the territory of Crimea was the core of the Crimean Khanate, which was annexed by the russian Empire in 1783 in violation of the Kyuchuk-Kainarji Peace Treaty. The century of the russian Empire’s domination of Crimea remains in history as the “black century”, which led to the depressed state of the Crimean Tatar people, which objectively raised the task of its social and national liberation, accelerating the process of transformation into a modern nation.
 It is established that in the 1880s the process of Crimean Tatar revival, i.e. the formation of a modern ethnonation, began. The impetus for this process was the creation of the first printed edition of the Crimean Tatar people, the enlightened public newspaper Terdzhiman in 1883. The next significant event in the struggle of the Crimean Tatar people for their independence was the creation of the organization “Vatan” in 1908 by Noman Çelebijihan.
 Based on the analysis of scientific publications, the author establishes that the national liberation movement in Crimea was the equivalent of the Ukrainian National Congress in April 1917. In particular, in 1917, several processes took place in Crimea: the democratic revolution, ukrainianization and the revival of Crimean Tatar national statehood. In December, the First Kurultai decided to establish the Crimean Tatar Democratic Republic and form the Crimean Tatar national government. The first democratic constitution of the Crimean Tatar people was created, which declared the principles of separation of powers, equality of all citizens before the law, freedom of religion, etc. However, in January 1918, the Bolshevik army seized the territory of the peninsula and began the Red Terror, which resulted in the termination of the Crimean Democratic Republic.