National Intelligence Agencies Research Articles

Intelligence Gathering and Policy Formulation for Addressing Security Threats in Nigeria

Intelligence has been discussed by many scholars across the globe. But no doubt, there is no universal acceptable definition of intelligence. It is germane to explicate intelligence as the result of information that has been collated, evaluated and interpreted. More so, intelligence is the information that have been processed and originated to be truth and accurate about an object, subject, or group of people. Without accurate and timely intelligence there would not be a functional government or sustainable nationhood. This paper focuses on how government could improve on policy formulations through prompt and accurate intelligence from intelligence community (IC) to frustrate, submerge the activities of hostile intelligence service (HIS) cum local perpetrators of crime. The population of the study comprised of the Nigeria Intelligence Community (IC) which are Department of State Services (DSS), Defence Intelligence Agency (DIA) and National Intelligence Agency (NIA). The sample technique adopted was purposive sampling considering the experiences and knowledge of the participants involved in the study, the data collection were both primary and secondary. The primary data was anchored on qualitative research method (in-depth interviews). While the secondary data was relied on textbooks, journals, theses, internet sources, et cetera. The study was affixed on triarchic theory of intelligence to explored the relationship between the policy makers and intelligence community to produce a better policy for the masses. The study comes to conclusion that timely and accurate intelligence must be gathered by the IC and promptly utilized by the PM to form a policy that will curtail any security threats. The study was conducted in Abuja being the Federal Capital Territory, epicentre of intelligence community and seat of power.

Australian Anti-encryption Legislation and Its Impacts on Security and Privacy

Telecommunications and Other Legislation Amendment (Assistance and Access) Act 2018 gives relevant authorities (e.g. law enforcement, national security agencies and intelligence agencies) significant new powers regarding access to encrypted communications data, and hence extensive public attention have been attracted and opinions expressed concerning general security and privacy of users. This essay will first briefly introduce the key contents of the Assistance and Access Act 2018, then discuss how it will affect security and privacy of users respectively by considering both supporting and opposing arguments, and then further the discussion into a global environment by examining the history of a variety of efforts on similar powers. It concludes that though the Assistance and Access Act 2018 has sophisticated oversight mechanism and takes into consideration the most concerned systemic weaknesses security issue, its definition and guidance are vague and is likely not practical to achieve what the Act is designed for in practice. The potential overreach of the Act not only will impose great threats to system security as a whole, but also will breach the principle of privacy.

Banditry and Insecurity: Are There Ungoverned Spaces in Nigeria

Many towns and villages in Nigeria have been experiencing bandits activities, vis-à-vis kidnapping, armed robbery, murder, rape, cattle-rustling, and violent actions in recent years. These activities have continued to escalate despite the presence of security agencies such as – the Nigerian Army, the Nigerian Navy, the Nigerian Air Force, the Nigerian Police, the State Security Service, the National Intelligence Agency, and the Defence Intelligence among others. The unabated bandits' activities in part of the country depict a picture of ungoverned spaces, which suggests that there are territories that are experiencing a vacuum of political order. The study for that reason examines the connections between banditry and the ungoverned spaces, as well as, analyses the effects of bandits' activities on Nigeria and Nigerians. Using the discourse analysis that relies on secondary sources, the paper argues that the inability to govern some territories adequately in Nigeria has created a vacuum for bandits’ activities to thrive.

Analysing election-related violence in the 2011 national elections in the Democratic Republic of Congo

ABSTRACT This study seeks to explore the triggers, perpetrators and consequences of electoral violence in the 2011 national elections in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). From the perspective of different domestic and international electoral observers, the 2011 elections in the DRC were marred by violence. A qualitative approach based on secondary resources was employed to achieve the purpose of the study. Following the content analysis of various documents related to electoral violence during the 2011 elections in the DRC, the findings of the study indicated that members of law enforcement and state agencies (police, the national intelligence agency, the Republican Guard and administrative authorities) including supporters of political parties were identified as the main perpetrators of election-related violence in the DRC. In addition, the paper showed that structural causes such as weak institutionalisation of democracy together with lack of national sense of cohesion were the potential triggers of the 2011 election-related violence in the DRC.

Intelligence Gathering Imperative: A Tool for Successful Security Outfits’ Operation

This study examines the recent security challenges Nigerians and non-Nigerians encounters in their daily existence to eke a living. These threats are orchestrated by the activities of one of the deadliest terrorist group in the world (Boko Haram), and herdsmen notorious killers, armed banditry, cow rustling by rustlers, incessant kidnapping especially students in schools and unsuspecting Nigerians and non-Nigerians alike; which has made Nigeria federating states unsafe for any meaningful socio-economic development to thrive. To achieve this, two objectives were stated to include, underscore the overarching relevance of intelligent gathering in preventing crime and understand the elaborateness of intelligence gathering that can be utilized to mitigate crimes outcomes. The study found that intelligence gathering is the disconnect that has precipitated this state of affairs in Nigeria. Equally responsible is the people’s loyalty which is first and foremost skewed to ethnoreligious and political considerations instead of the country. It was recommended among other appeals to include: The National Intelligence Agency (NIA) of Nigeria which is the coordinating security agency should be properly funded and personnel trained in modern intelligence gathering techniques, the unnecessary bickering, in-fighting for superiority between and among security agencies in Nigeria should be discouraged because this itself is a big challenge in security equation of Nigeria; and serious effort should be made to stop the politicization of security intelligence gathering matters based on tribe, ethnic group, religious and political affiliations.

The Socioemotional Skills of Women for Intelligence Performance in the National Intelligence Directorate in Colombia

Traditionally, security issues in Colombia have been operated by military institutions with a high percentage of male participation. Since the creation of the National Intelligence Directorate (NID) in 2011, this masculinized and militarized environment of security issues has been transformed by the creation of a civilian institution with 45.7% female participation in highly recognized profiles. The participation of women in the institution has exposed socioemotional skills that characterize their strategic role at the NID. To research how gender distinction in socioemotional skills influences intelligence processes within the NID, eight semistructured interviews were conducted with seven women and one man, and a specialized literature review on the building of socioemotional skills distinction by gender was carried out. There were three main results: first, the NID has gender parity because, being a civilian agency, it clashes with a masculinized tradition of other military-based national intelligence agencies; second, the representative participation of women in strategic roles within the NID demonstrates that their socioemotional skills are a useful resource for intelligence activity; third, on the one hand, the overexploitation of socioemotional skills and “smart intelligence” leads to overburdening women in their tasks and responsibilities on both professional and personal levels, but on the other hand, it is harder for women to show results and be recognized for their work in the Colombian Intelligence Community.

Comparison of the Secret Service of al-Shabaab, the Amniyat, and the National Intelligence and Security Agency (Somalia)

This is a comparative analysis of the secret service of al-Shabaab, the Amniyat, and the Somali government’s security unit, the National Intelligence and Security Agency (NISA). It begins with the short history of al-Shabaab as an introduction to understand the roots of the movement and how the resurgence of the group is tied to the effective management of the Amniyat. Then it analyzes the capabilities and capacities of the intelligence apparatuses of al-Shabaab and the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS), highlighting the similarities and differences between the organizations. Viewed from the perspective of the local population, the terrorist group provides security and predictability for individuals living under its control, gained local respect for managing its forces, and uses its secret service, the Amniyat, effectively. NISA suffers from the same problems as its predecessor in the Siad Barre regime, such as lack of transparency, overpoliticization, and involvement in illegal activities. Furthermore, there is lack of cooperation and transparency between local intelligence services and police forces. While the FGS realized the importance of doing away with clan-based security systems, the dominance of clans is still constantly increasing at the expense of the government. Today, al-Shabaab’s intelligence capacities and capabilities are more advanced than those of the NISA, hence the centralization and unification of the security architecture is of chief importance.

Mathilde Ludendorff (1877-1966): specialist for nervous and mental diseases and Germanic philosopher

Mathilde Ludendorff (geb. Spiess, verw. von Kemnitz, gesch. Kleine) war eine der ersten Frauen, die im wilhelminischen Deutschland Medizin studierte. Sie schrieb eine feministische Dissertation; gab an, sehr früh Sigmund Freuds Psychoanalyse erfolgreich widerlegt zu haben und zu Emil Kraepelins bester Schülerin avanciert zu sein; deckte den Schwindel von Albert Schrenck-Notzings Mediumforschung auf; firmierte nach 17-monatiger Weiterbildung als Spezialärztin für Nervenheilkunde; behandelte General von Ludendorffs erste Frau und wurde alsbald seine zweite; entwickelte eine germanische Philosophie, die Adolf Hitler zu verwegen erschien; wurde 1949 in einem Spruchkammerverfahren zunächst als Hauptschuldige verurteilt und setzte sich kritisch mit dem Gutachten ihres Kollegen Georg Stertz über ihren eigenen Geisteszustand auseinander. Ihre zahlreichen Schriften werden weiter verlegt. Der von ihr begründete „Bund für Gotterkenntnis (Ludendorff)“ existiert noch und wird vom Verfassungsschutz beobachtet.

THE INTELLIGENCE CONDITIONING FOR EX-TERRORISM CONVICTS TO PREVENT RADICALISM AND TERRORISM IN NORTH SUMATERA

<p><em>The Agency of National Counterterrorism (BNPT) is an institution that is concerned about terrorism as a result of radicalism. Based on information from the BNPT, of the approximately 600 ex-convict terrorist who have been released, some of them have returned to committing acts of terrorism. This is of particular concern to the security apparatus, particularly the National Intelligence Agency (BIN), the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI) and the Indonesian National Police (Polri), in preventing acts of terrorism. In addition, several areas have become locations for the realization of acts of terrorism, one of them is in the province of North Sumatera. This research aims to analyze and describe the intelligence conditioning activities for ex-terrorism convicts (Napiter) by related parties in preventing the spread of radicalism that leads to acts of terrorism in North Sumatera. The method used in this research is the theory of intelligence conditioning approaches, deradicalization theory, and synergies theory. Data was collected through interviews and observations, then was analyzed using NVIVO as a tool to categorize and make it easier to describe problems and draw conclusions. The results showed that intelligence conditioning for ex-convict terrorists have collaborated with several parties in the implementation of State Intelligence in the regions, including the BIN, TNI, Polri, and the regional government. In its implementation, terror convicts are given counseling and socialization related to nationalism, national insight, religion, and entrepreneurship. These activities are carried out while in the Correctional Institution (LP) by the LP and the police as well as after leaving the prison with monitoring from BIN, TNI, Polri, and regional governments. Besides, the process of intelligence conditioning when ex-convict terrorists are free will still have special attention through hospitality to terror convictions with persuasive communication by local officials. Furthermore, they are also given entrepreneurship assistance and independent business by local governments, as well as socialization related to the dangers of hoaxes in the digital world either from gadgets or other media. BNPT has fundamentally implemented deradicalization by synergizing all parties from other institutions. Based on the activities that have been carried out, it becomes a consideration and a concrete example that intelligence conditioning can prevent the spread of radicalism and acts of terrorism in society.</em></p><p><strong><em>Keywords: </em></strong><em>Ex-Terrorism Convicts, Intelligence Conditioning, Radicalism, Terrorism</em></p>

Intelligence Against COVID-19: Israeli Case Study

With the outbreak of COVID-19, Israeli decisionmakers decided to use the capabilities of the national intelligence agencies in the “war” against the pandemic. Three national intelligence agencies w...

The Republic of Korea's National Intelligence Agency

The Republic of Korea's National Intelligence Agency

Predatory politics and personalization of power: The abuses and misuses of the National Intelligence and Security Agency (NISA) in Somalia

Abstract This article investigates the security sector in Somalia, with a focus on the National Intelligence and Security Agency (NISA), a government security unit, involved in the fight against the Al-Shabaab insurgency. This article argues that the historically traumatic legacy of autocratic oppression of the former military regime gives the Somali intelligence agency an infamous reputation that survives today and plays a significant role in the operations of the intelligence agency. Intelligence agents employ tactics from the late Cold War era military regime’s intelligence services, suggesting striking historical continuities of the military regime in practice and performance. The empirical data also shows that NISA is enmeshed in the ‘dirty war’ between the federal government and Al-Shabaab. Not only does the intelligence agency normalize extrajudicial activities to serve the agenda of political authorities and to suppress their critics, but it also financially benefits from arrests without trials. NISA agents harass the public and political opposition groups daily and brutally suppress mass media and freedom of speech, especially in the government-controlled areas in Mogadishu. As the first empirical academic investigation into NISA, the article contributes to broader debates on intelligence, the anthropology of the state, security studies, and institution- and state-building in violent environments.

Национальное агентство разведки Республики Корея

Национальное агентство разведки Республики Корея

The National Intelligence Agency of the Republic of Korea

The National Intelligence Agency of the Republic of Korea

Do professional facial image comparison training courses work?

Facial image comparison practitioners compare images of unfamiliar faces and decide whether or not they show the same person. Given the importance of these decisions for national security and criminal investigations, practitioners attend training courses to improve their face identification ability. However, these courses have not been empirically validated so it is unknown if they improve accuracy. Here, we review the content of eleven professional training courses offered to staff at national security, police, intelligence, passport issuance, immigration and border control agencies around the world. All reviewed courses include basic training in facial anatomy and prescribe facial feature (or ‘morphological’) comparison. Next, we evaluate the effectiveness of four representative courses by comparing face identification accuracy before and after training in novices (n = 152) and practitioners (n = 236). We find very strong evidence that short (1-hour and half-day) professional training courses do not improve identification accuracy, despite 93% of trainees believing their performance had improved. We find some evidence of improvement in a 3-day training course designed to introduce trainees to the unique feature-by-feature comparison strategy used by facial examiners in forensic settings. However, observed improvements are small, inconsistent across tests, and training did not produce the qualitative changes associated with examiners’ expertise. Future research should test the benefits of longer examination-focussed training courses and incorporate longitudinal approaches to track improvements caused by mentoring and deliberate practice. In the absence of evidence that training is effective, we advise agencies to explore alternative evidence-based strategies for improving the accuracy of face identification decisions.

MENAKAR PARADIGMA KEAMANAN NASIONAL MELALUI ANALISIS ISI TERHADAP UNDANG-UNDANG No. 17 TAHUN 2011 TENTANG INTELIJEN NEGARA

The evolution of both domestic and international security issues have influenced the development of Indonesia intelligence and its agencies. Indonesia intelligence reform is marked by the establishment of Badan Intelijen Nasional or Indonesia National Intelligence Agency and the enactment of Law Number 17 of 2011 on The State Intelligence. In order to reveal the paradigm used in determining the direction of Indonesia’s national security policy, this paper analyzes Law Number 17 of 2011 on The State Intelligence using content analysis method. Analysis among indicators representing three paradigms; realism, liberalism, and constructivism shows that Law Number 17 of 2011 on The State Intelligence is strongly influenced by realist paradigm.

The establishment of national intelligence in legal framework of the state (on the example of Japan)

Temporary occupation of the part of Ukrainian territory by the Russian Federation – the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol, fomenting of armed conflict in certain districts of Donetsk and Luhansk regions and buildup of military power in immediate proximity to the Ukrainian border, the potential possibility of deploying tactical nuclear weapons in the territory of Crimea necessitated significant strengthen- ing of the force components of our state, including building up and strengthening the capabilities of national intelligence. There is a positive experience of the last mentioned. It is one of the most developed and peaceful countries in the world – Japan. Borrowing and implementation of its certain aspects by the heads of the corre- sponding departments and institutions of our state could have positive effects.After the victory in the Second World War, the United States dissolved the Imperial Army of Japan and its special services, including intelligence. Disarmed and occupied by the United States, Japan was forced to exist within the defined limits. This fact created incentives for the development and implementation of the doctrine of Yoshida, named after the then prime minister of the country Shigeru Yoshida. According to this document, Japan trusted its own security to USA, concentrating its efforts on the restoration and development of the national economy.After the end of the Cold War, Japan was in a difficult political and economic situation. As a result of economic reforms, China has evolved from a weak backward country into an aggressive and equally strong as leading world countries rival in the security and economy areas. Japan at this time somewhat lowered the pace of its own economic development. North Korea doubled its efforts to create and test nuclear-missile weapons.Due to the fact that the United States began to invest enormous resources in stabilizing security in the Middle East, they somewhat reduced its volume to Japan's security sector.There was an urgent need for early detection of threats and challenges to the military security of the state, mainly by their own forces now – national intelligence forces that were insufficient and unable to do so. The establishment of the national intelligence in Japan took place under complex contradiction: on the one hand – the urgent need to build up the structure and strengthen the professional intelligence capabilities to counter the growing challenges and threats to the state security; on the other – the intransigence of the coun- try's parliament and the public to amend the constitution of the country, where article 9 was determinant, and prohibited any increase in the country's military strength. The pragmatically-minded part of the parliament and government managed to gradually overcome it and create an effective national intelligence system. In this case, any clues and arguments were used.The main of them were the following:– emphasis on destructive and crushing consequences for the country of modern challenges and threats to its security, non-standard aspects of its manifestations and emergence;– use of any unfriendly action from the side of possible opponents of Japan (mainly North Korea, China, international terrorist organizations) to emphasize the need to strengthen and enhance the capabilities of national intelligence agencies;– use of Parliament's consent to strengthen the Self-Defense Forces of the country as a reason to build up and strengthen national intelligence agencies;– uncommon appeal for support to the leadership of the allied US.– In general, regarding mentioned above, the patriotically and pragmatically-minded part of the Japa- nese parliament and the government of the country have shown a great perseverance, rational systemacity and commitment in the pursuit of set goal.

“One People, One Struggle”: Anya-Nya propaganda and the Israeli Mossad in Southern Sudan, 1969–1971

ABSTRACTThis paper explores the involvement of the Mossad, Israel’s national intelligence agency, in producing propaganda materials on behalf of the Southern Sudanese rebel group Anya-Nya, between 1969 and 1971. From 1961, Southern Sudanese politicians appealed for Israeli assistance in their struggle against the Sudanese government. Israelis saw great potential for anti-Arab propaganda in the Southern cause, but did not extend any significant support to the rebels until 1969. When they eventually did, they also embarked on a secret propaganda campaign on behalf of the Anya-Nya, seeking to promote the Southern struggle globally in order to delegitimize Arab nations and their Soviet supporters and draw attention away from anti-Israeli and pro-Palestinian propaganda in the aftermath of the Six-Day War of 1967. Unlike earlier Southern Sudanese publications, the Israeli materials made extensive use of photographs and projected a new image of the Southern Sudanese leadership and its relationship with civilians. The publications, the paper argues, advanced both Israeli and Southern Sudanese interests, and reflected both Southern Sudanese and Israeli notions of nation-building.

MENAKAR PARADIGMA KEAMANAN NASIONAL MELALUI ANALISIS ISI TERHADAP UNDANG-UNDANG No. 17 TAHUN 2011 TENTANG INTELIJEN NEGARA

The evolution of both domestic and international security issues have influenced the development of Indonesia intelligence and its agencies. Indonesia intelligence reform is marked by the establishment of Badan Intelijen Nasional or Indonesia National Intelligence Agency and the enactment of Law Number 17 of 2011 on The State Intelligence. In order to reveal the paradigm used in determining the direction of Indonesia’s national security policy, this paper analyzes Law Number 17 of 2011 on The State Intelligence using content analysis method. Analysis among indicators representing three paradigms; realism, liberalism, and constructivism shows that Law Number 17 of 2011 on The State Intelligence is strongly influenced by realist paradigm.

THE IMPACT OF WEST BANK SETTLEMENTS ON ISRAELI NATIONAL SECURITY

Since the 1967 war in the Middle East, The Israeli settlements in the West Bank have always been one of the most controversial topics in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. This article deals with the question: What is the impact of the West Bank settlements on the national security of Israel? The approach used to explore these issues is face-to-face in-depth interviews, during 2016, with 27 high-ranking Israeli Generals from the Military Intelligence (Aman), the National Intelligence Agency (Mossad), the Internal Security Agency (Shabak), the National Security Council (Malal), the Planning Branch of the General Staff (Agat), and the Prime Minister’s close circle of advisors. The interviews revealed three perspectives on the importance of the settlements for the Israeli national security. The first, views the settlements as a contribution to the national security of Israel, the second, views the settlements as a heavy national security liability, and the third, views the question as an irrelevant one, explaining that no one asks if Tel Aviv is important for the national security of Israel. As securitization of political messages is arguably at least as common in Israel as in other countries, with immediate national security challenges, the detailed perspectives of the Israeli National Security Elite (INSE) helps to extract the professional security rationales from the misleading political clatter. The article can be of interest to policy makers and researchers who deal with national security in general and in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in particular.