National Hierarchy Research Articles

매클루언의 미디어 이론으로 본 1960-70년대의 텔레비전과 제3세계 영화운동

This study analyzes the cultural changes in the 1960s-70s in terms of de-centrality by using the conceptual framework of Marshall McLuhan’s media theory. McLuhan argued that cinema disseminates American culture all over the world in the mechanical age, which had a center(US)-margin(non-US) structure. the centrality of cinema served as the foundation for national hierarchy. In contrast, he claimed that the electronic age had begun in the 1960s and television was its exemplifier which is the opposite of centrality. We can apply his perception of television to the initial the Third Cinema movement led by two Argentine film directors, Fernando Solanas and Octavio Getino. The Third Cinema was a manifesto against the pre-existing system reproducing hierarchies of national power and cultural dominance. What I would like to claim is that both television and the third cinema features diversity, participation and subjectivity and this aspect is hugely differentiated with the previous mechanical age.

Teachers and Students Talk about Relevant Learning: Narratives from Different Community Schools in Romania

ABSTRACTUnderstanding students’ and teachers’ representations of relevant learning is key to providing better learning programs. This article aims to show the various ways in which relevant learning is conceptualized in different community schools in Romania. First, it pays attention to differences and similarities in the students’ and the teachers’ concepts of learning. Second, it looks at how interlocking variables such as the position of the school in national hierarchies, the school’s profile, and how the social class of teachers and students influence the narrative. The article brings out voices from both urban and rural spaces, adding an Eastern European perspective to the global literature. The data is gathered by a local facilitator who has conducted separate focus groups with teachers and students from six schools on the topic of relevant learning. These discussions helped outline several categories that are considered relevant: applied learning, student-centered learning, market-oriented learning, and character/value education. Underneath, the framework of particular social and economic contexts is considered. Building on Jean Anyon’s writing on how schools’ discourses prepare students for the workplace, reproducing their social standing, this article aims to bring new insight into the current narratives of teachers and students. Finally, the article wishes not only to describe what relevant learning is perceived to be, but to show that the conceptualization is based on the individual’s position within the institution (microstructure) and within society (macrostructure).

The mental map of national hierarchy in Europe

We theorize that people’s perceptions of national hierarchy are aligned not only with longstanding cultural schemas of development but also with schemas of cultural wealth. We use data from the Nation Brands Index surveys to examine how European publics’ evaluate their own country and other European countries across many attributes. We find that European publics rank northwest European countries highest on developmental attributes and southwestern European nations highest on cultural attributes, while they rank eastern European countries lowest in both categorizations. Moreover, we show that publics’ rankings of countries load to two related yet distinct factors, the contents of which closely reflect schemas of development and cultural wealth. This evidence suggests that these two distinct schemas are simultaneously present in Europeans’ perceptions of national hierarchy.

Fashion-making and co-creation in the transglobal landscape: Sino-Italian fashion as method

AbstractThe ‘making’ of fashion cannot merely refer to garment production and manufacturing. It is the prerequisite for a nation to actively participate on the global stage. To establish a ‘recognisable’ fashion image, a country must go far beyond the competition of a specialised garment and textile industry. Being recognised as the ‘author countries’ for fashion creation is part of a process in which the (re)negotiation of national hierarchies and roles are constantly at play. For a country or a city, expressing an instantly recognisable aesthetic has become an important corollary of the communication of political and economic strength. More than in the past centuries, fashion has been tasked with not only reflecting and representing social or individual needs, but also constructingex novoterritories in which old stereotypes and imaginary are creatively set free. This is because, unlike most production and commercial activities, fashion expresses an elaborate culture whose composition of symbols, ideologies and lifestyles (Crane 2004) can be drawn on. On the other hand, the accelerated production relocation in past decades has irrevocably changed the geography of fashion, as well as the rhetoric of the origin of national creativity. In particular, it leads one to wonder what happens when two or more players are engaged in the making of fashion. Specifically, what happens when Italy and China collaborate in transglobal fashion-making? How does one account for the national creativity that has sprung from the Sino-Italian co-creation? Drawing on accounts of Italian fashion and Chinese fashion, this article discusses the intricacy of Sino-Italian collaboration and the implications of such a fashion co-creation; it then reflects on transglobal fashion-making and proposes a framework for its examination.

Occupational status and organizations: Variation in occupational hierarchies across Swedish workplaces

A foundational claim in social stratification research is that occupational hierarchies are largely invariant across societies, a phenomenon known as the Treiman constant. However, recent research in social stratification has focused on the role of local social spaces in generating inequalities, casting doubt on the validity of the idea of a universally invariant occupational hierarchy. In this paper, we focus on organizations as a local space in which occupational hierarchies may vary. We ask three questions: (1) do occupational hierarchies vary across workplaces, (2) why do occupational hierarchies vary across workplaces, and (3) what can explain why some occupations move up or down the occupational hierarchy in specific workplace contexts? Using novel administrative data from Sweden we measure and model the correlation between a workplace’s occupational hierarchy and the national occupational hierarchy, finding substantial variation across workplaces in the matching of a given workplace’s hierarchy to the national hierarchy. We then develop a set of contextual and relational variables at the organizational level to potentially explain this variation, as well as to explain which occupations move up or down the workplace hierarchy. This paper points toward an important and novel empirical finding – variation across workplaces in occupational hierarchies – both confirming the power of the Treiman constant while opening up avenues to explore deviations from it. It also reveals the need to develop theories than can explain this workplace-level variation.

Proverbs in Arabic: Definition, Classification, Outlook Reflection

Socially significant life situations and certain patterns of human behavior reflect the national hierarchy of values. Understanding the phenomenon of culture as a specific form of existence of man and society in the world through the prism of proverbs becomes particularly relevant. The purpose of the article is to define the concept of a proverb in Arabic linguistics and the criteria for their classification, to identify the national-specific meaning of Arabic proverbs in the context of the relationship of language and culture. The article provides definitions of proverbs on the basis of the opinions of authoritative philologists, presents the classification of Arabic proverbs. The features of the worldview of the Arabs, manifested in them, are examined too. The materials of the article can be useful in teaching modern Arabic, linguoculturology, cross-cultural communication and also special courses on language and culture. The applied value of the article is determined also by a possibility to use practical material while writing textbooks, manuals and Arabic dictionaries.

Accumulating cosmopolitan and ethnic identity capital through international student mobility

ABSTRACT International student mobility (ISM), particularly degree-mobility, has been primarily portrayed as the rational pursuit of economic advantage in an increasingly competitive and stratified global hierarchy of nations, academic institutions and qualifications. This focus on what has been portrayed as the pursuit of ‘cosmopolitan capital’, has led to other types of capital being ignored, despite evidence that cosmopolitan capital is inadequate to explain ISM in some contexts. This study looks at ethnic identity capital as a stimulus for ISM in a group of French-Jewish students in Israel and demonstrates how it combined with cosmopolitan capital helps to explain the motivation for ISM in some culturally and ethnically distinct groups.

Shoes and Modern Civilization Between Racism and Imperialism: The 1880 Yoshida Masaharu Mission of Meiji Japan to Qajar Iran as Global History

This paper discusses the nineteenth century Meiji Japanese self-reflection on modernity, civilization and identity that was compelled to negotiate between Racism and Imperialism. The Meiji vision of a global world was made up of a hierarchy of nations according to their level of enlightenment and civilization using the West as a benchmark. The study of Yoshida Masaharu’s travel account Kaikyō Tanken Perusha no Tabi (The Expedition to the Islamic World: The Journey to Persia) (Tokyo: Hakubunka, 1894) shows this attitude. Yoshida’s book is also quite valuable as the firsthand account of the Japanese interaction in 1880 with Persia of the Qajar dynasty in Iran as an entry into the Muslim world. Sent by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Japanese Mission was a small-scale version of the famous Iwakura Mission to learn about the West earlier between 1871-1873, as an investigation expedition to study the Muslim Middle East-Islamic affairs. The Japanese Mission of seven members including an Army officer representing the newly established Sanbō Honbu, the Japanese General Staff, and five businessmen, were headed by the envoy Yoshida Masaharu, a liberal Constitutionalist from Tosa domain whose views colored his interpretation of Qajar Iran and Shah Nasir al-Din’s reforms using Western know-how. The Yoshida Mission’s experience shows us some of the enduring perceptions as well as stereotyped images among the general Japanese public even today classifying Islam as an alien religion and the Middle Eastern world as a strange geography: exotic but alien, fascinating but also unfamiliar. Shoes and Modern Civilization Between Racism and Imperialism: The 1880 Yoshida Masaharu Mission of Meiji Japan to Qajar Iran as Global History Selçuk Esenbel Department of History, Boğaziçi University 13 This paper argues that the Yoshida travelogue actually reveals to us the complex cultural and political layers with which Yoshida saw Qajar Iran and provides an instructive journey into the mind of a nineteenth century Meiji Japanese elite who still carried their Edo cultural background as well as the more obvious Westernism of the new regime in order to decipher the global context of Iran. In turn, the Yoshida Mission’s impact on Iranian intellectuals and their subsequent 1906 Constitutional Revolution shows the global influences and connections between the history of two so-called Non-Western worlds in the process of adapting Western forms and ideas in their respective reformist agendas.

Race and Nation in the Age of Emancipations ed. by Whitney Nell Stewart and John Garrison Marks

Reviewed by: Race and Nation in the Age of Emancipations ed. by Whitney Nell Stewart and John Garrison Marks Brandon R. Byrd Race and Nation in the Age of Emancipations. Edited by Whitney Nell Stewart and John Garrison Marks. Race in the Atlantic World, 1700-1900. (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2018. Pp. xvi, 205. Paper, $29.95, ISBN 978-0-8203-5311-1; cloth, $86.95, ISBN 978-0-8203-5310-4.) Few inventions have been more intertwined, influential, or destructive than race and nation. European nation-states first emerged during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, in the same moment that Europeans devised the transatlantic slave trade. The concept of race followed soon thereafter. While some European and American theorists insisted that every national group contributed its own special gift to the world, others proclaimed that nation-states existed on a hierarchical scale dictated by racial inequalities. The latter group of theorists achieved widespread acceptance of their inseparable beliefs in racial and national domination. By the late nineteenth century, the scientific racism and militaristic nationalism birthed in the age of slavery became the foundation of an era of imperialism and Jim Crow. Millions of Westerners accepted that race was a biological fact, that nation-states should be racially homogeneous, and that national hierarchies were not only natural but also explainable by the unequal, inherent capacities of their male citizens. A different history was possible. Across the nineteenth-century Atlantic world, countless free and enslaved black people championed an inclusive and egalitarian idea of humanity and envisioned a postemancipation world made of multiracial, or even black, republics. Those women and men often associated freedom with full citizenship and asserted their belonging to the nation-states that their labor had built. They articulated hopes and expectations foregrounded in Whitney Nell Stewart and John Garrison Marks's Race and Nation in the Age of Emancipations. An edited collection of essays first presented at a symposium held at Rice University, Race and Nation in the Age of Emancipations offers a compelling, comparative assessment of black people's understandings of race and nation during an age of emancipations stretching from the American, French, and Haitian Revolutions to the passage of Brazil's "Golden Law." Its ten essays from leading scholars are organized according to four themes: mobility and migration, law and legal status, labor and freedom, and race and the public sphere. Although spanning more than a century and addressing the black experience in mainland North America, the Caribbean, South America, and West Africa, the essays that compose Race and Nation in the Age of Emancipations offer a coherent narrative and illuminate through implicit comparison. As the editors write, the essays make the collective argument "that the Age of Emancipations represented a crucial moment in which people of African descent transformed the meaning of citizenship and national belonging" across the Atlantic world (p. 2). This fundamental point is made especially clear in Celso Thomas Castilho's essay, "The Racial Terms of Citizenship: Abolition and Its Political Aftermath in Northeastern Brazil." Focusing on public debates about and celebrations of abolition in the northern Brazilian city of Recife, Castilho demonstrates "how the mass interracial mobilizations that characterized Brazilian abolitionism also created new ideas about race and political belonging" (p. 184). He captures how [End Page 439] Afro-Brazilians staked claims to citizenship through their involvement in civic associations and their commemorations of abolition. In one evocative scene from June 13, 1888, the one-month anniversary of Brazil's abolition law, formerly enslaved people in Garanhuns asked for a commemorative mass at the local chapel and rejoiced in '"the restoration of their rights, though this was happening three centuries too late'" (p. 193). They, as Castilho writes, joined countless other freedpeople who "presented themselves as rightful members of the community" (p. 193). While Race and Nation in the Age of Emancipations foregrounds black people's similar, subversive assertions of belonging in nation-states that identified themselves with whiteness or antiblack multiracialism, it also shows how they forged new nation-states and redefined citizenship during the age of emancipations. Synthesizing recent scholarship on early Haitian history, Philip Kaisary's '"To Break Our Chains and Form a Free People...

Is Catching Up Possible? The Example of Central and Eastern Europe

In the age of “transnational monopoly capitalism,” the hierarchy of nations along the axial division of labor has become more sophisticated and rigid than ever. In the global cycles of capital accumulation, the price of the competitiveness of the center is paid by the periphery. This burden-transferring maintains the gap between the center and peripheries and becomes increasingly significant in times of crises. This is illustrated by the example of the Central and Eastern European EU-member states, where the transnational corporations (TNCs) enjoy higher rates of profit and exploitation, and correspondingly, lower unit labor costs and wage shares. The increase of GDP in the region has been creamed off by the TNCs through repatriation of profits. The more a (semi-) peripheral country is integrated into the hierarchic system of global accumulation of capital, the less its catching up is likely. It seems that catching up is only possible beyond capitalism Read More: https://guilfordjournals.com/doi/abs/10.1521/siso.2018.82.4.502

Analysis of Hassan’s Tragedy in the Kite Runner from the Three-dimensional Ethical Perspective

Hassan in The Kite Runner was brave, kind-hearted and loyal, but he still ended up with misery. From the three dimensional ethical perspective, Hassan’s tragedy is not only greatly related to national and religious ethics, but also influenced by deformed family ethics. Thus it can be seen that national discrimination and religious hierarchy exert negative impact on morality of Afghans. It is through this novel that Hosseini aims to reveals his broad humanistic feelings and call for others’ attention to Afghanistan as well.

Welshness in ‘British Wales’: negotiating national identity at the margins

AbstractPopular interpretations of national identity often focus on the unifying qualities of nationhood. However, societies frequently draw hierarchical distinctions between the people and places who are ‘most national’, and those who are ‘least national’. Little attention is paid to these marginal places within the nation and the experiences of their inhabitants. This article helps to address this by analysing the ‘less Welsh’ British Wales region of Wales, a country that has traditionally possessed a hierarchical, regionally constituted nationhood. The article studies the British Wales region both ‘from above’ – considering how some areas develop as ‘less national’ – and ‘from below’, introducing empirical ethnographic work into ‘everyday Welshness’ in this area. Whilst previous work on hierarchical nationhood focuses on how hierarchies are institutionalized by the state, this article demonstrates how people at the margins of the nation actively negotiate their place in the nation. Whilst people in this area expressed a strong Welshness, they also struggled to place themselves in the nation because they had internalized their lowly place within the national hierarchy. The article demonstrates the importance of place and social class for national identity construction and draws attention to the role of power in the discursive construction of hierarchical nationhood.

Social Relationships and the Prevention of Anti-Christian Violence in Egypt

Institutionalist accounts of sectarian and ethnic conflict tend to emphasize national divisions. For the master cleavages of identity politics to shape behavior, however, they must be reproduced at the local level. Otherwise, citizens will not experience private disagreements in terms of officially promoted differences. This finding comes from extensive fieldwork on collective assaults upon Christians in Qena, Egypt. The Egyptian state favors Muslim citizens over Christian citizens, but in Qena local practices eclipsed this national hierarchy. The likelihood of attacks on Christians depended not on how the state categorized Egyptian governors (Muslim or Christian), but whether the governors reproduced Muslim primacy in their social relationships

Reinforcing Zionist ableism in Israeli wheelchair folk dancing

ABSTRACTThis article examines a culturally specific case study of integrated dance. While integrated dance must constantly combat what I termed as disdance to earn legitimacy, each project might do this differently in its particular context. Based on documentary analysis and ethnography, I argue that in the Israeli context, wheelchair folk dancing utilises a Zionist version of ableism to promote cultural approval. The reinforcement of Zionist ableism includes: national hierarchy, militaristic myth, and exclusion of those who fail to represent overcoming. I conclude that public acceptance of Israeli disabled participants as dancers relies on their symbolic status as soldiers and/or overcomers.

Chinese and world cultural models of developmental hierarchy

Prior research on cultural models of developmental hierarchy finds broad cross-national agreement among publics about the rank ordering of societies on perceived level of development, based on an omnibus measure of development. In this research, I use a multidimensional index of world hierarchy derived from subjective evaluations of a large number of national attributes to explore dimensionality in Chinese perceptions of global hierarchy. Statistical analysis show that the data exhibit over time stability and strong association with objective measures of development and with alternate subjective measures of world hierarchy. Irrespective of the national attributes evaluated, Chinese respondents produced a very similar rank-ordering of countries on each of six different indexes. The Chinese model of world hierarchy shows broad overlap with the global hierarchy produced by raters from 19 other surveyed publics. Notable differences between Chinese and world cultural models of hierarchy include especially negative views of Japan, South Korea, Indonesia and India among Chinese respondents, and unusually favorable opinions of Russia, relative to the ratings of these countries by other publics. Analyses also show that respondents from 19 societies ranked China higher on the cultural dimension than on any other dimension but ranked the Chinese government lower than all but one country. Results suggest that scales based on an omnibus subjective measure of developmental hierarchy and indexes based on subjective ratings of national attributes produce a similar world hierarchy of nations.

India’s Strategic Imperatives in the Asian Commons

In May 2016, four Indian Navy warships sailed into the South China Sea on a two-and-a-half-month operational deployment to Southeast Asia and the northwest Pacific. The deployment was primarily to participate in Exercise Malabar 2016, an annual trilateral maritime interaction featuring the Indian, U.S., and Japanese navies, this year being held off Okinawa. But the deployment also included visits en route to the Philippines and Vietnam in the South China Sea. What raised eyebrows-particularly in Beijing-was that the foray came close on the heels of the first India-U.S. Maritime Security Dialogue on May 16, in which the two sides discussed Asia-Pacific challenges, naval cooperation, and multilateral engagement in the Asian commons.1If China needed further confirmation of India's growing security interests in the South China Sea, it was seemingly provided by reports in early June 2016 that New Delhi was set to sign an agreement to sell the BrahMos supersonic cruise missile to Vietnam, giving effect to a controversial proposal made many years earlier.2 Many saw this in conjunction with another media report released a few weeks earlier, which revealed that an Indian state-owned shipyard was being awarded a contract to build two warships for the Philippines.3 In addition, at the Shangri-La Dialogue in June 2016, Manohar Parrikar, the Indian defense minister, highlighted India's concerns about freedom of navigation in the South China Sea.4This essay posits that India's security role in the Asia Pacific is animated by its concerns over rising threats to freedom of navigation in the South China Sea-particularly the possibility that aggressive Chinese patrolling in the region may affect the flow of global trade. But India also believes that China's maritime maneuvers in Southeast Asia are motivated by a desire to eventually challenge India in its strategic backyard-the Indian Ocean-prompting New Delhi to take urgent steps to shore up Indian naval presence in the Indian Ocean region (IOR).India's Expanding Naval Presence in the Indo-PacificFor some analysts, India's recent activities in the western Pacific are primarily motivated by growing economic interests in East Asia. Since 2010, they argue, trade and commerce have been the key drivers of New Delhi's security policies in the Asia-Pacific. With more than 50% of Indian trade in the Asia-Pacific now flowing through the Malacca Strait, India has had little option but to raise its maritime profile in the region. 5 Indian observers claim that India's security operations in the South China Sea have only kept pace with the country's expanding economic interests.But the scope of Indian naval presence in the western Pacific cannot be explained merely in terms of commercial interests. With Indian naval deployments graduating from port calls, low-level exchanges, and benign flag showing to full-scale maritime operations with partner navies in the Pacific littoral, there appear to be other considerations underpinning Indian naval activism in the region.6 Specifically, two other factors are prompting the Indian Navy to increase its involvement in the Pacific. First, maritime disputes in the Southeast Asian littoral have given India an opportunity to demonstrate its support for international maritime law. With its steady rise in the hierarchy of powerful maritime nations, India now feels a greater obligation to take a stand on issues of maritime principle as enshrined in the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). Second, India is increasingly concerned about China's military rise and its adverse impact on the strategic balance in Asia. Uncertainty over China's geopolitical intentions in the South China Sea exacerbates existing power asymmetries. By playing a greater security role in East Asia, India hopes to contribute to the restoration of strategic equilibrium in the Indo-Pacific.By some accounts, it is China's recent maritime activism in the South China Sea that has been the most immediate trigger for Indian naval operations in the western Pacific. …

Sport and Social Inequalities

AbstractThis article reviews recent research on the relationship between sport and social inequalities, focusing on gender, race, nation and social mobility. Through an engagement with these areas of research, we highlight how sport reflects and reinforces broader hierarchical structures; how it serves as a site for both inclusion and exclusion, but in ways that work unevenly; and how sport is ultimately a site for social reproduction of hierarchy and social stratification. We argue that the gender, racial and national hierarchies that sport is embedded within interact to largely prevent sport from being a site for social mobility, despite popular myths to the contrary.

Immigrant Arab adolescents in ethnic enclaves: physical and phenomenological contexts of identity negotiation.

Ecologically embedded social identity theories were used to examine the risk and protective factors associated with the identity negotiation and adjustment of recent immigrant Arab (IA) adolescents to the United States residing in ethnic enclaves. Yemeni, Lebanese, and Iraqi 8th-graders (n = 45) from 4 ethnic enclave schools participated in focus-group interviews. In-depth analyses of interviews revealed that living in an ethnic enclave enhanced IA adolescents' feelings of belonging to the community. However, the new immigrant status coupled with country of origin determined the permeability of intergroup boundaries with well-established Arab and Arab American peers. Their identity negotiations and social identity salience (national, religious, and pan-Arab) were informed by transitional experiences from home to host country and the prevailing political and cultural tensions between the two, recognition of national hierarchy within the Arab community, perceptions of discrimination by the larger society, changed educational aspirations consequent to immigration, and current physical (school and community) and phenomenological contexts. Findings suggest that current theoretical perspectives should be extended to incorporate phenomenological representations of past spaces and places not currently occupied to understand adolescents' multifaceted identity.

Defining the friendly Other: A case study of the public reception of Finnish films in Sweden

Abstract This article discusses the relations between Swedish and Finnish film cultures adopting a historical cross-cultural reception framework. The cinema season 1937−1938 in Stockholm, when five Finnish films – an exceptional number – premiered, was a significant turning point for the import of Finnish films. The films aroused interest, and all of them were reviewed in the newspapers. The case illustrates how notions of both national cinema and national hierarchies are formed within transnational processes, which take place in networks encompassing different countries and cultures. Swedish journalists regarded Finnish cinema as backward compared to Swedish cinema, but as evolving: despite their primitiveness, Finnish films expressed authenticity and artistic ambition, even to a greater extent than Swedish films of the time. Through evaluations, comparisons and the construction of hierarchies, Swedish film journalists not only defined Finnish cinema but also presented ideas about Swedish and Nordic cinema.

Notes Toward an Understanding of the U.S. Market in Foreign LL.M. Students: From the British Empire and the Inns of Court to the U.S. LL.M.

Notes Toward an Understanding of the U.S. Market in Foreign LL.M. Students: From the British Empire and the Inns of Court to the U.S. LL.M. Bryant G. Garth (bio) Mindie Lazarus-Black and Julie Globokar’s article on “Foreign Attorneys in U.S. LL.M. Programs: Who’s In, Who’s Out, and Who They Are” uses interviews, LL.M. student observations, and actual admissions committee documents from one Midwest and one East Coast law school to confirm the tremendous growth of those programs over the past two decades in the United States and indicate who makes the journey to the United States; how foreign LL.M. candidates pitch themselves to admissions committees; how those admissions committees evaluate candidates; and what candidates expect from LL.M. programs. The voices that come through are quite compelling. We now know more about this aspect of the “internationalization” of legal practice. The authors situate their research in the literature on audit cultures and issues of commensuration, explaining how these practices affect what individuals put into their applications and how admissions committees assess those applications. Those contributions make for interesting reading as well as strong scholarly findings. My contribution to this symposium, however, will take a somewhat different perspective, and will place the findings into a framework that differs substantially from, but is not necessarily inconsistent with, Lazarus-Black and Globokar’s.1 Globalization, including educational exchange in law, must be situated within a long history of competition among nations for global hegemony. Law has long been an instrument and point of entry into this imperial competition. One way was for the “civilized nations” to use international law to legitimate their dominance, moderate the behavior of these nations among themselves, and give them a claim of legitimacy [End Page 67] when attacking those nations outside the civilized order—including, at times, China and Turkey, for example.2 The pressure on Japan and China to emulate European legal systems late in the nineteenth century came in part from an effort to gain access to the benefits of being “civilized.” Considerable educational exchange between Asia and the West, including exchange with Germany and the United States, was part of that process.3 The second way was a central component of empire itself. In the classic situation well exemplified by India,4 the colonial power, in this case Great Britain, sought to legitimate its rule at home and in India by building a legal system in India—thereby claiming to civilize the Indians by teaching them governance.5 As part of the process, they educated Indians—notably in law—who could also help rule according to British colonial law. The British self-consciously made sure that they educated Indian elites, particularly Brahmins and Parsis from Bombay, and some of the children of merchants also paid their own way to the Inns of Court via Oxford or Cambridge. The Indian elite was in this way co-opted into the colonial system and also came to identify with British values, including the value of the British common law. In a famous statement by Tomas Babington Macaulay, the goal was to create “a class who may be interpreters between us and the millions whom we govern; a class of persons, Indian in blood and colour, but English in taste, in opinions, in morals, and in intellect.”6 At the same time, these elites used their British education to reinforce their social status within India.7 Even though they identified with British values, they became the leaders of independence. Often they came to favor independence in part by experiencing second-class treatment in Britain while they were studying. The leadership of the Congress Party, including Jawaharlal Nehru, the first Prime Minister, came from this process, and of course, Mahatma Gandhi was a lawyer (although his route to Indian leadership was unique). Nehru and the [End Page 68] Congress Party created a government that sought to preserve the values of British law. Elements of this process of mutual co-optation within a global and national hierarchy can be found not just among the British colonies, but also the Dutch in Indonesia; the Spanish and Portuguese in Latin America...