National Delegations Research Articles

Analysis of the environmental factors contributing to road traffic accidents involving school-aged pedestrian children in urban Algerian settings

Despite efforts by the Algerian government and civil society to improve road safety, traffic accidents remain a significant issue, particularly affecting children and youth. Data from the National Delegation for Road Safety (NDSR) reveals that this demographic is especially vulnerable, with 371 child fatalities recorded during the 2020-2021 school year. This study evaluated road safety around twelve primary schools in Oued El Abtal district, Mascara province, and aimed to identify effective interventions through a participatory approach involving 1,074 students. An anonymous questionnaire was used to capture students' perceptions of road risks, and the data were analyzed using IBM SPSS Statistics V27. Chi-square and Fisher’s exact tests were applied to examine associations between gender and variables like travel mode, school accompaniment, student behavior, and crossing locations. The sample was balanced by gender, consisting of 50.9% boys and 49.1% girls. Walking was the predominant travel mode (75.2%; n=808). Key risk factors included inadequate infrastructure (3.2%), insufficient signage (11.7%), sidewalk obstructions (5.1%), dangerous driving behaviors (12.2%, with speeding at 29.5%), heavy traffic (16.2%), and poor urban planning (e.g., lack of speed bumps and low visibility). These findings highlight the urgent need for targeted interventions to improve the safety of school commutes. This research identifies critical risk factors in school travel, providing a foundation for developing strategies aimed at enhancing road safety for children in Algeria.

The European Conservatives and Reformists Group: Cooperation or Opposition in Europe’s Parliament?

ABSTRACT The European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) group has emerged as an important player in European Parliament (EP) decision-making. Drawing on about 1,300 EP plenary votes from July 2019 to June 2022, we demonstrate that the ECR group has played an active and often cooperative role in the politics of the EP, albeit not in the policy areas where its national conservative and soft Eurosceptic ideology comes to prominence, such as women’s rights or institutional affairs. We complement the quantitative analysis with an in-depth investigation of the group’s position on the New Pact on Migration and Asylum. Our investigation shows that the ECR group’s unified stance against migration has often failed to translate into cohesive legislative actions by its national party delegations, aligning instead with national interests as defined by these parties.

From spatial prioritization to conservation management in the Southern Ocean using the marine IBAs approach

Implementing effective conservation action requires spatial prioritization exercises to be functionally integrated with a process for developing an implementation strategy. There is great potential for animal tracking data to inform marine management in the Southern Ocean. Using information on penguin distribution, a set of marine Important Bird Areas (mIBAs) has recently been identified around Antarctica. Large-scale spatial analyses like this are key to guide resources and the attention of decision-makers towards areas of significant value. Yet, protecting marine resources requires translating prioritization exercises into legally-binding conservation measures. Here we use one of the largest gentoo colonies in Antarctica as a case study to explore pathways for the utilization of the mIBAs approach in the design and implementation of conservation measures in the Southern Ocean. For scientists and organizations willing to have a policy impact, there are two main routes to contribute to Antarctic Treaty System (ATS) decision-making: through Parties' National Delegations, or through Experts and Observers. We provide three main recommendations for incorporating the results of spatial prioritization analyses into the agenda of ATS governance bodies using the mIBAs approach: 1. Differentiate the potential contribution of mIBAs to spatial prioritization from the potential contribution to conservation planning, two different stages in the conservation process; 2. Use methods, criteria and data for delineating boundaries of potential conservation areas according to the stage of the conservation process that the outputs are expected to contribute to; 3. Understand how Antarctic mIBAs might fit into the ATS conservation measures framework and ongoing deliberations.

Swimming against the tide: transfer from civil society consultations to track 1

ABSTRACT This article introduces a three-phase model for evaluating transfer from civil society consultations to track 1. It applies this model to analyse how Syrian civil society has contributed to the political track in the UN-led mediation process. Drawing on in-depth interviews conducted between 2019–2021, the assessment showcases how knowledge-based outcomes generated by civil society are incorporated unevenly by track-1 actors. While these outcomes set the baseline for the participation of civil society in track 1, the absence of strong mechanisms of transfer and the resistance from national delegations and countries in an already fragile negotiation preclude a substantial contribution from civil society. This article’s contribution is twofold. First, it bridges two strands of literature by showing how transfer can be used to systematically examine civil society’s contributions to peace processes. Second, it adds to the transfer literature by providing an empirical model to evaluate transfer in civil society consultations.

The role of national delegations in the politics of the European Parliament

The European Parliament (EP) constitutes a prime site of contemporary party politics in Europe. Its seven political groups represent political interests and ideologies beyond specific national interests. Within the groups, national delegations exert considerable power. The research objective of this article is to generate new knowledge about the role of national delegations within political groups. The research material consists of 140 elite interviews with MEPs and staff. The data allow the article to analyse the construction of the role and the importance of national delegations and to focus not just on formal institutions, but also on informal ones which are often outside the reach of quantitative methods and data. The findings suggest that political groups can be divided into different categories. The role and influence of national delegations are strongly governed by informal institutions, in particular when it comes to distribution of leadership positions and policy making.

Communicating the best available science to inform Antarctic policy and management: a practical introduction for researchers

AbstractCommunication at the science-policy interface can be bewildering not only for early-career researchers, but also for many within the research community. In the context of Antarctica and the Southern Ocean, decision-makers operating within the Antarctic Treaty System (ATS) aspire to use the best available science as a basis for their decision-making. Therefore, to maximize the impact of Antarctic Treaty Parties' substantial investment in southern polar research, researchers wishing to contribute to policy and management must understand 1) how their work relates to and can potentially inform Antarctic and/or global policy and 2) the available mechanisms by which their research can be communicated to decision-makers. Recognizing these needs, we describe the main legal instruments relevant to Antarctic governance (primarily the ATS) and the associated meetings and stakeholders that contribute to policy development for the region. We highlight effective mechanisms by which Antarctic researchers may communicate their science into the policy realm, including through National Delegations or the Scientific Committee on Antarctic Research (SCAR), and we detail the key contemporary topics of interest to decision-makers, including those issues where further research is needed. Finally, we describe challenges at the Antarctic science-policy interface that may potentially slow or halt policy development.

Pediatric antibiotic stewardship programs in Europe: a pilot survey among delegates of The European Academy of Pediatrics.

Antimicrobial resistance (AMR) is one of the leading causes of morbidity and mortality worldwide. Efforts to promote the judicious use of antibiotics and contain AMR are a priority of several medical organizations, including the WHO. One effective way to achieve this goal is the deployment of antibiotic stewardship programs (ASPs). This study aimed to survey the current situation of pediatric ASPs in European countries and establish a baseline for future attempts to harmonize pediatric ASPs and antibiotic use in Europe. A web-based survey was conducted among national delegates of the European Academy of Paediatrics (EAP). The survey assessed the presence of pediatric ASPs in the representatives' countries in the inpatient and outpatient settings, the staff included in the programs, and their detailed activities regarding antibiotic use. Of the 41 EAP delegates surveyed, 27 (66%) responded. Inpatient pediatric ASPs were reported in 74% (20/27) countries, and outpatient programs in 48% (13/27), with considerable variability in their composition and activities. Guidelines for managing pediatric infectious diseases were available in nearly all countries (96%), with those for neonatal infections (96%), pneumonia (93%), urinary tract (89%), peri-operative (82%), and soft tissue (70%) infections being the most common. Pediatric ASPs were reported at the national (63%), institutional (41%), and regional/local (<15%) levels. Pediatricians with infectious disease training (62%) and microbiologists (58%) were the most common members of the program personnel, followed by physician leaders (46%), infectious disease/infection control physicians (39%), pharmacists (31%), and medical director representatives (15%). Activities of the pediatric ASPs included educational programs (85%), monitoring and reporting of antibiotic use (70%) and resistance (67%), periodic audits with feedback (44%), prior approval (44%), and post-prescription review of selected antibiotic agents (33%). Although pediatric ASPs exist in most European countries, their composition and activities vary considerably across countries. Initiatives to harmonize comprehensive pediatric ASPs across Europe are needed.

Italy in the Council of the European Union: votes and statements

ABSTRACT The Council of the European Union is considered to be ‘a consensus machine’. Yet, disagreements still happen at the voting stage, with abstentions, oppositions, and statements defining the positions of national delegations even at the end of long bargaining processes. This article explores the behaviours of Italian representatives in the Council from 1995 to 2019. The analysis uses roll call data to test expectations emerging from the previous comparative literature in the context of this more demanding single-country research design. Amongst the hypotheses, the results confirm that chairing the Council, and the partisanship of governments on the ideological and EU integration dimensions, are systematically associated with various ways in which opposition and dissent are expressed. Furthermore, we find that caretaker cabinets and government heterogeneity also reduce the likelihood of Italian disagreements in the Council.

“For the Advancement and Betterment of Humanity”: The Fight for Women's Suffrage at Utah's Constitutional Convention

“For the Advancement and Betterment of Humanity”: The Fight for Women's Suffrage at Utah's Constitutional Convention

On the Politics of Viruses and Visibility

On the Politics of Viruses and Visibility

Who cares about the UN General Assembly? National delegations size from 1993 to 2016

AbstractThe UN General Assembly is the central forum of world politics. While it formally allows the member states to delegate up to five representatives, the size of the national delegations is generally larger and significantly increases over time. In this paper, I explore the size of the national delegations to the General Assembly from 1993 to 2016. Generally, the major powers (USA, Russia) send the biggest delegations. Surprisingly, China sends significantly smaller delegations than it used to before 2008. Big delegations are also sent by some small (Sweden, Finland, Norway, Switzerland) or developing countries (Nigeria, Bangladesh). My analysis shows that national capacities and issue‐specific motivations drive up the delegation size. Although the issue‐specific explanations are relatively rare in UN‐related research (due to the general‐purpose nature of the organisation), I argue that human rights, international security, economic development, and UN governance are the agendas for which states care about the General Assembly.

Current Fat Grafting Practices and Preferences: A Survey from Members of ISPRES.

We conducted an electronic survey with a 30-item questionnaire of 62 members of the International Society of Plastic Regenerative Surgeons. We collected demographic information, techniques, and experiences related to large volume (100-200 ml) and small-volume (<100 ml) fat grafting. The majority of the respondents worked predominantly as aesthetic surgeons. The donor area selection was based on the patient's fat availability (59.7%). For fat enrichment, platelet-rich-plasma and adipose stem cells were routinely used by 12.9% and 9.7% of respondents, respectively. A 3- to 4-mm cannula with three holes was the most preferred instrument for large-volume fat harvesting (69.5%). For small-volume fat grafting, 2-mm cannulas (75.8%) with Mercedes tip (27.3%) were used most commonly. For processing, decantation of fat was performed by 56.5% of respondents (without exclusivity). For handheld injections (without exclusivity), respondents preferred a 1- to 2-mm cannula with a 1 cm3 syringe. The most popular method of outcome assessment was photographic evaluation. The respondents' tendencies were similar to those reported in the previous literature, with some exceptions, such as the technique for preparing fat and enrichment. A wider cross-sectional survey, involving national delegates and global representatives of plastic surgeons, is anticipated.

Ա պատվիրակության լիազոր ներկայացուչ Մ. Տամատյանի գործունեությունը Կիլիկիայում 1918-1920 թթ. / The Authorized Representative of the National Delegation M. Tamatyan's Activity in Cilicia in 1918-1920

One of the best periods of the life of M. Tamatyan, a prominent figure in the Armenian national liberation struggle, was the period of his patriotic activity in Cilicia in 1918-1920. The First World War ended with the Armistice of Mudros, after which the French authorities, who seized Cilicia, promised independence to the Armenians who miraculously escaped the genocide and were exiled to the Syrian deserts. Cilician Armenians began to gradually return and equip their native lands. In 1918, M. Tamatyan, as an authorized representative of the National Delegation, arrived in Cilicia and, with his inherent unshakable patriotism, harnessed himself to the difficult task of organizing the life of the local Armenians, rapprochement with the French authorities, ensuring opposition to the ongoing attacks of the Kemalaturk cutthroats and settling other topical issues. Hoping for the support of the French military authorities, Tamatyan even tried to proclaim autonomy in Cilicia. However, the French, reoriented towards Turkey, having forgotten about the promises given to the Armenians, dispersed the newly formed government of Armenians by military force. Disappointed by these realities, Tamatian left Cilicia in an extremely depressed state.

Six by five: Soviet and emigrant historians at the 7th International congress of historical sciences

The focus of the authors’ attention is the dialogue between emigrant historians and their Soviet colleagues during the International historical congress that was held in Warsaw in August 1933. It was the first congress that took place in a Slavic country. The main sources of research are the reports and accounts of the participants of the congress, presented in the form of publications in Soviet scientific magazines («Historian Marxist», «Class Struggle»), in emigrant periodicals («Russia and Svadom») and in European reviews («Revue historigue de droit francais et etranger»). The authors also use paperwork documents from the Foundation of the Institute of History of the Comacademy. The Soviet delegation consisted of six members, while there were five emigrant scientists, who were at the same time members of national delegations of other countries where they were living. The common interest of both sides, which appeared behind the congress venues, was recorded, the features of self-descriptions and presentations and self-presentation to the world scientific community were revealed. The constructed corporate portraits of each other were demonstrated. The conclusion was made that there was not a constructive dialogue between different sides. At the same time it was noted that there was not a provocative dialogue either, like one that occurred during the congress at Oslo. The reasons for this stagnation were identified. The authors of this article characterize prevailing atmosphere at the congress (let’s not quarrel) as «communicative plateau», that was connected with the increasingly complicated international situation of the early thirties.

Petroleum++: Petroleum Industry’s Viewpoints Vital at COP27

Our industry is front and center with any wave of climate change discussion. This is our reality and was the case in the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (COP27), held in the resort of Sharm El Sheikh in Egypt in November 2022. Reports indicate COP27 had a better outcome than the previous COP26 meeting. So naturally, I want to share this information with our members. There are numerous outcomes that I am certain SPE will be discussing in future meetings and publications. Three aspects, in particular, are the participation of the oil industry in the conference, decarbonization vs. reduction, and attempts to phase out petroleum. Petroleum industry participants outnumbered every national delegation at the COP27 climate summit. The influence of UAE, the host of COP28 in 2023, showed on the sidelines and in the negotiations with CEOs of several international and national oil companies and oil ministers in attendance. Getting involved in climate change events, presenting the industry’s viewpoint, and explaining the substantial efforts taken to mitigate the climate challenge is essential for our industry to continue, to level the playing field and offer a balanced path to energy security and sustainability that we owe the world based on what our industry can deliver. UAE President Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan said at the leaders’ summit, “The UAE is known as a responsible supplier of energy and will continue to play this role as long as the world needs oil and gas.” The Minister of Petroleum and Mineral Resources of Egypt, Tarek El-Molla, added, “As the cleanest hydrocarbon fuel, natural gas is seen as the perfect solution that strikes the right balance and will continue to play a key role in the future energy mix.” Some of the highlights of the conference included: - The emphasis on decarbonizing, rather than reducing, fossil fuel use was adequately addressed and continually presented as a viable method to help reach net-zero emissions by 2050. - Abu Dhabi National Oil Company (ADNOC) showcased Al Reyadah, the region’s first commercial-scale carbon capture utilization and storage facility. - Saudi Arabia’s Minister of Energy announced the signing of a joint development agreement with Saudi Aramco for one of the largest planned carbon capture and storage (CCS) hubs in the world. The center in Jubail Industrial City will begin operation by 2027 and be able to store 9 million tonnes of carbon dioxide (CO2) in its first phase, and extract, use, and store 44 million tonnes of CO2 by 2035. At the 2021 COP26 in Glasgow, coal was named as a problem for the first time, with countries agreeing to phase down its use. In Sharm el-Sheikh, some sought to turn the heat onto other fossil fuels. Egypt never included fossil fuel phaseout language in the draft text, although it does promote renewables and “low-emission” energy. This could be interpreted as gas, which has lower emissions when burned than coal or other fossil fuels, with CCS. The final resolutions of the conference did not include any language to phase down petroleum.

Newly discovered documents about Grigor Zohrap’s activity

After the publication of the monograph “The chronicle of the life and activities of Grigor Zohrap” by Prof. Albert Sharuryan it would seem that all episodes of Zohrap’s life had been revealed. Yet the study of Russian-German diplomatic clash in regard to the Armenian reforms in 1913 shows that G. Zohrap was actively involved not only in that process but he also functioned as the main negotiator from the Armenian side, a fact which remained un-noticed by historians and philologists. While the Armenian national delegation headed by Poghos Nubar was the official body representing the Armenian problem to great powers in Europe, in Constantinople the official negotiating body was the Commission of Safety of Armenian Patriarchy. G. Zohrap was one of the five members of the Harassing commission which supported the Safety commission who in the course of negotiations became the main actor. His participation in the negotiations was hidden by Russian diplomacy and by the Armenian circles and G. Zohrap himself. He was a member of the Ottoman parliament and it would be quite dangerous since the Young Turks could accuse him of treachery. The documents presented in the article deal with the meetings of G. Zohrap with the first translator of the Russian embassy A.N. After the publication of the monograph “The chronicle of the life and activities of Grigor Zohrap” by Prof. Albert Sharuryan it would seem that all episodes of Zohrap’s life had been revealed. Yet the study of Russian-German diplomatic clash in regard to the Armenian reforms in 1913 shows that G. Zohrap was actively involved not only in that process but he also functioned as the main negotiator from the Armenian side, a fact which remained un-noticed by historians and philologists. While the Armenian national delegation headed by Poghos Nubar was the official body representing the Armenian problem to great powers in Europe, in Constantinople the official negotiating body was the Commission of Safety of Armenian Patriarchy. G. Zohrap was one of the five members of the Harassing commission which supported the Safety commission who in the course of negotiations became the main actor. His participation in the negotiations was hidden by Russian diplomacy and by the Armenian circles and G. Zohrap himself. He was a member of the Ottoman parliament and it would be quite dangerous since the Young Turks could accuse him of treachery. The documents presented in the article deal with the meetings of G. Zohrap with the first translator of the Russian embassy A.N. Mandelstam on August 20, 21, and 24, September 1-2, 1913 and the second translator of the German embassy Schönberg on August 30. These documents are kept in the archive of the Mother See of Holy Etchmiadzin. In the documents Zohrap’s name is missing but the comparison of documents of Great powers and memories of contemporaries comes to prove that it was he who negotiated on behalf of the patriarchy. After the end of the meetings G. Zohrap came to the Safety commission and talked about the course and results of the negotiations. His reports were recorded and sent to Gevorg V Surenyan, the Catholicos of All Armenians. The study of these documents shows that G. Zohrap had a considerable contribution in the achievement of a compromised Russian-German agreement in regard to the Armenian reforms.

Balázs Ablonczy. Ismeretlen Trianon: Az összeomlás és a békeszerződés történetei, 1918–1921 [Unknown Trianon: histories of the collapse and the peace treaty, 1918–21

Balázs Ablonczy. <i>Ismeretlen Trianon: Az összeomlás és a békeszerződés történetei, 1918–1921</i> [Unknown Trianon: histories of the collapse and the peace treaty, 1918–21

Fat Grafting Practices and Preferences, Are We Any Closer to a Standardized Approach? A Survey Providing Insights on Current Trends in Small and Large Fat Grafting

INTRODUCTION: Fat grafting has revolutionized plastic surgery practices since Coleman brought it to the frontline in 1995, and it is now used in a variety of areas ranging from breast reconstruction to regenerative medicine. However, due to a lack of evidence-based studies, multicenter, prospective, and/or randomized trials, we still don’t recognize which variables influence fat grafting’s positive clinical outcomes. METHODS: Following International Society of Plastic Regenerative Surgeons (ISPRES) Board approval, a 30-item questionnaire online survey was designed for distribution to a randomized cohort of ISPRES members) from 2nd July to 16th July 2021, participation in the survey was voluntary and participants could exit the survey without submitting their responses at any time. No participant compensation was provided. The questionnaire was designed to delineate in addition to demographic information, experience, practices, and beliefs among surgeons with regard to the use of autologous fat for contour restoration. RESULTS: The survey was completed by 62 ISPRES members, with 93.5% of the participants having Plastic Surgery Board Certification Status. The mean age of the surveyed members was 53 (9.7). The majority of the members (69.4%) work predominantly in aesthetic plastic surgery. Experience with Large-volume Fat Grafting Donor Site Selection The most commonly used donor area selection criteria were based on the patient’s fat availability (59.7 percent). In addition, 35.5 percent said they preferred to go directly to the abdomen, and only three (4.8 percent) said the patients chose the donor area. Nevertheless, when asked which zones they prefer to remove fat, when possible, abdomen (88.7%) was the commonest site, followed by flanks (62.9 percent). Fat Grafting Harvesting Infiltration Solution, Harvesting Instrument and Technique The most common infiltration solutions used in high volume fat transfers are the 3: 1 ratio tumescent solution (41.9 percent), secondly the super wet solution (40.3 percent) and thirdly the wet solution {100-300 ml of liquid (with or without epinephrine) at each site to be treated} (14.5 percent). Most respondents chose multiple options for the preferred cannula size, tip, holes and method used for fat harvest. The most common instrument preferred for large-volume fat harvesting amongst the respondents are 3-4mm cannulas (69.5 percent). Respondents’ preference of type of cannula tip and holes for fat harvest in large-volume procedures were the three-hole standard cannulas. Handheld suction (59.7 percent) was the most preferred fat harvest method followed by vacuum machine suction (46.8 percent.) Fat Graft Processing Following fat harvest, 56.5 percent (n=35) respondents (without exclusivity) performed decantation of fat, 43.5 percent performed centrifugation. Routine addition of PRP (platelet-rich-plasma) and adipose stem cells have been reported by 12.9 percent and 9.7 percent respondents respectively. Furthermore, 13 respondents report employing additional processing steps to isolate, prepare and store adipose stem cells. Fat Injection For handheld injections (without exclusivity), respondents prefer 1-2mm cannula with 1cc syringe (58.1 percent), closely followed by 1-2mm cannula with 10cc syringe (56.4 percent). Assessment of Outcome Preoperative and postoperative picture evaluation (59.6 percent) and clinical assessment (20.9 percent) were the most commonly used for assessment of fat graft survival by respondents. Only 14.5 percent of participants use preoperative and postoperative 3D images to evaluate. Fat Transfer in Cosmetic Breast Augmentation and Application of Pre-expansion Devices for Breast Augmentation The most commonly preferred plane for fat injection in cosmetic breast augmentation were gland and subcutaneous tissue. Only 8.1 percent (n=5) respondents routinely use pre-expansion devices for breast augmentation before fat grafting. Experience with Small-volume Fat Grafting The majority (53.3 percent) of the responders performed none or less than 25 percent of the small volume fat grafts under general anesthesia. Although there are almost 29 percent of surgeons who apply general anesthesia in 50 percent or more of them, being that 8 percent of them perform almost all surgeries with general anesthesia. CONCLUSION: Evidence-based studies incorporating randomized controlled, prospective, multicenter trials are imperative to understand which variables influence positive fat grafting clinical outcomes. Our research shows preliminary findings analyzing the current practices and preferences of the ISPRES community. The respondents’ tendencies were similar to previous literature, with some exceptions, such as the technique for preparing fat and enrichment, as well as the disparity in responses in the use of cannulas. A cross-sectional survey study of a wider scope, involving national delegates and global representatives of plastic surgeons is anticipated.

Peace on Our Terms: The Global Battle for Women's Rights after the First World War

Peace on Our Terms: The Global Battle for Women's Rights after the First World War

Policy preferences, unity, and floor dissent in the European Parliament

ABSTRACT To what extent do individual members of the European Parliament (MEPs) have policy and ideological incentives to vote against their European Political Groups (EPGs) and national party delegations (NPDs), and how often they act on these by voting against the party line? Documenting over-time variations in incentives to dissent in floor votes using five waves of surveys of MEPs, covering the years 1994–2019, this article shows that while these have generally decreased over time, they remain substantial. Further, by combining individual floor voting records on legislation and individual MEP survey responses for the 2004–2009 EP, the article shows that while individual MEP preferences significantly influence the decision to dissent from the EPG line in floor votes, this is not the case for voting against their NPD, lending support to the argument that the primary principal for MEPs is their national party, not their EPG.