National Ideology Research Articles

I DO NOT KNOW

A growing number of Indonesian young people, both on campuses and social media, are identifying as agnostics. However, many do so without fully understanding what agnosticism means, often seeing it as an anti-mainstream alternative to atheism. This trend presents a challenge for educators, particularly in Christian schools and universities, who must engage with these students effectively. In the Indonesian context, this issue is further complicated by Pancasila, which upholds belief in God as national ideology. This essay uses recent literature to introduce the basic tenets of agnosticism, identify types of agnosticism, and offer educators practical strategies – from theology, philosophy, and psychology – to foster deeper understanding of this issue in schools.

Are local policy attitudes distinct?

Abstract Scholars disagree as to whether Americans’ attitudes toward local issues are structured ideologically and whether these are related to national policy ideology. We use two surveys of American adults to assess whether and to what extent Americans' local policy attitudes exhibit a similar structure as do national policy attitudes. We find that items asking about local policy are just as likely to reflect a latent dimension of policy preferences as those asking about national policy. Additionally, when local and national items are scaled separately, those scales are highly correlated. Our findings indicate that attitudes toward many local issues are aligned with national ideology. A smaller subset of attitudes about local issues appears distinctively local and possibly structured by non-ideological cleavages.

Romanticizing Caste in Gaadi and Alborada: An Analysis of Two Contemporary Sri Lankan Films

This paper critically assesses Prasanna Vithanage’s Gaadi (2019) and Asoka Handagama’s Alborada (2021) as sites of uncontested reproductions of caste hierarchy, which reestablish hierarchical caste and gender relations, unraveling the nexus between patriarchy and caste. It investigates how Vithanage and Handagama have employed myth and history in film, in a context where Sri Lankan film makers have used historical discourse to validate hegemonic Sinhala nationalist formations. It examines to what extent Vithanage and Handagama succumb to nationalist ideology and thereby legitimize caste, class, and gender inequality, or whether they unravel the violence and coercion inflicted upon women for the maintenance of caste and patriarchy. Drawing upon postcolonial feminism which examines the linkages between caste and gender, this paper contends that despite the films’ move to romanticize caste and reinforce and validate existing caste stereotypes, they nevertheless demonstrate the ways in which women resist, contest and negotiate patriarchal power, however minimal.

Between deep comradeship and nationalism: The social dynamics of solidarity on the battlefield

AbstractThis article explores the social mechanisms that facilitate the transformation of micro‐level bonds into coherent nationalist narratives of solidarity. The aim is to explain the paradox: while the armed forces are highly nationalist institutions, most ordinary combatants detest nationalist rhetoric on the battlefield. Drawing on the interviews with the combatants who fought in the 1991–1995 wars in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina together with the analysis of the mass media reports, I examine how deep bonds of micro‐solidarity forged in the violent experiences are transformed into coherent nationalist discourses. I explore how social ties generated in the protracted face‐to‐face interactions can be enveloped by the specific social organisations and then ‘translated’ into nationalist ideologies that project deep comradeship as ‘national solidarities’. I aim to show that the direct war experience does not automatically generate strong bonds of national solidarity. Instead, nationalism is always a product of protracted coercive‐organisational, ideological and micro‐interactional work.

Constructed Identities and Dueling Ideologies: Reading Ancient Israelite Foreign Oracles as Ideological Critique

Abstract This article aims to advance understanding of foreign nation oracles in the hb/ot by analyzing how many such oracles focus, more precisely, on subgroups within the polities named and direct their critique against that group’s articulation and enactment of imperialistic or nationalistic ideologies. The article first draws upon sociology and critical discourse analysis to sketch a theoretical perspective in which to analyze such oracles, then heuristically explores nation oracles in several prophetic books to illuminate the significance of their double focus on subgroups associated with ideologies which, as discourses of power, definitively validate and vindicate their proponents over against the Other. The article concludes with reflections on the value of ideologically-sensitive interpretation of prophetic oracles concerning foreign groups in light of this phenomenon’s overlap with sociology, imperialism, ideological critique, and justice.

Collectivization as a page of history and its place in the national ideology of modern Russia

The article substantiates the necessity of the national ideology of the modern Russian Federation to be based on adequate representations of most important events of the Soviet period of the country’s history. Russian historiography will inevitably form a system of such representations in the near future. The authors confidently position collectivization of the peasant village as the central of the events in question, showing why the Soviet version of collectivization is approximately as far from the historical truth as the ideological interpretation of the 90s, which arrived to substitute the so-called «Marxism-Leninism». Local history investigations and family chronicles contain one of the principal proofs of this, confirming the consistence of Peasant Studies as a tool for historical and sociological research.

Spanish (Neo-)Party Press: The Case of the Digital Native Newspaper La Última Hora and Podemos

ABSTRACT This paper argues that the traditional party press model is currently making a comeback, due to social polarisation, digital technologies and the online-only press, whose partisan and ideological nature provides a favourable context for media outlets acting at the service of a specific political party. In Spain, the consolidation of the online-only press has coincided with the breakdown of the two-party system, leading to the appearance of La Última Hora Noticias (LUH), a digital native newspaper that defines itself as independent, but whose discourse is identifiable with the position of political party Podemos, in what can be regarded as a sort of “neo-party press”. This paper aims to shed light on this trend by analysing LUH in terms of the characteristics of the traditional party press, the topics that it covers, the frequency with which it mentions Podemos and its leaders and how it represents them, and the different parties that it defends or criticises. The results reveal that LUH uses party-press techniques, clearly identifies with Podemos’ political interests, and resorts to formulas that are closer to propaganda than to political journalism.

State Policy in the Tourism Field of Ukraine: Socio-Humanitarian Priorities of Development and Post-War Recovery

In the reviewed monograph “State policy in the tourism field of Ukraine: socio-humanitarian dimension”, the author Alla Havryliuk offers to use the marketing paradigm of promoting domestic tourism as a national ideology, as well as a tool of management and territory development. New directions of state policy implementation in conditions of decentralisation, focused on promoting key tourist identifiers of the locality are presented, such as types of tourism, image, brand, reputation, souvenir branding and intangible cultural heritage.

Image restoration strategies in pandemic crisis communication: a comparative analysis of Chinese and American COVID-19 political speeches

This study explores the effectiveness of image restoration strategies in pandemic crisis communication at the highest levels of administration. By integrating corpus-assisted discourse analysis with Image Repair Theory, it aims to uncover the prevailing strategies adopted by Chinese and American leaders to restore or enhance a positive national image in the post-COVID era. Lancsbox 6.0 was utilized to extract excerpts and analyze linguistic devices from a self-built corpus of 144 political speeches delivered by top leaders in China and the United States. The results reveal that Chinese leaders, through the use of shared image restoration strategies such as bolstering and transcendence, shape a positive national image of a responsible country. In contrast, American leaders construct a confident and ambitious national image, projecting a leading geopolitical role in the world. These strategies have distinct features that contribute to the image restoration process. Apart from contributing significantly to the comparative research on Chinese and American pandemic-related political speeches, the research findings carry implications for the practice and promotion of national ideologies. The study also highlights the diverse ways in which credible and accurate crisis messages are employed, providing valuable insights for handling pandemics or other crises in the foreseeable or distant future.

Memory and displacement: Syrian-Kurdish refugees navigating the middle east, Israel, and the holocaust

Syrian refugees have become a significant minority in Germany over the past decade, with approximately one million now residing in the country. Most of them plan to stay and are eager to integrate into German society. Alongside practical challenges such as uncertain legal status, securing housing, finding employment, facing racism, and learning the German language, they must also navigate an ideological environment where common views on the Middle East, Islam, Israel, Jews, and the Holocaust differ significantly from those in their home country. This necessitates a certain degree of adaptation. Based on qualitative interviews with more than 200 Arab and Kurdish Syrian refugees, we examine self-perceptions, views on developments in the Middle East, and attitudes toward Jews. Significant differences emerged between Arab and Kurdish respondents. Especially among Syrian Kurds, there’s a noticeable openness to challenge antisemitic attitudes, often motivated by a rejection of Arab nationalist ideology and anti-Zionist propaganda. Syrian Kurds often perceive Jews and Israel more favorably than Arab Syrians. Their history of discrimination and oppression in Syria contributes to their rejection of hatred of Jews and Israel.

토속민요에 대한 1960년대 라디오 프로그램의 인식 -다큐멘터리 시리즈 『민족의 향기』(1967~1968)의 사례 연구-

From the Japanese colonial period to the early 1960s, most of the Korean folk songs broadcast on South Korean radio were popular folk songs. It was natural that radio, as a mass medium, favored popular folk songs that suited the public’s taste. However, in the late 1960s, radio began to pay attention to indigenous folk songs being passed down in rural areas. As the most widespread medium in South Korea during this time, radio exerted significant influence over both public and private spheres. In this regard, it is necessary to study how radio programs during this period perceived indigenous folk songs. This paper examines how the documentary series Minjok-ui Hyanggi, broadcast on the Dong-A Broadcasting System (DBS) from March 1967 to October 1968, approached indigenous folk songs and evaluated their value. The documentary series aimed to establish a national ideology and contribute to the development of national culture by exploring Korea’s traditional culture and the spirit embedded in it. Accordingly, this program examined various tangible and intangible heritages of Korea with special emphasis on folk songs. Initially, the series sought to trace the origins of popular folk songs and explore their meaning in relation to regional identity. After several unsuccessful attempts, it shifted its focus to indigenous folk songs, featuring songs from Wido, Gochang, Jeju, Haenam, Jindo, Somuuido, Andong, Goseong, and Yeongsan from July to October 1967. This program discovered a positive and resilient attitude toward life, warm-heartedness, and unique music untainted by foreign influences in the folk songs of these regions and shared their significance with listeners.

Реидеологизация российского общества: основные тезисы философской позиции

Introduction. At the beginning of the XXI century there is a gradual revival of interest in the re-ideologization of the political and cultural space of the country. The purpose of this article is to systematize and analyze philosophical views on the processes of re-ideologization that took place in Russia in the period from 2012 to 2023. Theoretical analysis allowed us to argue that the philosophical community has demonstrated a variety of reactions to the active processes of re-ideologization in Russia supported by the state since 2012. On the one hand, warnings were put forward about the repressive nature of total ideology. On the other hand, philosophers sought ways to participate in the discussion of national issues and determine the future development of the country. Particular attention was paid to concepts of the future such as humanism, culture, and communitarianism. Some philosophers, refusing to discuss ideology, have adopted a position of escapism, seeking freedom in their own being, outside the influence of society or any particular ideology. Conclusion. Transformations of habitual ideas about ideology open new angles for philosophical self-reflection. Discussions about the necessity of “withdrawal” from the discussion of political problems and ideological confrontation cause a “crisis of philosophical identity” and at the same time represent an important epistemological challenge.

FROM THE CONCEPT OF “STATE” AND “SON OF HEAVEN” IN CONFUCIANISM TO THE CONCEPT OF “STATE” AND “NATION” IN NGUYEN TRAI'S THOUGHT

This article analyzes the transformation in Vietnamese political thought from the concept of “state” associated with the “Son of Heaven” in Confucianism to the concept of “nation” in Nguyen Trai's ideology. The focus is on comparing Confucian thought, which regards the “state” as a part of the governance system of the “Son of Heaven,” with Nguyen Trai's perspective, who expanded the notion of “state” into an independent national ideology, affirming Dai Viet as a sovereign nation with its own identity. The study clarifies the inheritance and development of Nguyen Trai's thoughts on “state” and “nation” regarding national sovereignty, the concept of “governing the state,” the philosophy of “humanity and righteousness,” and his approach to diplomatic relations. Using historical and logical methods, the article demonstrates the evolution of Nguyen Trai's thought while illuminating his unique contributions to the construction of the national ideology of Dai Viet. The expected results affirm the timeless vision of Nguyen Trai and provide insights into the formation of the concepts of independence and sovereignty in Vietnamese history. Keywords: Nguyen Trai; Confucianism; Dai Viet; nation; territory.

Exceptionalism and nationalism in contemporary Iranian thought: a study of Javad Tabatabai’s scholarship

ABSTRACT This paper examines the influence of the discourse of exceptionality of Iran on contemporary Iranian thought, particularly its intricate relationship with the ideology of nationalism. It focuses on the scholarly contributions of Javad Tabatabai (1945–2023), whose work has significantly impacted recent Iranian intellectual debates in both academic and broader public discussions on Iranian nationhood and identity. The paper traces the evolution of Tabatabai’s work from its initial philosophical-theoretical foundation aimed at addressing the ‘problem of Iran’ to its final emphasis on Iran’s exceptional nature, reflecting a nationalist-exceptionalist perspective. By examining the ‘power of exception’ and its utilization in history and social science disciplines, the paper illustrates how claims of exceptionality wield rhetorical influence despite lacking empirical support in scholarly discourse. It argues that Tabatabai’s historiographical assumptions are shaped by a combination of historical exceptionalism and ‘methodological nationalism’. Drawing from insights in Global History, the paper challenges these assumptions in favour of more integrative perspectives. It advocates for transcending the confines of ‘national history’, and explores the possibility of contending historical and contemporary inquiries of Iranian nationhood and identity without succumbing to the charm of exceptionalist narratives.

Lexical and stylistic features in the written media

This paper discusses several lexical and stylistic features that were commonly used in the Albanian press during a period of 30 years (1960-1990) as part of the national ideology and propaganda in communist Albania. This study is based on a large corpus of Albanian newspapers, magazines, and other speeches of the most notable Albanian communist leaders of the time. In recent decades there have been few linguistic studies in Albania that chose to explore the connection between language and totalitarianism. The study of totalitarian language in all its aspects gives us a lot of material to explore the effects of a certain political situation and the ideologization of public discourse on language (especially on the language of the media) and its lexical means. In this work, I focus on the identification of the predominant lexical and stylistic features and finding links between language as a tool of communication and power maintenance and totalitarianism as a political system, to show language abuse and its usage as a tool of propaganda.

Scaling the value of multilingualism: ‘Common-sense’ narratives of growth and inequality in an expert report to the U.S. Congress

I examine the powerful institutional scaling project of the 2017 American Academy of Arts & Sciences report, America’s Languages: Investing in Language Education for the 21st Century. I analyze the scalar configurations emerging in the report’s narrative argumentation with the goal of denaturalizing its scale-making narratives in the production of a ‘common-sense’ regimentation of the value of language learning and multilingualism in the United States. These configurations show how social inequalities in access to language learning are reinforced through the ideologically mapped categorizations of language to sociocultural domains and kinds of speakers. Nomically- and reportively-calibrated, future-oriented narratives present figurations of growth and progress that mix nationalist ideologies of US expansionism, neoliberal and raciolinguistic logics, and even utopian visions. By focusing on scale, and in particular on interscalar processes of comparison, the resonances across these sometimes contradictory ideological frames are brought into focus.

Chronotopes of Transnational Literacies: How Youth Live and Imagine Social Worlds in their Digital Media Practices

AbstractThis study explores the transnational literacies that contribute to creating online social connections among migrant youth that may support their development and navigation of life across countries. We examine how social connectedness is semiotically constructed through time–space framing among two youth of Chinese descent who were participants of a larger study of the digital media practices of young people in an urban high school. We build on the concept of chronotope (Bakhtin, 1981) and scholarship of transnational literacies to understand the space–time dimensions of digital literacy practices, specifically how youth create the spatiotemporal context or frame of reference for their actions and positionings with others across geographical distances. Using a case study approach with data from interviews and observations, we analyzed how the youth depicted their transnational social relations within particular time–space frames. Qualitative and discourse analyses of the youths' narrative accounts show that they positioned themselves in proximity with their transnational peers within particular time–space contexts that supported their actions and emotions, and how they made sense of events, issues, practices, and their own identities as transnational individuals. The youths' ideas of schooling and education, and attunement to nationalistic ideologies, were developed through multiple chronotopes in their social connections across countries. This study offers implications for how an attention to the transnational spatiotemporal frame of youths' discourse and narrative may give us a more nuanced understanding of the subjectivity, knowledge, and perspective they derive from their experiences of movement and connection across borders.

A Study of the Influence of Religious and Nationalist-Based Political Parties in the Compilation of Legal Products Based on Legal Regulations

The ideology of political parties is divided into four categories: parties with Islamic ideology, secular nationalist ideology, religious nationalist ideology, and parties with Christian ideology. The regeneration process will bring out prospective leaders who have been tested in carrying out organisational work or society, and then the emerging decisions will be directed at achieving the goals of the country. These party cadres make a reflection of political parties related to ideology, which is expected to make policies in accordance with ideology, through being regional leaders. The research method used is sociological juridical with a qualitative descriptive analysis approach to obtain the answers to the problems studied, supported by secondary data and other data. When referring to the party principles owned by each political party, in general, political parties are based on three ideologies: Islam, Nationalism and Democratic Socialism. Political parties have an obligation to be able to build their own capacity; therefore, they have sufficient capability to fulfill what has been mandated by law. The fading of ideology has weakened the ties between political parties and their members, which in turn has resulted in the weakness of organisational networks. This condition leads the political parties to face an extreme dilemma. The way to collect party funds is by making policies that benefit certain parties. However, with transactional politics, the policies taken are not pro-people. The importance of the party's stand in policymaking is marked by their close relationship with elected and appointed political officials. For this reason, the party can see its role and influence in public policy using organisational theory. This fact shows that political parties are a more powerful element in the policy-making process than they should be.

“I know this language, that language, and my language”

Abstract Adopting a longitudinal dynamic perspective on the field of Family Language Policy (FLP), combined with insights from language socialization, the current study explores five Iranian immigrant family members’ language ideologies, practices and policies and aims to unfold the processes through which the language ideologies and policies are instantiated and negotiated. Particular foci are the evolving nature of family language ideologies and practices, emphasizing the influence of children’s language ideologies and societal interactions. Through detailed analyses of multiparty family interactions, the study argues the significance of considering children’s language ideologies as integral to understanding of their language practices, moving beyond a simplistic attribution of actions to mere ‘agency’.

Christian Nationalism and Violence Against Religious Minorities in the United States: A Quantitative Analysis

AbstractThis study examines the relationship between Christian nationalism—a political theology and cultural framework that seeks to amalgamate the Christian faith and a country's political life and privilege Christianity in the public square over other faith traditions—and attacks against religious minorities in the United States. Some Christian nationalists believe that it is justifiable to undertake violent actions in order to realize the goals of Christian nationalism. We theorize that the political empowerment of Christian nationalist ideology in the form of politicians expressing Christian nationalist sentiments corresponds to physical attacks on religious minorities carried out by self‐professing Christians. We test this theory using a cross‐sectional, time‐series analysis of antiminority violence in the United States. The results provide robust support for our theory.