Nascent Nationalism Research Articles

Reading reform beyond the state: Salwat al-Anfas, Islamic revival and Moroccan national history

In recent years, scholars of North Africa have shown increasing interest in the pre-Protectorate period of Moroccan history (1860–1912). Like their counterparts, who study the Ottoman lands to the east, scholars view the Moroccan nineteenth century as an era of reform and nascent nationalism. However, while historians of the Ottoman lands have increasingly attempted to step away from state-centred and ‘trickle-down’ views of the Tanzimat period, in Moroccan studies, a state-centred paradigm still dominates at the expense of cultural and intellectual histories of the era. This article turns the spotlight away from state-centred narratives of early Moroccan modernisation, anti-colonialism and nationalism by analysing Muhammad bin Ja'far al-Kattani's Salwat al-Anfas (1887). Salwat al-Anfas reveals a vision of pre-colonial Moroccan state and society in which power is multi-valent, diffuse and brokered by religio-political elites known as shurafa. By reading this text in tandem with extant narratives of the Moroccan encounter with European imperial expansion, this article seeks to stimulate discussion about the way scholars view the processes associated with the country's transition to modernity. Considered against the backdrop of the emergence of the authoritarian Moroccan monarchy after independence from France in 1956, the emancipatory implications of alternative historical narratives based on previously neglected sources come into greater focus.

Patriots and Cosmopolitans: Hidden Histories of American Law. By John Fabian Witt. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2007. 406 pp. $29.95, ISBN 978-0-674-02360-4.)

Patriots and Cosmopolitans is an engaging, provocative history of law and American nationhood. The book is composed of four essays, each exploring key turning points in the nation's history through the struggles of particular individuals to deploy and shape the nation's institutions and values. The stories John Fabian Witt tells are so engrossing and well written that the reader may forget the overarching theme yoking the essays together. But Witt skillfully brings the reader back to his central point at each story's end, arguing that the development of American nationhood has been characterized by “bounded contingency.” The political and legal institutions and sentiments that have animated the American nation have been so capacious that individuals have been able to articulate many competing visions of the nation; yet, Witt stresses, the nation provided a frame of reference that constrained and shaped individuals' conceptions and limited the arguments they could make. Witt organizes the essays chronologically around four types of encounters with American nationhood. The first essay, “Creations,” follows the travails of the lawyer and founding father James Wilson of Pennsylvania as he fought a losing battle in the debates over how to construct the nascent nation. “Exits” tells the story of Elias Hill and a group of African Americans from South Carolina who decided to leave the United States for Liberia rather than suffer the racial violence and unfulfilled promises of Reconstruction America. “Critiques” explores the challenges that Crystal Eastman, a feminist and radical internationalist, mounted to the very idea of sovereign nations on the eve of World War I and her unexpected role in forging new protections for civil liberties. “Reactions” reveals an unusual friendship between “the king of torts,” Melvin Belli, and the eminent dean of Harvard Law School, Roscoe Pound, as they resisted the growth of the mid-twentieth-century administrative state and sought to prevent its intrusion into the common law realm of tort law. The essays do not focus on “winners,” but seek to highlight the varied and contentious conceptions of the American nation and the different strategies deployed to shape its future. Efforts to completely escape the American national framework were fruitless, argues Witt, and often led to ironic results. Even as he chose to leave the United States for Liberia, Hill remained loyal to a particular egalitarian conception of American nationhood and sought to realize it in Liberia; ultimately, however, the expedition was a failure, and those who survived in Liberia forged a system of labor exploitation not unlike that in the American South.

The astronaut and Foggy Bottom PR: Assistant Secretary of State for Public Affairs Michael Collins, 1969–1971

Michael Collins was one of the three astronauts in the Apollo 11 moon landing in 1969, although only the other two walked on the moon. Upon his return, he became Assistant Secretary of State for Public Affairs. His main assignment was to reach out to the college generation that was protesting the war in Viet Nam. Collins served for 15 months, resigning to head the nascent National Air and Space Museum. This article recounts his experience as the top public relations officer for the State Department and concludes with Collins’ own views on the experience, 35 years later.

From Ramsay's Flora MacDonald to Raeburn's MacNab: The Use of Tartan as a Symbol of Identity

Portraits and satirical engravings offer insights into the differing ways in which tartan was used, displayed and adopted as an expression of identity during the period 1746–1822. From being the cloth of Jacobitism, tartan became the cloth of the loyal Highlander, fighting for the Hanoverian crown; from being the cloth of an Enlightenment 'natural man', it became the garb of the vilified Lord Bute and rapacious Scots in general; from being an exotic 'foreign' costume at a London masquerade, it became the costume of nascent Scottish nationalism, a role which it retains to this day.

The Allures and Deceptions of Democracy

The Allures and Deceptions of Democracy

The Troublesome Legacy of Commissioner Lin: The Opium Trade and Opium Suppression in Fujian Province, 1820s to 1920s. By Joyce A. Madancy. [Harvard and London: Harvard East Asia Monograph, 2003. 430 pp. $50.00; £32.95. ISBN 0-674-01215-1.

Visiting New York's Chinatown, it is surprising to find there a memorial statue of the legendary anti-opium hero, Lin Zexu, instead of the more usual statue of the father of modern China, Sun Yat-sen. Perhaps Lin deserves his place in New York's Chinatown: it is generally believed the history of Chinese migration into the New World was a chapter of humiliation, resulting from the evil opium and the opium trade. Until very recently, the conventional wisdom has been that it was the opium trade that ended the house of Qing, and that opium had turned China into a nation of hopeless addicts, smoking themselves to death while their civilization descended into chaos (a view challenged by Dikötter, Laaman and Zhou in Narcotic Culture: A History of Drugs in China).In her book The Troublesome Legacy of Commissoner Lin, Joyce Madancy argues that, like opium, Lin Zexu was turned into a potent symbol of nascent Chinese nationalism (p. 5). Like opium, the legacy of Lin continued well into the 20th century. In his native Fujian, for instance, Lin “came to represent the vitality of elite activism and the complex links between provincial, national, and international interests. Lin Zexu's character and mission embodied the themes and motivations of Fujian's late Qing opium reformers – the righteousness of opium reform, pride in country and province, and a none-too-subtle slap at foreign imperialist greed.” Accordingly, during the late Qing/early Republican anti-opium campaign in Fujian, “reformist elites, and officials presided over the apotheosis of Lin Zexu, whose image loomed, literally and figuratively, over their efforts and shaped the rhetoric and tone of suppression” (p. 5).

More than electronic toll booths: Singapore’s electronic road pricing innovation

This paper explores the dynamics of the Electronic Road Pricing (ERP) innovation in Singapore, tracing its implementation to subsequent diffusion to delineate the links between technology and society. The ERP system, introduced in 1998, is an elaborate and sophisticated toll collecting system using ICTs to regulate road usage. We use the actor–network theory (ANT) as a conceptual tool to analyse the dynamics of this innovation. Through a detailed examination of both human and non‐human actors, we are able to analyse how interests of heterogeneous members of a societal network can be aligned to introduce a technological innovation. In the process, we have observed issues arising from the differential power relationship that exists between road users and government planners as well as the integration of the social and technical aspects of this emerging socio‐technological system. As an emergent technology, the ERP innovation system reflects the social morphology of Singapore as it plays out its part in the making of this nascent nation.

The Manifesto of a Baseball-playing Country: Cuba, Baseball, and Poetry in the Late Nineteenth Century

Baseball is the national sport in Cuba, not because of American imperialism or colonialism, but because criollos, nineteenth-century island elites, made deliberate efforts to equate the game with a nascent Cuban nationalism. The game represented one of a set of civilized practices that criollos used to distinguish themselves from the Spanish. As a distinctive practice, baseball provided a symbolic discourse for an independent Cuba, evident not only in its physical expression on the field but in other forms of expression as well. One particularly prominent form of expression that linked baseball to Cuban nationalism was poetry. As members of elite social clubs, the playing of the game and recital of poetry were two forms of expressive performance that expressed the desires, values and beliefs of Havana's social elite. This essay examines the relationship between the emergence of Cuban identity, the nascent nation and its expression in the playing of a game by examining a late-nineteenth-century poem that makes these passionate linkages.

For God and Country: Crafting Memory and Meaning from War and Independence

On April 20, 1778, Reverend Jacob Cushing, a Congregationalist minister from nearby Waltham, stepped onto the green at Lexington, Massachusetts, to deliver a sermon marking the third anniversary of the Battle of Lexington. As battles go, Lexington had actually been a minor skirmish. But its symbolic importance as the first military conflict of the American Revolution had grown over the prior three years. Accordingly, Cushing called on the public memory of the battle to praise the sacrifice of every soldier who had fallen in combat since that first fatal day. But Cushing, mindful of the sacrifice that still lay ahead, also used the intensity of the moment to exhort his audience for a renewed commitment to the cause. To arms, he shouted midway through his sermon! To action, the battle of the warrior! The honour glory of Cushing continued, and the salvation of your country under GOD, call aloud upon all.1 Cushing was not innovating. By 1778, religious symbolism, nascent nationalism, hope born out of sacrifice infused sermons, orations, editorials, private correspondence. John Adams had touched on these same themes two years earlier in a report to his wife Abigail concerning ratification of the Declaration of Independence. am well aware of the Toil Blood Treasure, that it will cost Us to maintain this declaration, support defend these States, Adams wrote from Congress. Yet, through all the Gloom ... I can see that the End is more than worth all the Means. And that

Cultural Trauma: Slavery and the Formation of African American Identity

The sociologist Ron Eyerman uses social-scientific theory to analyze black' collective memory of slavery from Reconstruction through the late twentieth century, arguing that slavery and the failure of emancipation created a cultural trauma through which African Americans must reinterpret and represent their collective identity. Eyerman assesses successive generations by focusing on public representations and on social movements, which he sees as central to forming and articulating generational collective consciousness. Eyerman argues that the postemancipation generation tended to look forward, rather than back to a past of victimization, but exerted only limited control over public expression and collective identity. Turn of the century New Negro spokespersons such as W. E. B. Du Bois had greater capacity to re-conceptualize the past and forged a more positive racialized collective identity within their forced separation from the dominant society. The generation maturing amidst the Great Migration and Harlem Renaissance built upon this nascent nationalism, developing two narrative frameworks within which subsequent generations engaged the cultural trauma of slavery. One, evolutionary and forward-looking, represented by Langston Hughes and Zora Neale Hurston, selectively mined slavery for a cultural heritage and a foundation for progressive racial advancement. Marcus Garvey exemplified a second narrative that couched the past in terms of tragedy and redemption and whose goal was not progressive advancement but restoration of lost glory.

Creating a Chinese Harbin: nationalism in an international city, 1916-1932

James H. Carter outlines the birth of Chinese nationalism in an unlikely setting: the international city of Harbin. Planned and built by Russian railway engineers, the city rose quickly from the Manchurian plain, changing from a small fishing village to a modern city in less than a generation. Russian, Chinese, Korean, Polish, Jewish, French, and British residents filled this multiethnic city on the Sungari River. The Chinese took over Harbin after the October Revolution and ruled it from 1918 until the Japanese founded the puppet state of Manchukuo in 1932. In his account of the radical changes that this unique city experienced over a brief span of time, Carter examines the majority Chinese population and its developing Chinese identity in an urban area of fifty languages. Originally, Carter argues, its nascent nationalism defined itself against the foreign presence in the city-while using foreign resources to modernize the area. Early versions of Chinese nationalism embraced both nation and state. By the late 1920s, the two strands had separated to such an extent that Chinese police fired on Chinese student protesters. This division eased the way for Japanese occupation: the Chinese state structure proved a fruitful source of administrative collaboration for the area's new rulers in the 1930s.

Pilgrim Clouds: The Polymorphous Sacred in Indo-Muslim Imagination

This article explores one Urdu poem of the early twentieth century, by the Indian poet Sayyid Muhammad Kakorvi. Praise of the Best of Messengers includes imagery of shape-shifting clouds that the poet skillfully uses to evoke the sacred and to describe his own relationship to the Prophet Muhammad from his locale as a Muslim in colonial India. He does this by invoking multiple geographic, cultural, and religious references in juxtaposition, as he moves from Qur'anic to Indic religious motifs through cloud images. His sense of the sacred is rooted in Indian imagery even as it embraces a wider Islamic identity that is also Persianate and Arabian. Muhsin's poetry seeks to reassert a multi-dimensional Islamic identity in India, anchored in Sufi theo-erotic mysticism and oneness of being philosophy. This is in stark contrast to other colonial Urdu poets, like Hali and Iqbal, whose use of religious imagery is more ideological and who saw poetry as a vehicle for nascent nationalism and communal separatism in a self-consciously modernist movement. ********** Ritual gives the force of the sacred a fixed form and knowable boundaries. Temples, mosques, and pilgrimage destinations root the sacred in specific places and known precincts. Prayers, sacrifices, and pilgrimage journeys fix the sacred a specific time and known duration. These sacred times and places give the chaos and uncertainty of profane life a certain sureness and foundation in a time beyond time and a place beyond place. (1) In contrast, in the field of poetry, the sacred can manifest in a persistently polymorphous way. In the free play of words, the sacred can infuse any metaphor or image, even those that seemingly belong to more profane spheres of life. In poetry, a single metaphor can suggest both sacredness and profane life at the same time in ways that are provocative and arresting, or even transgressive. Like clouds, metaphors in poetry are free to shift spaces and forms, suggesting a sense of space and time which is beyond the structure of routine life on the ground. The clouds are natural symbols of liminality, that quality of the sacred which anthropologist Victor Turner captures as betwixt and the structures of social life on the one hand and ritual life on the other. The shape-shifting dynamism of clouds inspired one of modern Urdu literature's most intriguing poems in praise of the Prophet Muhammad. Written by Sayyid Muhammad (who died in 1905 CE), this poem is in the genre of na't. Na't literally means but in Urdu poetry always means the poetic description of the virtuous qualities of the Prophet Muhammad. This na't is unusual, however, in that it describes the movement of clouds. Beneath the shifting surface of cloud images, their power of movement and ability to change shape allow Muhsin to use clouds as an intermediary between heaven and earth. The image of clouds helps Muhsin to overcome the geo-cultural distance between himself, as a Muslim subject of British India, and Muhammad the Arabian Prophet, the founder of his religion and his own ancestor. This praise poem and its images of clouds give us contemporary readers a way to assess the complex ways in which Islamic imagination apprehended the sacred (through images drawn from history, literature, mysticism and scripture) in South Asia in a period of modern tensions. Although ostensibly in praise of Muhammad, Muhsin's epic poem is more than direct praise of its heroic subject. The poem takes its reader on a pilgrimage to Mecca. But how to go on the pilgrimage when the poet is rooted firmly in Northern India? His love and longing for the Prophet take his vision to the clouds, which are not trapped by time and space. In the movement of the clouds, the poet can travel in his imagination through geographical space and historical time that separate him from the Prophet of Arabia. He does not address history and geography directly, however (in contrast to other modern Urdu poets like Altaf Hussayn Hali and Muhammad Iqbal); rather the clouds allow him to travel through literary tropes that span the distance linking his Urdu India to Arabian Mecca. …

Environmental Quality versus Social Justice

Environmental Quality versus Social Justice

The birth of a modern public sector accounting system in France and Britain and the influence of Count Mollien

Under theAncien Régime France, the collection of taxes was a matter entrusted by the King to businessmen. After several unfruitful attempts to exercise greater control over his revenue streams, the King finally introduced reforms in 1788 to both centralise the Treasury and to use double-entry bookkeeping. TheRévolution confirmed this orientation and, after 1815, a modern public sector accounting system was progressively established in order to service the nascent nation. Soon later, Britain also started to rebuild its public sector accounting system and, as will be shown, a mutual French-British influence existed in the building of the national financial systems. Behind these modern public sector accounting systems lies the influential role played by Count Mollien, both in France and Britain.

Nigger Peasants from France: Missing Translations of American Anxieties on Race and the Nation

Nigger Peasants from France: Missing Translations of American Anxieties on Race and the Nation Michelle M. Wright (bio) Introduction: Race, Nation and Nationalism In Crossfires: Nationalism, Racism and Gender in Europe, the majority of the contributing authors, whether writing on women and ethnicity in contemporary Russia, gender and the history of ethnic hatred in Yugoslavia, or a comparison between black and white British youth and their understanding of nationality, underscore the ways in which many Europeans directly link nationalism with right-wing extremism. In her article “Young People: Nationalism, Racism and Gender,” Ann Phoenix relates the results of a questionnaire put to both black and white British youth. The following paragraph gave me pause: The ambiguity caused by the recognition that national status involves inclusions and exclusions also had an impact on young white people. Some felt unable to claim Englishness because they perceive that the symbols of Englishness have been hijacked by the extreme Right. This raises the issue of whether positive features of nationalism (if one accepts that there are some) can be maintained when symbols of Englishness/Britishness are perceived to be predicated on racism. For many of the young people we interviewed, the Union Jack has been ‘vacated’ because its symbolism is seen to have been appropriated by far Right groups. (Nationalism 41) What struck me about this paragraph is how these teenagers—and, it seems, even the author—understand nationalism as the domain of the “far Right,” and even suggest that this appropriation may be as old as the formation of nationalist discourse itself. I do not believe this is the case in the United States. When depicted abroad (name any country!), the American flag most often stands in as a reminder of American military aggression and the exploitative nature of a global capitalist machine. At home, however, it is not the American flag but the flag of the Civil War’s Confederate army, the “stars and bars,” that is far more broadly recognized as symbolic of right-wing [End Page 831] extremism and racism. In Germany, those sensitive to the atrocities of the Nazi past are extremely alert to the ways in which appeals to nationalism are used. Some go so far as to say that any and all nationalist sentiment on the part of a German party should be outlawed. It is also true that French nationalism is widely recognized amongst the Anti-Semites and anti-Anti-Semites alike as antagonistic to Jews, if not all other non-white peoples. Again, in the United States, it is not the nationalist discourse, but what is perceived as the regionalist discourse of the “red-neck Southerner” that is hostile to non-whites, specifically African Americans. American commentators, military personnel and legislators argue that if the American discourse on nationalism is hostile to anything or anyone, it is hostile to ideologies (i.e., communism, socialism, anarchism) rather than specific peoples. Implicit in this contention is that America’s role as the “world’s oldest democracy” ensures that our particular brand of nationalism is incapable of acting out against specific peoples; that is only for nations with an extreme right-wing or left-wing history. Outside of postcolonial studies (and in this case I include minority studies), the idea that the American discourse on the nation might in fact be inherently hostile to a people is still very much a foreign concept. This paper looks at a crucial moment in American history: the mid-19th century, when America was by all accounts on the brink of civil war and the debate over slavery had hit yet another one of its furious, divisive peaks. These two questions, over the future state of this nascent nation and the future of America’s blacks, were in fact intimately tied to one another. Considered together within the larger theoretical and/or historical context of the national discourse, they echo America’s immediate “post-Colonial” history and presage much of its immediate future, specifically with regard to non-whites as an actual threat to the nation. In order to demonstrate and explore how race and the nation were two sides of the same coin, I use the trope of translation, both figuratively...

Subversion through historical association: Canova's Madame Mère and the politics of Napoleonic portraiture

The difficulties encountered by artists trained in the traditional academic and patronage systems of Ancien Régime Europe must have been considerable when they were compelled-to operate in the centralized world of the Napoleonic Empire. Younger artists, such as Jean-Antoine Gros and Andrea Appiani, readily adapted themselves to the agenda of Bonapartist glorification, but established and celebrated practitioners such as JacquesLouis David and Antonio Canova were in a much more ambiguous situation. David certainly admired Napoleon during the Consulate as the savior of the principles of the Revolution and the Republic, but his reaction to the Empire was, like that of so many others, highly ambivalent. The subversive aspects of David's anti-imperialism in such canonical images as Le Sacre and The Distribution of the Eagles have recently been underscored; the painter's leftist politics asserted themselves, if subtly and warily. Anti-Napoleonic sentiment on the part of the Venetian sculptor Canova, however, was engendered on the political right. Canova's politics were certainly of a milder kind than those of David, but they nonetheless indicate a fully developed political personality characterized by a deep conservatism, loyalty to the Papacy and to the Roman Catholic religion, a profound Venetian patriotism, and a nascent Italian cultural nationalism that would ultimately, and posthumously, make Canova a hero of the Risorgimento.

Under the Mandate of Nationalism: Development of Feminist Enterprises in Modern Korea, 1860-1910

Modern Korean feminism from its birth in the late nineteenth century was inextricably interwoven with nascent nationalism, which emerged as a reaction to the encroachments of Western industrial nations and Japan in their scramble for hegemony in East Asia.1 It grew as an integral part of the national mobilization movement in an effort to muster all available resources in Korea, including women, to counter these foreign aggressions. This rise of nationalistic consciousness polemicized women's issues as a compelling subject for public discourse and action, and thereby incorporated Korean women into the heart of national Ufe for the first time in Korean history. Both nationalism and feminism were new and difficult concepts with which contemporary Koreans had to grapple. First, until the nineteenth century, Korea under the Yi Dynasty (1392-1910) had been relatively iso- lated from the rest of the world, except China. In this insulation Korea prided itself on being a stronghold of orthodox Confucian civilization, second only to China. Second, in a society entrenched in Confucian patri- archal ideology, women's issues had rarely been considered appropriate for open discussion, let alone for being incorporated into national policy- making. In this context, the task of formulating a new national identity and its mandates and accommodating feminism within this nationalistic framework was a taU order. The coalescence of nationalism and feminism in Korea, therefore, resulted in a tortuous course of development, often lacking consensus and charged with conflicts and even regression. And this complexity makes the study of the relationships between nationaA¼sm and feminism in Korea a demanding venture into one of the most tangled narratives in the country's intellectual history. Korean nationaUsm, unlike European or Japanese expansionist mod- els, represented an essentially defensive political consciousness and activ- ity, born out of the realization of the poUtical frailty of the country. As an expression of patriotic struggle to fend off the impingement of the world superpowers, it stressed internal reforms and self-strengthening as a means to forestall and repel foreign domination and keep national integrity and sovereignty intact. Korean nationalism, in essence, was a reactive ideology and mechanism for self-empowerment, survival, and self-preservation against imperiaUstic aggression or colonization from outside.2

Nationalism: Five Roads to Modernity.

Introduction 1. God's Firstborn: England Reflection of the National Consciousness in Discourse and Sentiment The New Aristocracy, the New Monarchy, and the Protestant Reformation The English Bible, the Bloody Regiment of Queen Mary, and the Burning Matter of Dignity England as God's Peculiar People, and the Token of His Love The Sound of Their Voices The Changing Position of the Crown and Religion in the National Consciousness A Land of Experimental Knowledge 2. The Three Identities of France I. The Development of Pre-National French Identity France--a Church, and the Faith of the Fleur de Lys Heresy and Its Child The King and His State II. The Social Bases of the Nationalization of French Identity and the Character of the Nascent National Consciousness Turns of the Social Wheel: The Plight of the French Aristocracy The Perilous Escape: Redefinition and Reorganization of the Noblesse The Birth of the French Nation Nation, the Supreme Being Competition with England and Ressentiment A Note on Non-Elite Nationalism 3. The Scythian Rome: Russia Perestroika in the Eighteenth Century The Crisis of the Nobility The West and Ressentiment The Laying of the Foundations Transvaluation of Values: The Crystallization of the Matrix of Russian Nationalism The Two-Headed Eagle 4. The Final Solution of Infinite Longing: Germany I. The Setting The Conception and Miscarriage of Nationalism in the Sixteenth Century The Early Evolution of the Concept of the State The Insouciance of German Nobility prior to the Nineteenth Century Bildungsburgertum: The Dangerous Class II. The Birth of the Spirit: The Preparation of the Mold for the German National Consciousness Aufklarung Pietism Romanticism III. The Materialization of the Spirit The Impact of the French Revolution The Birth of German Nationalism The Finishing Touch: Ressentiment The Twin Blossoms of the Blue Flower 5. In Pursuit of the Ideal Nation: The Unfolding of Nationality in America America as a New England The Separation A Union Begun by Necessity The Tug-of-War: The Persisting Threat of Secession and the Development of National Unity Inconsistencies and Tensions The Trial and Completion of American Nationality Afterword Notes Index

Building a Legend and Prolonging a War: Another Look at Two of Robert E. Lee's Victories

Second Manassas and Chancellorsville marked important milestones in Robert E. Lee's rise to preeminence among Confederate generals. Lee achieved success against long odds in both operations because of his talent and audacity, superior performances from subordinates, and incompetentUnion generalship. His victories, in turn, lifted Confederate civilian morale and helped lay the groundwork for a popular belief that the nascent nation's future depended to a significant degree on him and his army. Return to Bull Run and Chancellorsville 1863 present the first modern treatments of these events. Between them, they illustrate the strengths of good campaign history as well as weaknesses that have led many academic historians to criticize the genre as a whole. Hennessy's book draws on an impressive array of unpublished material and ranks with the best work of its kind. It begins with a discussion of political and military concerns that shaped the Lincoln administration's decision to open a second front in Virginia inJuly 1862. While George B. McClellan's Army of the Potomac remained below Richmond, John Pope transferred from the Mississippi to lead the new Union Army of Virginia in the northern part of the state. Pope's Republican politics placed him at odds with McClellan and other Democrats, and he issued orders that alienated conservatives in the Union army. He called for seizure of rebel property, punishment of anyone sheltering Confederate guerrillas, and other actions that intimidated civilians in Virginia. Usually portrayed as an inept braggart whose threats against Confederate civilians betrayed a roguish personality, Pope emerges in Hennessy's analysis

America as Imperium in Imperio: The Growth of Nascent American Nationalism in the Late Colonial Period

PreJface This article reviews the growth of nascent American nationalism and major factors contributing to its growth in the last decades of the Colonial Period. It is my contention that the American Revolution would not have occurred or succeeded if there had not developed among the Americans a degree of self-awareness as the American people and selfconfidence in their united power. Furthermore, I maintain that this nascent nationalism defined to a great extent American attitudes toward foreign affairs in the Revolutionary years. Thus this article is related to my study of the diplomacy of the American Revolution, part of which was published in this journal. It is obvious enough that the new colonial policies after the peace of Paris and the ensuing British-Colonial conflicts, stimulating both a sense of separateness from Britain and a sense of intercolonial togetherness, brought to the surface latent American nationalism. However, nascent American nationalism existed by the time Britain embarked on the new colonial policies. Economic development and po]itical maturity of the colonies, growth of intercolonial relations, Anglo-American victory over France in Canada, and more fundamentally, common English heritage and common colonial self-identification with the British Empire-all these had been working to nourish nascent American nationalism.