Name Of King Research Articles

The Names of Kings: The Parisian Laboring Poor in the Eighteenth Century. Jeffry Kaplow

Previous articleNext article No AccessBook ReviewsThe Names of Kings: The Parisian Laboring Poor in the Eighteenth Century. Jeffry Kaplow Steven L. KaplanSteven L. Kaplan Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of Modern History Volume 46, Number 2Jun., 1974 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/241223 Views: 1Total views on this site Copyright 1974 The University of ChicagoPDF download Crossref reports no articles citing this article.

The Names of Kings: The Parisian Laboring Poor in the Eighteenth Century

The Names of Kings: The Parisian Laboring Poor in the Eighteenth Century

The Names of Kings: The Parisian Laboring Poor in the Eighteenth Century

The Names of Kings: The Parisian Laboring Poor in the Eighteenth Century

The Name of King in Richard II

The Name of King in Richard II

The Name of King in Richard II

The Name of King in Richard II

Berenger, Protagonist Of An Anti-Playwright

IONESCO HAS WRITTEN FOUR PLAYS about a protagonist named Bérenger The Killer, Rhinoceros, Le Pieton de l’air, and Le Roi se meurt (the latter two have not yet been translated). In French the name Bérenger is not uncommon, and Ionesco probably intended it to suggest two things: Bérenger as the name of kings in the first millennium of French history, and Beranger (pronounced Bérenger) as the name of a democratic nineteenth-century song-writer. All four Bérenger of Ionesco combine the common man and the king, the trivial and the towering. Ionesco's Bérenger: are and are not the same character, and to the extent that they are not the same, it is illuminating to consider them in pairs.

Epithet and Eponym

TIE LATE ROBERT L. RAMSAY in a recent paper contends that King Scyld of Danes ,surely an eponym if there ever was one. More precisely, he believes that king's name was made, by back formation, from dynastic name ScyldingasJ and that dynasty got its name from shields with which its members were armed. As he puts matter in an earlier study, the Saxons got their ancestral name from their favorite weapon, seax or knife, Scyldings from their shields, ... 2 From this statement, be it added, one might readily infer that Ramsay looked upon Scyldingas as a tribal rather than as a dynastic name, supporting himself, presumably, upon tribal sense 'Danes' that Scyldingas often if not usually has in English poem Beowulf. But in his later paper he accepts as correct view that the Danes are repeatedly called Scyldings in poem by extension of name as applied to royal family (p. 274), and his discussion makes it clear that distinction between dynastic and tribal was of no moment to him. He evidently (and rightly) thought it to have no bearing on etymological problem with which he ,vas concerned. This problem may be summed up as follows. Was proper name Scy ld made, by back formation, from dynastic or tribal name Scyldingas? If so, then King Scyld is an eponym. Or is Scyldingas a patronymic in origin, derived from proper name Scyld? If so, then King Scyld is not an eponym. If king is an eponym we have an explanation of his name but need to explain name Scyldingas. If he is not an eponym we have an explanation of Scyldingas but need to explain use of common noun scyld 'shield' as a royal name. In my paper of 1953 (to which Ramsay took exception), I chose second alternative and tried to explain how a king might come to have such a name as Scyld. Ramsay huwever chose first alternative and accordingly tried to explain how a dynasty or tribe might come to have such a name as Scyldingas.

Indo-Aryan Names from Mitanni, Nuzi, and Syrian Documents

been published on the subject. In 1933, N. D. Mironov published an article on the same subject in Acta Orientalia: 'Aryan Vestiges in the Near East of the Second Millenary B. c.' But, according to the best experts, his method is very unsatisfactory. Mironov had in his list some 27 names which certainly or very probably are Indo-Aryan; but he had also a great many Egyptian, Semitic, and miscellaneous names, which are certainly nonAryan. Since that time great progress has been made in the deciphering of the Mitanni, Nuzi and Syrian documents; and as exhaustive as now possible a list of names of kings and nobles suspected to be of Indo-Aryan origin has been prepared by Roger T. O'Callaghan and W. F. Albright.1 The list contains 81 names (13 from the Mitanni, 23 from the Nuzi, and 45 from the Syrian documents). Among the names of this list, a few have already been explained, and correctly explained, by Mironov or his predecessors; but, in many cases, I do not accept the etymology he has suggested. Many of the etymologies I am proposing, or accepting, are hypothetical; but some of them seem absolutely certain. For instance:

A Note on an Early Indian Coin

The Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey of India for 1936–7 contains, among other interesting matter, a report by the late Mr. N. G. Majumdar on the excavation of a large and evidently important building at Lauriya Nandangarh, which seems to date from at least the second century B.C. Among the many things found here is a square leadin coin or token with the mould in which it was cast (pp. 49 f., pl. xxiv, 2–4). This bears on one side the device of the tree in rail and on the other taurine symbol surmounted by a legend in Brāhmī script of about the first century B.C., a ya ri ta sa, which Mr. Majumdar interpreted as Aya Ritasa, Pkt. corresponding to Skt. Ārya Rtasya, and meaning “Of the Honourable Rta”. He remarks that this “does not sound like a king's name …. It is thus possible that the lead piece represents a token and not a coin. Otherwise it would be hard to explain the discovery of a coin mould in the remains of religious establishment”. He thus seems inclined to regard it as a token issued by or for some religious teacher named in Skt. Rta and in Pkt. Rita.

The Sumerian City Nippur in the Period of the Third Dynasty of Ur

Nippur was one of the most important cities in the Sumerian world. Here was situated the shrine of the Lord of the gods, Enlil; here the king's name was spoken by Enlil, lord of the earth, calling him into existence as king, at the great shrine é-kur, the mountain-house where the god abode amongst men, and where kings did him honour.The site was in part excavated by an American expedition from 1889 to 1990, but much still remains to be done. The excavations yielded large quantities of tablets of which, there is reason to believe, not all have as yet been published. The first group, dating to the Third Dynasty of Ur, with which this study is concerned, were published in 1910 under the editorship of Professor Hilprecht, and consisted of 171 tablets and fragments, but not until last year did others of the Hilprecht Collection appear. A few have appeared elsewhere, so that, in all, about 400 tablets and fragments from Nippur are at present available for study. The collection now published for the first time at the end of this article adds thirty-seven more. These are considerably less than the number of tablets which have been published from other sites of the period of the Third Dynasty of Ur, such as Drehern, Umma, and Telloh, but they are sufficient for a review of Nippur at this period, such as is attempted here.

I.—On an Illuminated and Emblazoned Copy of the Statutes from Edward III. to Henry VI., illustrating the Genealogy of the Family of Fitzwilliam of Mablethorpe, co. Lincoln

The volume I exhibit to-night is a folio copy on vellum of the Statutes 1st Edward III. to 23rd Henry VI., the text written in single column of thirty-eight lines and preceded by an elaborate index covering fifty-two folios. The legislation of each regnal year opens with a large initial letter painted in ultramarine upon a floriated vermilion background of penwork, which extends, in the form of flourishes, far into the margin of the page. The initial letter of the king's name in the first Act of each reign is of still larger dimensions, usually from 2½ to 3 inches square. It is, in each instance, elaborately illuminated in gold and colours, and encloses a shield of arms relieved upon a background of lake covered with delicate scrollwork in white body-colour. From the initial letter proceeds illuminated foliage completely enclosing three sides of the text.

Art. XXIX.—The Conquests of Samudra Gupta

The following dissertation is the second in my series of “Prolegomena to Ancient Indian History,” of which the first was the essay entitled “The Iron Pillar of Delhi (Mihraulī) and the Emperor Candra (Chandra)” published in this Journal in January, 1897. The article entitled “Samudra Gupta,” published, in the same number of the Journal, gives in narrative form the history of the Emperor Samudra Gupta. The present paper is devoted to the detailed technical discussion of the authorities for the statements of that narrative. I may perhaps be pardoned for inviting attention to the proposed identification of King Acyuta; the justification of the reading Mahendragiri as a king's name; the probable identification of the kings Viṣṇugōpa and Hastivarman; the certain identification of the kingdom of Pālakka; the suggested identifications of the kingdoms of Devarāṣṭra and Kustbalapura; the probable identification of King Candravarman; the location of the Ābhīra tribe; and the attempted identification and differentiation of the Ṣāhi, Ṣāhānuṣāhi, and Daivaputra kings.