Naissance De Research Articles

Foucault's Renaissance Episteme Reassessed: An Aristotelian Counterblast

Foucault’s Renaissance Episteme Reassessed: An Aristotelian Counterblast Ian Maclean There seem to me to be two good reasons for looking at Foucault’s Renaissance episteme again, even though specialists of the Renaissance have given it short shrift and Foucault himself does not seem to have set great store by it in his later writings. 1 The first is that in general books on Foucault accounts of it are still given in a neutral or even approving way, as though neither the concept of episteme (which suggests both that mind-sets or paradigms or epistemes are all-constraining) nor the account of the Renaissance episteme in particular (which is given a predominantly Platonic and hermetic character) require modification, if not refutation. 2 I shall suggest that although in some sense we are all prisoners of our mind-sets, there are ways in which we can escape from this prison 3 ; and with respect to the Renaissance in particular, I shall claim that Aristotelianism, not Platonism, is the appropriate context in which to see the dominant universe of discourse of the day and that this philosophy can be shown to possess the resources for escaping its limitations. To do this I shall [End Page 149] give a brief resume of Foucault’s episteme in general and the Renaissance episteme in particular. Then I shall show first, that the Platonist features which he cites as typical are actively refuted at that time and cannot be described as dominant without severe qualification; second, that the versions of Aris-totelianism widely taught in universities and schools give quite different accounts of these features; and third, that this form of thinking can be shown to have the freedom of self-critique in the very areas in which Foucault chooses to see Renaissance philosophy as both constraining and constrained. In 1969 Foucault produced his “theoretical work” L’Archéologie du savoir as the methodological systematization of his earlier historical writings, L’Histoire de la folie à l’âge classique (l961), La Naissance de la clinique (l963), and Les Mots et les choses (1966). In this work man is described as a modern self-invention, fashioned from a particular configuration of knowledge and destined soon to disappear. Foucault’s history of man is a story about the way he constituted himself as a subject and then made his body, his behavior, his reason, and his consciousness the object of his study and a field to be controlled, regulated, trained, and coerced. In this analysis man’s “rationality” becomes not a faculty but an authoritarian straitjacket. What Foucault sets out to investigate is a very fundamental form of ontology but not one associated with profound knowledge; it is a superficial and finite, if largely invisible, field, which is discontinuous, not defined by the agenda of the modern state of any associated discipline, and peopled by “utterances” (énoncés) which are only graspable in their differences and their dispersion. If coagulations of these “utterances” (formations discursives) occur at all, they appear only in the form of consistent relations: the objects to which they “refer” are no more than objectifications whose scientific status cannot be established and whose meaning cannot be recovered by semantic or rhetorical analysis. In calling his previous book Les Mots et les choses, he was being explicitly ironic, for neither the words nor the things of the title have any substance to them: they are not presences but absences. The description made by the historian is remote from his object, indirect, incomplete; it describes a “preconceptual field” in which the “preconcepts” are no more than organizing operators or functions revealing relationships of dependence, processes of validation, contingent theories of truth. The “utterances” which these “preconcepts” inform come together in “discourses” which are neither systems nor mere aggregations of knowledge; archaeological history as practiced by Foucault uncovers not a “mentality” but an “episteme,” which he defines as follows: By episteme we mean ... the total set of relations that unite, at a given period, the discursive practices that give rise to epistemological figures, sciences, possibly formalized systems.... The episteme is not a form of knowledge or type of rationality which, crossing the boundaries [End Page 150] of the most...

Foucault's Renaissance Episteme Reassessed: An Aristotelian Counterblast

Foucault’s Renaissance Episteme Reassessed: An Aristotelian Counterblast Ian Maclean There seem to me to be two good reasons for looking at Foucault’s Renaissance episteme again, even though specialists of the Renaissance have given it short shrift and Foucault himself does not seem to have set great store by it in his later writings. 1 The first is that in general books on Foucault accounts of it are still given in a neutral or even approving way, as though neither the concept of episteme (which suggests both that mind-sets or paradigms or epistemes are all-constraining) nor the account of the Renaissance episteme in particular (which is given a predominantly Platonic and hermetic character) require modification, if not refutation. 2 I shall suggest that although in some sense we are all prisoners of our mind-sets, there are ways in which we can escape from this prison 3 ; and with respect to the Renaissance in particular, I shall claim that Aristotelianism, not Platonism, is the appropriate context in which to see the dominant universe of discourse of the day and that this philosophy can be shown to possess the resources for escaping its limitations. To do this I shall [End Page 149] give a brief resume of Foucault’s episteme in general and the Renaissance episteme in particular. Then I shall show first, that the Platonist features which he cites as typical are actively refuted at that time and cannot be described as dominant without severe qualification; second, that the versions of Aris-totelianism widely taught in universities and schools give quite different accounts of these features; and third, that this form of thinking can be shown to have the freedom of self-critique in the very areas in which Foucault chooses to see Renaissance philosophy as both constraining and constrained. In 1969 Foucault produced his “theoretical work” L’Archéologie du savoir as the methodological systematization of his earlier historical writings, L’Histoire de la folie à l’âge classique (l961), La Naissance de la clinique (l963), and Les Mots et les choses (1966). In this work man is described as a modern self-invention, fashioned from a particular configuration of knowledge and destined soon to disappear. Foucault’s history of man is a story about the way he constituted himself as a subject and then made his body, his behavior, his reason, and his consciousness the object of his study and a field to be controlled, regulated, trained, and coerced. In this analysis man’s “rationality” becomes not a faculty but an authoritarian straitjacket. What Foucault sets out to investigate is a very fundamental form of ontology but not one associated with profound knowledge; it is a superficial and finite, if largely invisible, field, which is discontinuous, not defined by the agenda of the modern state of any associated discipline, and peopled by “utterances” (énoncés) which are only graspable in their differences and their dispersion. If coagulations of these “utterances” (formations discursives) occur at all, they appear only in the form of consistent relations: the objects to which they “refer” are no more than objectifications whose scientific status cannot be established and whose meaning cannot be recovered by semantic or rhetorical analysis. In calling his previous book Les Mots et les choses, he was being explicitly ironic, for neither the words nor the things of the title have any substance to them: they are not presences but absences. The description made by the historian is remote from his object, indirect, incomplete; it describes a “preconceptual field” in which the “preconcepts” are no more than organizing operators or functions revealing relationships of dependence, processes of validation, contingent theories of truth. The “utterances” which these “preconcepts” inform come together in “discourses” which are neither systems nor mere aggregations of knowledge; archaeological history as practiced by Foucault uncovers not a “mentality” but an “episteme,” which he defines as follows: By episteme we mean ... the total set of relations that unite, at a given period, the discursive practices that give rise to epistemological figures, sciences, possibly formalized systems.... The episteme is not a form of knowledge or type of rationality which, crossing the boundaries [End Page 150] of the most...

The effect of financial resources on the products and the careers of Dutch filmmakers

This paper gives the results of a research project on how Dutch filmmakers practiced their profession during the period 1960–1983. The focus is on the conditions under which a number of them succeeded in pursuing their activities on a continuous basis. The two major research questions are (i) what were the socioeconomic conditions under which Dutch filmmakers developed their activities into a profession? (ii) what is the contribution of Dutch filmmakers to the professionalization of their activities? Practicing a profession means that activities are undertaken on a continuous basis. A professional filmmaker was defined in this research project as a person who has spent at least half of his or her career on making films. This means that there are financial resources, the possibility of receiving training for a future profession and that there is a union that unites most professionals. The development of professional careers shows differentiated patterns. In part, these points of view have also been developed within the sociology of professions and the sociology of culture. It should be noted, however, that very few studies in either field recognize the central role of financial resources in the development of (artistic) activities into a profession. One of these studies is La naissance de l'écrivain by Alain Viala.

Early Modern

The Changing English Countryside, 1400–1700. By Leonard Cantor The Last Principality: Politics, Religion and Society in the Bishopric of Durham, 1494–1660. Edited by David Marcombe John Skelton and the Politics of the 1520s. By Greg Walker Poverty and Policy in Tudor and Stuart England. By Paul Slack Migration and Society in Early Modern England. Edited by Peter Clark and David Souden Trade and Banking in Early Modern England. By Eric Kerridge Henry II, King of France 1547–1559. By Frederic J. Baumgartner Myths about the St. Bartholomew's Day Massacres, 1572–1576. By Robert M. Kingdon Change and Continuity in the French Episcopate. The Bishops and the Wars of Religion, 1547–1610. By Frederic J. Baumgartner Cérémonial et puissance souveraine. France, XVe‐XVIIe siècles. By Ralph E. Giesey The Cultural Uses of Print in Early Modern France. By Roger Chartier. Translated by Lydia G. Cochrane Rich Noble, Poor Noble. By Michael Bush Conscience and Casuistry in Early Modern Europe. Edited by E. Leites The Papal Prince. One body and two souls: the papal monarchy in early modern Europe. By Paolo Prodi Galileo: Heretic. By Pietro Redondi Power and Penury: Government, technology and science in Philip II's Spain. By David C. Goodman Philip IV and the Government of Spain 1621–1665. By R.A. Stradling Wales in the reign of James I. By G. Dyfnallt Owen Proceedings in Parliament 1625. Edited by Maija Jansson and William B. Bidwell Ceremonies of Charles I: The Notebooks of John Finet 1628–1641. Edited by Albert J. Loomie The Civil Wars of England. By John Kenyon Central Government and the Localities: Hampshire, 1649–1689. By Andrew M. Coleby An Astrological Diary of the Seventeenth Century: Samuel Jeake of Rye 1652–1699. Edited by Michael Hunter and Annabel Gregory The Quakers and the English Legal System 1660–1688. By Craig W. Horle Triumph of the Laity: Scots‐Irish Piety and the Great Awakening 1625–1760. By Marilyn J. Westerkamp Louis XIV and the Origins of the Dutch War. By Paul Sonnino Reluctant Revolutionaries. Englishmen and the Revolution of 1688. By W.A. Speck London Papers in the Age of Walpole: A Study of the Origins of the Modern English Press. By Michael Harris Samuel Johnson and Eighteenth‐Century Thought. By Nicholas Hudson East Encounters West: France and the Ottoman Empire in the Eighteenth Century. By F.M. Göcek La naissance de l'intime: 3000 foyers parisiens. XVIIe ‐ XVIIIe siècles. By Annick Pardailhé‐Galabrun Feminine and opposition journalism in Old Regime France. ‘Le Journal des Dames’. By N. Rattner Gelbart

Is biochemistry irreducible to chemistry?

Is biochemistry irreducible to chemistry?

La modernité de la révolution américaine

The author summarizes the principal theses developed in his political interpretation of the American Revolution published under the title, La naissance de la pensee politique américaine. The theoretical conclusion of that Revolution in the Constitution of 1787 and in its interpretation by The Federalist Papers does not explain the two phenomena which continue to define American political life : the birth of a System of political parties, and the practice of judicial review by a non-elected Supreme Court. It is thus necessary to explain how these two phenomena, invented at the time of the « Revolution of 1800 » which brought Jefferson to the Presidency, could develop on the basis of the political theory on which the Revolution itself was founded.

La naissance de la grammaire moderne: Langage, logique et philosophie à Port-Royal By Marc Dominicy (review)

700 LANGUAGE, VOLUME 62, NUMBER 3 (1986) inbarelytwopages (145-7), 'Languageandcriminology ' in eight lines (22), and "The Geneva School' (the shortest topic) in five lines (65). In most instances, N's brief summaries of subfields , theories, and historical aspects are excellent ; their conciseness makes them the kind of thing that even an advanced specialist might want to consult for a distillation of, say, Saussurean structuralism. But in the rare cases where N's text is inaccurate or misleading, its very brevity may well prove disastrous for German students ofEnglish language and literature getting their introduction to linguistics. On the positive side, these passages are few and involve some of the longest subsections of the book; they are thus outweighed by clear and accurate material. On the negative side, they concern some of N's major foci. Thus the discussion of 'Taxonomic structuralism in the USA' (76-88) inexplicably speaks of 'allophemes ' instead of 'allophones', and is confusing in its use of square brackets to indicate phonemes. The treatment of 'Transformational generative grammar' (91-119) switches the usual meanings of 'selectional restriction' and '(strict) subcategorization'; it delays and downplays the issue of innateness enough to make it appear that the complexity ofcertain generative formulations suffices to demonstrate their psychological unreality; and it takes no account of developments in syntax since 1972. These disadvantages are at least partially outweighed by the consistent integration into the text of topics from the field of contrastive linguistics (N's own primary area of expertise). These will surely be ofgreat value to the book's main audience, especially Appendix I, 'Linguistics and foreign-language instruction' (15968 ). Appendix II (169-71) contains two parodistic poems in English—F. G. Cassidy's ? modern linguistician' and John Spencer's 'On reading Chomsky's Aspects with a high temperature'—which appear to be otherwise inaccessible. All in all, N's introduction to linguistics fully achieves its goals. Although self-admittedly 'extremely simplified and often intentionally superficial' (15), it will certainly give its primary readers a concise survey of linguistics in all its major manifestations—without creating in them any impression that they know it all, but with every encouragement to learn more about the field from the many carefully chosen references which N provides. [Richard D. Janda, University ofNew Mexico.] La naissance de la grammaire moderne : Langage, logique et philosophie à Port-Royal. By Marc DoMiNICY . Bruxelles: Mardaga, 1984. Pp. 256. In the last twenty years, the Port-Royal Grammar (1660) andLogic (1662) have received growing interest from linguists and logicians, and this has resulted in an impressive number of monographs and articles. A major reason for this renewed interest was Chomsky's Cartesian linguistics (1966), which attemptedto showwhat 17th century philosophical grammar (in particular that developed by Lancelot & Arnauld) had bequeathed to modern generative linguistics . Chomsky's book has been severely criticized by historians oflinguistics, bothjustly and unjustly. Fortunately, Dominicy's book is not intended to re-examine Chomsky's case: although it has an almost exhaustive bibliography of secondary literature, this study is not meant as a critical 'state of the art', but aims at understanding and explaining what was going on at Port-Royal around the time when the Grammar and Logic were written. This is the more important since both works mark a crucial stage in the development of grammatical and logical theory. Of course, such an endeavor is an immense one, since it requires familiarity not only with the history of logic and of grammar, but also with the theological disputes linked with Jansenism—an immediate concern for the 'Solitaires ' of Port-Royal, and an interesting feeding ground for logical and grammatical reflections (e.g., on the ambiguity of words, on the semantic complexity of terms and expressions , and on representation through signs). D has accomplished this task brilliantly; I recommend his book as a masterful analysis of the intricacies and complexities of PortRoyal 's grammatical and logical theories, placed in their intellectual context. The context is sketched in the introduction (7-25), with special emphasis on the theological background (Jansenism, anti-Jansenism, and the role of Pascal). The other major component of the intellectual context, viz. Cartesianism, is dealt with extensively in Ch. I, 'L...

The Clinical Training of Doctors: An Essay of 1793

Philippe Pinel (1745-1826) is better known for his Treatise on Insanity (1801) and Clinical Medicine (1802). Pinel's career spanned a crucial period in the history of medicine. The education, licensing, and qualification of physicians changed completely in the aftermath of the French Revolution. Elsewhere in Europe, similar changes were taking place. Even more important, Pinel's age saw a fundamental reorientation in concepts of disease. This period in French medicine has been provocatively and controversially discussed in Michel Foucault's La Naissance de la Clinique (translated as The Birth of the Clinic ), a book well read in conjunction with this treatise of Pinel. The essay of Pinel published in the present work is one of Pinel's more obscure efforts (it did not win the prize competition in which it was entered). This relative obscurity ought not to conceal its interest, for this is a fascinating discussion of an ideal medical educational system

Une synagogue à la Chine

A synagogue in China. The impact of the Letter on the Jews of Kaifeng (5 November 1704) which we owe to Giampolo Gozani (1659-1732) is unimaginable. It was published in French in the Lettres édifiantes et curieuses, vol. VII, 1707 ; re-edited several times and translated into the major European languages. The Journal des Sçavans judged it «très importante » (very important) and speedily published lengthy extracts, though the Journal inadvertently dated their Synagogue as going back «avant la naissance de Jésus-Christ » (before the birth of Christ). The Letter plays an important role in the Encyclopédie (article «Bible ») and in the travel literature so fashionable in the eighteenth century.

McDonell on Foucault: Supplementary Remarks

As the title of this paper suggests, these remarks on Foucault should be understood as an attempt to complete the picture that McDonell has provided of Michel Foucault's work, rather than as a critique of that picture. I find myself in agreement with much that McDonell has said, but would nevertheless like to comment on a few points. There are two main features of McDonell's introduction to Foucault. First, the overall bearing of Foucault's work is held to have to do with the history of ideas, with a special concern with the methodology that such a type of history should follow. Second, the work of Michel Foucault possesses a rather strong unity that can be stressed in taking L'archéologie du savoir as, so to speak, the sun of a small theoretical system around which revolve such planets of written words as Histoire de Ia folie à l'âge classique, Naissance de Ia clinique, Les mots et les chases and, eventually, Surveiller et punir.

The Three Modes of Natural Law in Ockham: A Revision of the Text

THE THREE MODES OF NATURAL LAW IN OCKHAM: A REVISION OF THE TEXT The significance of the concept of natural law in Ockham's thinking can hardly be decided on a priori grounds.1 Only close attention to what he wrote can help towards an estimate. During the last forty years or so a central place in the lively if inconclusive debate about his views on this subject has been occupied by chapter six of book three of the second treatise of part three of his Dialogus. To it Max. A. Shepard drew attention in 1932 and Georges de Lagarde devoted almost a whole chapter of discussion in 19462. Father W. Kölmel's attempt in 1953 to rebut Lagarde's conclusions, though rightly insisting that IIusIIIae Dial. iii. 6 does not reveal the whole story, nevertheless concentrated most of its attention upon this text.3 When in the sixties Lagarde rehandled his Ockham volumes IIusIIIae Dial. iii. 6 still had a considerable part to play in his defence of his earlier views against Kölmel's criticisms.4 In his recent study of Ockham's political thought Professor McGrade engages in a lengthy tussle with this same passage; if only in passing, Professor 1 That seems to be the tendency, for example, of A. P. d'Entrèves, Natural Law (London, 1951), pp. 68-69, when he remarks on the Nominalist theory of ethics as an "insidious menace to the doctrine of natural law" and on Ockham as drawing out fully all the implications of "voluntarist ethics." 2 Max A. Shepard, "William of Occam and the Higher Law," American Political Science Review, 26 (1932), 1011-12; 27 (1933), 24, 32. Georges de Lagarde, La Naissance de l'Esprit Laïque au Déclin du Moyen-Age. Tom. VI. Ockham: La Morale et le droit (Paris, 1946), chapter 6, pp. 140-63. 8 W. Kölmel, 'Das Naturrecht bei Wilhelm Ockham,' Franziskanische Studien, 35 (1953), 39-85. For the reservations, cf. pp. 56, 76; for the discussion, PP- 55-76. 4 Cf. especially La Naissance de l'Esprit Laïque. Tom. V. Guillaume d'Ockham : Critique des structures ecclésiales (Paris/Louvain, 1963), pp. 1 12-19, 271, 286. 2?8H. S. OFFLER Gordon Leff has not failed to notice it.5 Of course, none of these scholars confined his attention to IIusIIIae Dial. iii. 6 or built his argument upon it exclusively: the early chapters of book i of the same treatise contain an important alternative definition of natural law, as Lagarde perceived, and the value of Ockham's Opus Nonaginta Dierum for the investigation of this problem has been indicated by Dr. J. B. Morrall and Professor Miethke, recently followed by Leff.6 Yet IIusIIIae Dial. iii. 6 remains, as Professor Francis Oakley has said, Ockham's "best known text on natural law."7 Modern scholarship has in fact endorsed the high opinion of this passage expressed by medieval annotators: "pulchra definitio iuris naturalis," or, as Pierre d'Ailly characterized it, "novam distinctionem de iure naturali valde bonam."8 In view of the strategic importance so generally attributed to this text we are left asking why modern interpretations of it have been so notably diverse. At least part of the answer lies in the deficiencies of the version which the commentators have used. Ultimately only one version is at issue. Shepard, Lagarde, Kölmel and Oakley rely on Goldast's edition of the Dialogus in vol. ii of his Monarchia Sancti Romani Imperii (1614; in vol. iii of later editions of the same work); McGrade and Leff have gone back to the Lyons edition of 1494 (reproduced in 1962). But Goldast offered no more than a reprint of the Lyons edition, which has thus provided all these scholars with the basis for their varied conclusions. Though both Lagarde and McGrade have also consulted manuscripts, neither seems to have pursued this line systematically or very far; Lagarde indeed, possibly not without irony, appears at one point to make rather light of textual problems.9 The result has been that the difficulties of inter8 A. S. McGrade, The Political Thought of William of Ockham (Cambridge, 1974), pp. 177-85; Gorden...

The Birth of the Clinic. By Michel Foucault. Translated by A. M. Sheridan Smith. New York: Pantheon Books, 1973. Pp. 215. $8.95. (First published in French as Naissance de la clinique [Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1963].)

Journal Article The Birth of the Clinic. By Michel Foucault. Translated by A. M. Sheridan Smith. New York: Pantheon Books, 1973. Pp. 215. $8.95. (First published in French as Naissance de la clinique [Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1963].) Get access The Birth of the Clinic. By Michel Foucault. Translated by A. M. Sheridan Smith. New York: Pantheon Books, 1973. Pp. 215. $8.95. (First published in French as Naissance de la clinique [Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1963].) José Alberto Mainetti José Alberto Mainetti Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic PubMed Google Scholar The Journal of Medicine and Philosophy: A Forum for Bioethics and Philosophy of Medicine, Volume 2, Issue 1, January 1977, Pages 77–83, https://doi.org/10.1093/jmp/2.1.77 Published: 01 January 1977

14. L'archéologie du savoir et le problème de la périodisation

14. Etienne Verley : L'Archéologie du savoir and the problem of periodisation. In his research on L'Histoire de la folie , La Naissance de la clinique , first of all, but more particularly in Les Mots et les choses, Foucault proposed a radical change in the traditional division into periods of the history of ideas from the 16th century onwards. L'Archéologie du savoir sets out to be a reflection upon the method of analysis employed in these works. But the investigation of the method leads on to new problems and appears, in many points, notably that of division into periods, to constitute a critical revision of the works to which it refers. On what is based this shift of thought, what effects can one pinpoint behind l'Archéologie du savoir , such is the intention of the study undertaken in this article.

MODERNIZATION RECONSIDERED—with Special Reference to Industrialization—

MODERNIZATION RECONSIDERED—with Special Reference to Industrialization—

La naissance de l'esprit laïque au déclin du moyen age: IV. Guillaume d'Ockham: Defense de l'Empire; V. Guillaume d'Ockham: Critique des structures ecclésiales (review)

274 HISTORY OF PHILOSOPHY Jews .... A Jew may make use of philosophy and Maimonides makes the most ample use of it; but as a Jew he gives his assent where as a philosopher he would suspend his assent." Professor Pines clearly concurs in this. Pines' introduction is far more than a mere catalogue of the sources of some of Maimonides ' ideas. He offers us an acute analysis of the way in which Maimonides makes use of those sources for his own specific purposes. Pines shows convincingly that Maimonides was never a slavish follower of his predecessors nor a mere collector of philosophic opinions and arguments . He was a highly original thinker who learned much from his predecessors and contemporaries and then turned their words and ideas to the service of his own goals. What were those purposes as Pines outlines them and Strauss hints at them? Maimonides sought to pursue philosophic inquiry in complete freedom, while at the same time preserving society from the destructive dangers of philosophy. In Jewish law he saw the ideal instrument for achieving his double goal. Jewish law provided for the best kind of social order, in Maimonides' opinion, while leaving the pursuit of philosophy open to those who qualificd. As legislator or interpreter of Jewish law Maimonides was rigorously orthodox; but as philosopher he rejected some of the very doctrines which he affirmed in his legal decisions. He believed that religious tradition is essential to provide for the masses the best life of which they are capable. It also provides for the philosopher conditions under which he can do his work freely. Therefore, the prudent philosopher will do his best to preserve those conditions both for himself and for society. Both Pines and Strauss have this understanding of Maimonldes--a view which would be rejected by those who consider Maimonides one of the pillars of Jewish orthodoxy. Since the deliberate ambiguities of the Guide leave room for different and even contradictory interpretations , we must expect that Maimonides will be represented as everything from a fully conventional orthodox Jew, to a crypto-heretic, to an outright denier of the faith. To decide among these possibilities is beyond the limits of the present essay. Pines closes his introduction with this explanation of the social desirability of Maimonides' scheme. "Qua philosopher he had the possibility to consider Judaism from the outside. From this vantage point he could discover the justification that, if one takes into account human nature and condition, can be adduced for accepting the obligations of a strict member of the Jewish community and could apprehend and try to eliminate or mitigate the dangers inherent in philosophic truth and trace the task of the philosophers-statesmen, one of whom he was." Strauss summarizes the philosophic advantages this way: "The official recognition of philosophy in the Christian world made philosophy subject to ecclesiastical supervision. The precarious position of philosophy in the Islamic-Jewish world guaranteed its private character and therewith its inner freedom from supervision." ' This work by Pines and Strauss must be recognized as one of the most important contributions to the study of Maimonides in the present century. The translation is of a quality unequalled in any modern language. The introductions are controversial, but they are also stimulating and provocative. Every serious reader will be instructed by Professors Pines and Strauss. Some will follow their lead; others will be driven to refute them; and all will profit from the experience. M~vi~ Fox Ohio State University "Ibid., p. 21. La naissance de l'esprit la~que au d6clin d~ rnoyen age: IV. Guillaume d'Ockham: De]ense de l'Empire; V. Guillaume d'Ockham: Critique des slruclures eccl6siales. Par Georges de Lagarde. (Louvain, l~,ditions E. Nauwelaerts; Paris, Beatrice-Nanwelaerts, 1962--63. Vol. IV, xi-269 pp., FB 260.-; Vol. V, xii-348 pp., FB 330.-.) These two books are devoted to the political and ecclesiastical views of William Ockham (d. 1349), an English Franciscan, who had studied and taught at Oxford. In 1324 he was ac- BOOK REVIEWS 275 cused of heresy and cited to the papal court of Pope John XXII at Avignon. The trial was inconclusive . But during his stay there...

LA COMMÉMORATION DU CENTENAIRE DE LA NAISSANCE DE SANTE DE SANCTIS ET LE XIVmeCONGRÉS DES PSYCHOLOGUES ITALIENS

Applied PsychologyVolume 12, Issue 1 p. 60-60 LA COMMÉMORATION DU CENTENAIRE DE LA NAISSANCE DE SANTE DE SANCTIS ET LE XIVme CONGRÉS DES PSYCHOLOGUES ITALIENS L. CANESTRELLI, L. CANESTRELLISearch for more papers by this author L. CANESTRELLI, L. CANESTRELLISearch for more papers by this author First published: January 1963 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1464-0597.1963.tb00468.xAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditWechat No abstract is available for this article. Volume12, Issue1January 1963Pages 60-60 RelatedInformation

The Odysseus Theme in Recent German Fiction

ERHAPS no other figure from Greek mythology has made such a lively and lasting impact as Odysseus polytropos, far-wanderer. From the Alexandrians to Nikos Kazantzakis, from the Romans to the French classical theater, from Dante to James Joyce, through the ages and across all boundaries of Western civilization Odysseus has continued his journey, arousing admiration here and indignation there, but never failing to stir men's imagination.l The legend has grown in popularity through the centuries. In our own time, it has been treated with unprecedented variety and brilliance, notably in Joyce's modern Ulysses (1922), Jean Giono's cynical Naissance de l'Odyssee (1930), Kazantzakis' monumental sequel to the Homeric Odyssey (1938), and Eyvind Johnson's wildly imaginative and crassly naturalistic Return to Ithaka (Stridndernas Svall, 1946). Although modern German literature has produced few works that can compete in brilliance and originality with these English, French, modern Greek, and Swedish Odysseys, no other national literature can equal it in sheer bulk of production. Since 1900 more than a dozen plays dealing with Odysseus have been published,2 including at least one really significant version, Gerhart Hauptmann's Der Bogen des Odysseus

The Potter's Wheel: An Analysis of Idea and Artifact in Invention

Previous articleNext article No AccessThe Potter's Wheel: An Analysis of Idea and Artifact in InventionGeorge M. FosterGeorge M. Foster Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Volume 15, Number 2Summer, 1959 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/soutjanth.15.2.3628800 Views: 31Total views on this site Citations: 26Citations are reported from Crossref Journal History This article was published in the Southwestern Journal of Anthropology (1945-1972), which is continued by the Journal of Anthropological Research (1973-present). PDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Beatrijs de Groot, Anna Bloxam Radiocarbon approaches for mapping technological change: The spread of the potter’s wheel in the Iberian Peninsula, 1000–0 BCE, Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 41 (Feb 2022): 103288.https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2021.103288Prince Sharma A brief account of man, material and manufacturing: On the timeline, Materials Today: Proceedings 66 (Jan 2022): 3572–3577.https://doi.org/10.1016/j.matpr.2022.07.016A. Ceccarelli, P.S. Quinn, R.N. Singh, C.A. Petrie Setting the wheels in motion: Re-examining ceramic forming techniques in Indus Civilisation villages in northwest India, Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 64 (Dec 2021): 101346.https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jaa.2021.101346Enora Gandon, Thelma Coyle, Frédéric Pous, Franck Buloup, Reinoud J. Bootsma A preliminary study of rotation velocity regulation in pottery wheel-throwing: Fieldwork with Indian potters using the low-inertia kick-wheel, Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 37 (Jun 2021): 102987.https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2021.102987Richard Thér, Tomáš Mangel Two trajectories of the development of pottery forming methods in central Europe in the Iron Age: The contribution of analysis of the orientation of components of a ceramic body, Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 35 (Feb 2021): 102717.https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2020.102717Maria Choleva TRAVELLING WITH THE POTTER'S WHEEL IN THE EARLY BRONZE AGE AEGEAN, The Annual of the British School at Athens 115 (Aug 2020): 59–104.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0068245420000064Ina Berg The Potter’s Wheel, (Oct 2020): 8830–8843.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-30018-0_3443Ina Berg The Potter’s Wheel, (Nov 2019): 1–13.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-51726-1_3443-1Valentine Roux, Blandine Bril, Avshalom Karasik Weak Ties and Expertise: Crossing Technological Boundaries, Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 25, no.44 (Sep 2018): 1024–1050.https://doi.org/10.1007/s10816-018-9397-8Richard Thér, Tomáš Mangel, Miloš Gregor Potter’s Wheel in the Iron Age in Central Europe: Process or Product Innovation?, Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 24, no.44 (Jan 2017): 1256–1299.https://doi.org/10.1007/s10816-016-9312-0 Bibliographie, (Jan 2017): 491–534.https://doi.org/10.4000/books.septentrion.12396Richard Thér, Petr Toms Quantification of the orientation and alignment of aplastic components of a ceramic body as a method for distinguishing among various means of using a rotational device in pottery forming, Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 9 (Oct 2016): 33–43.https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2016.06.048Diane Bolger Gender, Labor, and Pottery Production in Prehistory, (Jan 2014): 161–179.https://doi.org/10.1002/9781118294291.ch8 THE FIRST WHEELMADE POTTERY AT LERNA, Hesperia: The Journal of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens 81, no.33 (Jul 2012): 343–381.https://doi.org/10.2972/hesperia.81.3.0343Andrés Marroquín Gramajo Is Joseph Schumpeter's theory of economic development still useful? The case of a semirural community in Colombia, (Jan 2010): 77–98.https://doi.org/10.1108/S0190-1281(2010)0000030007Valentine Roux, Pierre de Miroschedji Revisiting the History of the Potter's Wheel in the Southern Levant, Levant 41, no.22 (Jul 2013): 155–173.https://doi.org/10.1179/007589109X12484491671095Ina Berg Looking through pots: recent advances in ceramics X-radiography, Journal of Archaeological Science 35, no.55 (May 2008): 1177–1188.https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jas.2007.08.006Mary S. Thieme Changes in the Style, Production and Distribution of Pottery in Santa María Atzompa, Oaxaca, Mexico during the 1990s, Museum Anthropology 30, no.22 (Sep 2007): 125–140.https://doi.org/10.1525/mua.2007.30.2.125Ina Berg Meaning in the making: The potter’s wheel at Phylakopi, Melos (Greece), Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 26, no.22 (Jun 2007): 234–252.https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jaa.2006.10.001Louise M. Senior Gender and Craft Innovation: Proposal of a Model, (Jan 2000): 71–87.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-62334-1_5Bryan Byrne Access to Subsistence Resources and the Sexual Division of Labor Among Potters, Cross-Cultural Research 28, no.33 (Jul 2016): 225–250.https://doi.org/10.1177/106939719402800302Thomas H. Charlton, Patricia Fournier G. Urban and Rural Dimensions of the Contact Period, (Jan 1993): 201–220.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4899-1115-5_12François Sigaut Bertrand Gille, Les mécaniciens grecs. La naissance de la technologie, Paris, Seuil, 1980, 230 p., bibliogr., illustr., Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 37, no.22 (Jul 2017): 355–357.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0395264900089125 Roelof W. Brandt The Excavations at Korucutepe, Turkey, 1968-70: Preliminary Report. Part IV: The Chalcolithic Pottery, Journal of Near Eastern Studies 32, no.44 (Oct 2015): 439–444.https://doi.org/10.1086/372299Keith Nicklin Stability and innovation in pottery manufacture, World Archaeology 3, no.11 (Jul 2010): 13–98.https://doi.org/10.1080/00438243.1971.9979490 Daniel J. Scheans A New View of Philippines Pottery Manufacture, Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 22, no.22 (Sep 2015): 206–219.https://doi.org/10.1086/soutjanth.22.2.3629194

The Industrial Revolution in France: Some Reflections Inspired by a recent study by arthur Louis Dunham

There no doubt that the term has been overused and abused. It has to be defined and dated. Definition first: there no question of a brutal, complete change, but rather of a slow, progressive revolution. history of Dauphine, studied exhaustively by Pierre LUon, a case in point. Retracing La naissance de la grande industrie en Dauphin6 (fin du XVIIIe siecle-i869),1 the author describes for us the struggle between the artisans and domestic industry on the one hand and large-scale industry of the other, and thus, the response to what he calls the great trend of our time: the concentration of labor and capital. cannot therefore be limited to the introduction of machinery; largescale industry seems synonymous with capitalism and, thus, with a certain entrepreneurial mentality. There remains the date. It not the smallest merit of Professor T. S. Ashton that he has defined the chronology of the Industrial Revolution in Great Britain.2 The industrial revolution, in his well-chosen words, is a movement, not a particular period of time. He places its beginning in i76o, its conclusion in I830. He stresses too not so much the technological changes, as the accumulation of capital, the development of the London capital market and the country banks, and finally-and perhaps most important-the fall in the rate of interest. resultant economic structure has its ideology: the image of the limitless progress of a free economy. This synthesis throws light on the French case; the time ripe for some comparative history. In spite of its title, the book of Professor Dunham that has inspired-we hope, fruitfully-this modest attempt at a mise au point, and which the culmination of a long series of preliminary studies on the French economy of the nineteenth century, concerns only the first half of the century. He

Philosophical Portraits Portrait Philosophique Philosophisches Portrait: POUR LE TROISIÈME CENTENAIRE DE LA NAISSANCE DE LEIBNIZ (1646-1716)

DialecticaVolume 1, Issue 1 p. 77-96 Philosophical Portraits Portrait Philosophique Philosophisches Portrait: POUR LE TROISIÈME CENTENAIRE DE LA NAISSANCE DE LEIBNIZ (1646-1716) First published: February 1947 https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1746-8361.1947.tb01411.xRead the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InRedditWechat Volume1, Issue1February 1947Pages 77-96 RelatedInformation