War In Nagorno-Karabakh Research Articles

The Failure of the European Union to Address the Threat of Ethnic Cleansing of Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh

The ceasefire that ended the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh War paused the fighting but also precipitated major challenges to human rights and humanitarian issues. Nagorno-Karabakh's status remained unresolved, even as Azerbaijan gained control of large parts of the region. Since then, Azerbaijan’s impunity and ethnic animus against Armenians has created fears of ethnic cleansing. Azerbaijan's 2022-2023 blockade of Nagorno-Karabakh in particular which has deprived the Armenian population of food and medicine, directly contravenes its obligations under the ceasefire. The European Union is striving to negotiate a settlement between Armenia and Azerbaijan but has faced criticism for not substantively addressing these human rights and humanitarian issues. Despite having the political and legal tools, the EU's lack of engagement on these concerns threatens regional stability and undermines its credibility as an ethical international actor. If a mass atrocity occurs while the EU actively seeks a settlement but fails to intervene, it would bear responsibility for the outcome.

The formative years of Iran’s ‘jihadi field diplomacy’ in Azerbaijan

ABSTRACT This study examines the formative years of Iran’s so-called ‘jihadi field diplomacy’ toward Azerbaijan during and after the First Nagorno-Karabakh War. To accomplish this, I adopt a novel version of neoclassical realism, which considers the socially constructed nature of variables. The application of constructivist neoclassical realism facilitates a deeper comprehension of the reasons and mechanisms behind Iran’s embrace of unconventional interventionist policies in Azerbaijan. I argue that Iran’s jihadi field diplomacy is characterized by two main features: the use of military tools to achieve foreign policy goals and a distinct leadership structure that operates independently of the government. Then I analyze three turning points that shaped Iran’s jihadi field diplomacy toward Azerbaijan. Firstly, after a failed diplomatic mediation between Yerevan and Baku in May 1992, Iran intensified its military and ideological efforts in Azerbaijan. Secondly, during the June 1993 coup, Iran supported pro-Russian coup leader Colonel Huseynov and sought to persuade him to collaborate with ex-Communist Aliyev against nationalist President Elchibey. Aliyev later perceived this initial cooperation as a serious ideological and military challenge. Lastly, the perceived threat and Iran’s Quds Force connections to the leaders of the subsequent military uprisings adversely affected bilateral relations between Iran and Azerbaijan.

Influence of the relationship between the protector state and regional hegemon on the resilience of a non-recognised state

This article examines the factors of influence of relations between the protector state and the regional hegemon in terms of the resilience of the unrecognized state. The article is devoted to a comparative analysis of the lessons learned from the Nagorno-Karabakh war and non-peace. Since the end of the Second World War new states have repeatedly emerged, secessions have occurred, and with them new conflicts. While some non-recognised states enjoy higher stability, others have great struggles in order to survive. Most of the literature focuses on the non-recognised states themselves and domestic factor, thus neglecting the role of global players as the regional hegemonn. The main objective of this paper is to find out whether hegemons (through the protector states) have an influence on the stability of the non-recognised states. A second alternative explanation emphasises the importance of the internal legitimacy of non-recognised states. Using the cases of Nagorno-Karabakh and Armenia, the study attempts to answer these questions through a qualitative analysis. The analysis of Armenia’s foreign policy between 1991-1992 and 2020 and the resilience around Nagorno-Karabakh is the core of the empirical part. The results suggest that indeed relations between the hegemon and the protector state have an effect on the stability of the non-recognised state. A connection between the internal legitimacy of the non-recognised state and stability, on the other hand, cannot be concluded from the work. Despite the analytical function, the paper gives a good overview on the stability of non-recognised states, security policy and some of the post-communist conflicts.

Influence of Great Britain on Turkish Policy in the Transcaucasia and the Middle East

The study explores the Turkish-British partnership. The author verifies the thesis, which gained popularity after the beginning of the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war in the Russian expert and journalistic community, that the United Kingdom had a significant impact on Türkiye’s foreign policy in order to destabilize the South Caucasus and oust Russia from the region. Some experts hypothesize that London is trying to implement the “Great Turan” project in the post-Soviet space through the hands of Ankara to the detriment of Russian interests. One of the main arguments that Türkiye’s foreign policy is managed from London is the appointment of former ambassador R. Moore, who has close contacts with Turkish President R.T. Erdogan, to the post of head of British Foreign Intelligence, MI6. To test this hypothesis, the author of the article analyzes the trade, financial, political relations between Great Britain and Türkiye, as well as the degree of similarity in their positions regarding the conflicts in Syria, Libya and Nagorno-Karabakh. The author comes to the conclusion that Great Britain and Türkiye are indeed close allies. This is confirmed by the fact that the British government lobbied Türkiye to join the EU, refrained from interfering in internal affairs, supported R.T. Erdogan during the coup attempt in 2016, and did not criticize Ankara’s pro-Azerbaijani position during the Karabakh conflict. At the same time, the lack of a high level of financial and economic interdependence, Türkiye’s desire to play an independent role in the Middle East and Transcaucasia bypassing NATO, Ankara’s close cooperation with London’s geopolitical adversary Moscow, as well as differences in approaches to the Syrian conflict allow the author to refute the thesis that that Türkiye acts as a “conduit for the interests of Great Britain.”

Use of Fish Skin Graft in Management of Combat Injuries Following Military Drone Assaults in Field-Like Hospital Conditions.

The 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war was an armed conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia over an ethnically and historically significant region. This manuscript is a report on the forward deployment of acellular fish skin graft (FSG) from Kerecis™, a biologic, acellular matrix derived from the skin of wild-caught Atlantic cod that contains intact epidermis and dermis layers. The usual intention of treatment under adverse circumstances is to temporize wounds until better treatment can be attained, although ideally, rapid coverage and treatment are necessary to prevent long-term complications and loss of life and limb. An austere environment, such as the one experienced during the conflict described here, presents considerable logistical barriers for the treatment of wounded soldiers. Dr H. Kjartansson from Iceland and Dr S. Jeffery from the United Kingdom traveled to Yerevan, near the heart of the conflict, to deliver and train on using FSG in wound management. The primary goal was to use FSG in patients where stabilization and improvement in the wound bed were needed before skin grafting. Other goals were to improve healing time, achieve earlier skin grafting, and have better cosmetic outcomes upon healing. Over the course of two trips, several patients were managed with fish skin. Injuries included large-area full-thickness burn and blast injuries. Management with FSG induced wound granulation several days sooner in all cases, and even weeks in some instances, allowing a stepdown in the reconstruction ladder with earlier skin grafting procedures and a reduction in requirement of flap surgery. This manuscript describes a successful first instance of forward deployment of FSGs to an austere environment. FSG, in this military context, has shown great portability, with easy transfer of knowledge. More importantly, management with fish skin has shown faster granulation rates in burn wounds for skin grafting, resulting in improved patient outcomes with no documented infections.

ՀԻՇՈՂՈՒԹՅԱՆ ՔԱՂԱՔԱԿԱՆՈՒԹՅՈՒՆԸ ԱԴՐԲԵՋԱՆԻ ԷԹՆՈՔԱՂԱՔԱԿԱՆ ԿԱՄԱՐՏԱՀԱՅՏՈՒԹՅԱՆ ԳՈՐԾԻՔ ԵՎ ԴՐԱ ՔԱՐՈԶՉԱԿԱՆ ԴՐՍԵՎՈՐՈՒՄՆԵՐԸ ՎԱՎԵՐԱԳՐԱԿԱՆ ԿԻՆՈՅՈՒՄ

In terms of anti-Armenianism, the Azerbaijani propaganda machine can be said to be constantly improving. After the war in Nagorno-Karabakh in 2020, it is distinguished by the use of even more crude tools of strategic communication, including an emphasis on the politics of memory from the means of psychological influence. In introducing this concept, it is particularly noteworthy that it is necessary to consider in its context information that is used to become memory, and memory that is used as an informational weapon. The target of the latter is the conscious field of social groups, and in this case it is used according to the interests of the military-political elite. A vivid proof of this is the observed factual materials, the comprehensive study of which will prove that Azerbaijan is trying to strengthen the victory in Nagorno- Karabakh in 2020 with the pretensions of victory in the mental war, using various means of influence, including the politics of memory. At the same time, the prevalence and possibilities of modern information technologies are used, unprecedentedly increasing the influence of media on the individual and society, which aims to make the mass consciousness a target for mythification. As a research method, the examination of the ways and tools used in documentary films, which are the result of the political order of Azerbaijan in the post-war period, and the study of reactions on social platforms around them were chosen. As a result, it became possible to single out materials that prove that in order to achieve its political goals, the military-political electorate of that country uses all possibilities, even involving influential representatives of the international media sphere. Our study aims to highlight the need to ensure Armenia's informational supremacy on the information platform, and the risks that may arise from the point of view of further political developments surrounding the Karabakh conflict.

Rethinking Interdependence: Cooperation Systems of Actors in the South Caucasus after the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War

Rethinking Interdependence: Cooperation Systems of Actors in the South Caucasus after the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War

Արտատարածաշրջանային «ուժային կենտրոնների» քաղաքականությունը Հարավային Կովկասի անվտանգային միջավայրի կերպափոխման պայմաններում / The policy of extra-regional “power centers” in the process of transformation of the security environment in the South Caucasus

After the 2020 war (the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War), the South Caucasus region entered a period of the collapse of the fragile regional security system architecture shaped while maintaining the status quo, and the serious transformation of the security environment in the region. This is stipulated by several factors ensuing, among other things, from the geopolitical and geostrategic processes taking place in other regions, in particular, the Russia – Ukraine conflict and the aggravation of relations between Russia and the West. Because of these processes, the West’s urge to weaken Russia has increased both in political (limiting Russia’s zone of influence, including in traditionally “pro–Russian” regions, such as the South Caucasus and Central Asia) and economical aspects, limiting Russia’s role as a supplier of hydrocarbon energy carriers and the East-West transit corridor. This has led to a significant decrease in the level of Russia’s limiting influence in the South Caucasus, and the emergence of serious opportunities to reinvigorate their policy in this region both for Turkey, and extra-regional global actors, such as the United States, the European Union, China and India. Each of those pursues its own geo­strategic and geo-economic interests here, and throughout the process is acting in their own traditional manner, which has been developed in the system of implementing their national foreign policy. According to the analysis carried out, if the activity of the United States’ and the European Union’s policies in the South Caucasus depends on the factors of geopolitical rivalry between the West and Russia, then the activation of China’s and India’s policies largely comes from the activation of the processes of unblocking regional communications, resulting in the occurrence of an alternative to the northern (Russian) corridor, the use of which in greatly restricted due to the Russia – Ukraine conflict. In addition, it becomes imperative for Armenia, in the process of transforming the security environment in the South Caucasus, to indemnify for the decrease in the efficiency of deterrents conditioned solely by the geopolitical presence of the Russian Federation, without changing the foreign policy.

Неравносторонний треугольник: сотрудничество Турции, Азербайджана и Пакистана

The article concentrates on historic prerequisites of Turkiye–Azerbaijan–Pakistan triangle with special emphasis on two vibrant tracks: Turkiye–Azerbaijan relations before the establishment of the USSR and Turkiye–Pakistan relations during the Cold War. Combined, these tracks shape the basis for the present triangle. The authors trace the triangle’s history back to the establishment of Azerbaijan’s independence and cover crucial spheres of cooperation between the nations: political interaction and their shared stance on security problems such as Nagorno-Karabakh, Kashmir, the Cyprus issue, as well as tensions in the Aegean and the Eastern Mediterranean; economic links in general and energy cooperation in particular; defense cooperation, assistance in military training, dynamics of arms trade and its prospects. The institutionalization of the triangle took place in 2017 after the signing of Baku Declaration and was tested during the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War of 2020. Since the triangle saw success in the war, the parties have boosted their brotherly partnership with the first trilateral joint military drills launched in 2021. The authors claim that Turkiye and Azerbaijan will remain agenda-setters with Pakistan trying to correlate its national interests, which are hardly existent in the South Caucasus, with the triangle’s core. In case of Pakistani involvement in regional security issues, the authors propose two scenarios for Russia. The first one entails Russia serving as a mediator between Armenia, Iran and India. The second one calls on Armenia, India and Russia to develop trilateral defense cooperation that would benefit all the parties: Armenia would gain new sophisticated arms, India could acquire a reliable client, with Russia trying to implement a new form of defense cooperation so as to strengthen its position in global arms market.

Features of Turkey’s Modern Policy on the Southern Caucasus

The article examines the current policy of Turkey in the South Caucasus – Transcaucasia. Bilateral relations between Turkey, on the one hand, and the states of the South Caucasus region, on the other, are considered. The main directions of Turkey’s policy in the region are considered. An overview of Turkish-Azerbaijani, Turkish-Armenian and Turkish-Georgian relations is given.The war in Nagorno-Karabakh in 2020 showed the potential for conflict in the region and threats to Russia’s security. Now other processes are taking place in the region. Turkey’s role in the region has increased. The region has conflict territories, among which the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic, the Republic of Abkhazia and the Republic of South Ossetia stand out.Aim. To analyze the current situation in the South Caucasus region from the point of view of regional security. To analyze and describe the role and policy of Turkey in security issues in the South Caucasus. Tasks. Identification of Turkey’s new role in the South Caucasus region and analysis of the current situation in the region.Methods. Analytical and descriptive methods were used when writing the work. Methods of comparative analysis and text analysis, as well as content analysis were also used.Results. At the present stage in the South Caucasus region, Turkey plays a key role in regional security issues, along with Russia.Conclusions. The strengthening of Turkey’s role in the South Caucasus region has led to a decrease in the role of Russia and Iran. However, the current situation is not stable yet and there is a high probability of new conflicts of interests of external actors in the South Caucasus region.

Analyzing Russia’s Interests in the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh Ceasefire Agreemen

The Nagorno-Karabakh war has been one of the most important conflicts in the South Caucasus. The two nations involved, Azerbaijan and Armenia, have been in conflict more times than in cooperation ever since their independence from the Soviet Union. The territory disputed, Nagorno-Karabakh, has been internationally recognized as Azerbaijan’s since the United Nations General Assembly Resolution in 2008. However, this did not stop the conflict, as seen with the newest escalation happening in September of 2020. In the majority of the conflict, Russia has been a constant presence, being a mediator as well as a military supplier to both countries. Russia also has been involved in peacekeeping efforts, sending peacekeeping forces to Nagorno-Karabakh. In November 2020, a ceasefire agreement was reached involving Azerbaijan, Armenia, and Russia. This paper aims to examine Russia’s interest in its involvement in the conflict, the weaknesses of the ceasefire agreement, and Russia’s gains from the agreement and the overall situation. This paper found that Russia’s interests lay in its economic relationship with Armenia and Azerbaijan and in exercising influence in the region with the deployment of its peacekeeping contingent.

The Risks of Hydro-Hegemony: Turkey’s Environmental Policies and Shared Water Resources in the South Caucasus

Abstract The 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war intensified the debates about regional integration and political rivalries in the South Caucasus. In the changing geopolitical setting of the region, Turkey’s regional environmental policies contradict its cooperation-based and friendly relations with the regional states. Taking a recent hydropower development project in the Kura-Araks River basin initiated by the government of Turkey as a case study, this study reviews Turkey’s transboundary water management policies in the region in connection with its political ties with the regional countries. This article argues that Turkey uses its relative power in the regional hydropolitical relations by exploiting current and historical issue-linkages and benefit-sharing options, and that the intention to act like a hydro-hegemon in the South Caucasus will negatively impact Turkey’s position in intended regional cooperation schemes and long-established strategic partnerships with the regional countries, especially Azerbaijan and Georgia.

Hybrid warfare and public health: Conflicts in Ukraine and Nagorno-Karabakh raise the alarm

Hybrid warfare strategies include weaponization of healthcare, the use of non-conventional weapons, and strategic displacement of civilian populations via direct targeting, sexual violence, disinformation campaigns, and disruption of essential services such as water, food, gas, and access to health services. All these actions harm public health. The current war in Ukraine and the 2020 Second Nagorno-Karabakh war between Azerbaijan and Armenia serve as vivid examples of the novel and devastating public health effects of hybrid warfare targeting civilians. The lessons learned from these conflicts should serve as a warning and a call to action. Politicians and public health officials should advocate for a comprehensive rethinking of previous measures to counteract the impacts of hybrid warfare. Concerted efforts and strategies to mitigate these impacts on public health at every phase are essential. De-escalation of conflicts should be facilitated, and civilian health should be prioritized by the global community by instituting a more punitive and comprehensive schema to both deter war and step-up penalties for the tactics of hybrid warfare. Failure to do so will undoubtedly result in this scenario being played out with greater frequency globally, erasing the public health wins of the previous century.

Emergency Medical Services Preparedness in Dual Disasters: War in the Era of COVID-19 in Armenia.

Emergency Medical Services (EMS) is a critical part of Disaster Medicine and has the ability to limit morbidity and mortality in a disaster event with sufficient training and experience. Emergency systems in Armenia are in an early stage of development and there is no Emergency Medicine residency training in the country. As a result, EMS physicians are trained in a variety of specialties.Armenia is also a country prone to disasters, and recently, the Armenian EMS system was challenged by two concurrent disasters when the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh War broke out in the midst of the SARS-CoV-2/coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic. This study aims to assess the current state of disaster preparedness of the Armenian EMS system and the effects of the simultaneous pandemic and war on EMS providers. This was a cross-sectional study conducted by anonymous survey distributed to physicians still working in the Yerevan EMS system who provided care to war casualties and COVID-19 patients. Survey response rate was 70.6%. Most participants had been a physician (52.1%) or EMS physician (66.7%) for three or less years. The majority were still in residency (64.6%). Experience in battlefield medicine was limited prior to the war, with the majority reporting no experience in treating mass casualties (52.1%), wounds from explosives (52.1%), or performing surgical procedures (52.1%), and many reporting minimal to no experience in treating gunshot wounds (62.5%), severe burns (64.6%), and severe orthopedic injuries (64.6%). Participants had moderate experience in humanitarian medicine prior to war. Greater experience in battlefield medicine was found in participants with more than three years of experience as a physician (z-score -3.26; P value <.01) or as an EMS physician (z-score -2.76; P value <.01) as well as being at least 30 years old (z-score -2.11; P value = .03). Most participants felt they were personally in danger during the war at least sometimes (89.6%). Prior to the COVID-19 pandemic and simultaneous 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh War, EMS physicians in Armenia had limited training and experience in Disaster Medicine. This system, and the frontline physicians on whom it relies, was strained by the dual disaster, highlighting the need for Disaster Medicine training in all prehospital medical providers.

Emergency Medical Services Preparedness in Dual Disasters: War in the Era of COVID-19 in Armenia

Background/Introduction:Emergency Medical Services (EMS) is a critical part of Disaster Medicine (DM) and can limit morbidity and mortality with sufficient training and experience. Emergency systems in Armenia are in an early stage of development and there is no Emergency Medicine residency training available to EMS physicians. The Armenian EMS system was challenged by two concurrent disasters when the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh War arose during the SARS-CoV-2 (COVID-19) pandemic.Objectives:This study assessed the state of disaster preparedness of the Armenian EMS system and effects of the simultaneous pandemic and war on EMS providers.Method/Description:This was a cross-sectional study by anonymous survey of Yerevan EMS physicians who provided care to war casualties and COVID-19 patients.Results/Outcomes:Most participants had been a physician for ≤three years (52.1%). Many were in residency (64.6%).Battlefield medicine experience was limited prior to the war. The majority reported no experience treating mass casualties (52.1%), explosives wounds (52.1%), or performing surgical procedures (52.1%). Greater battlefield medicine experience was found with ≥three years of experience as a physician (z-score -3.26; P value &lt;.01) or EMS physician (z-score -2.76; P value &lt;.01), and being ≥30 years old (z-score -2.11; P value = .03). Most participants felt in danger during the war at least sometimes (89.6%).Conclusion:EMS physicians in Armenia had limited training and experience in DM prior to the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh War, but practiced in a setting requiring extensive DM knowledge as evidenced by the simultaneous response to the COVID-19 pandemic and war. There is a strong need for DM training within the Armenian EMS system.

‘Now we are whole:’ humiliation, shame and pride in Aliyev’s discourse on the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh War

ABSTRACT The article focuses on the role, interchangeability and liquidity of emotions in the speeches of Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev during the Nagorno-Karabakh War in 2020. It enquires about the functionality of emotions before, during, and after the war and finds that Aliyev prepared, mobilized and motivated society for the war through multiple ‘Address to the Nation’ speeches that aimed to evoke specific emotions such as shame, pride, and humiliation via portraying the occupation of Shusha and the surrounding region as a source of shame and humiliation and the military victories in 2020 as a source of pride for the whole nation, which, combined, constitutes a crucial example of the interchangeability and liquidity of emotions. The emotional appeals in his speeches also justify and garner support for the initiation of the conflict, which, after the victory, transforms into Azerbaijani pride and humiliation of Armenians.

The Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict In 2020: Causes and Consequences

The standstill conflict, Nagorno-Karabakh issue is a territorial and ethnic conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia from the last few decades. The conflict was fueled by nationalism and the geopolitics of Russia and Turkiye, which sell weapons to both countries and aim to influence the energy-rich region of the South Caucasus. The recent 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war and 2022 ceasefire violations have resulted in hundreds of deaths and negatively impacted the economies of Armenia and Azerbaijan.The need for a foreign mediator in the peace process is crucial to prevent further escalation and promote growth in the region, as the two countries have no strategic or diplomatic relationship and closed borders causing trade disruptions.

Localized versus wide-ranging effects of the post-Soviet wars in the Caucasus on agricultural abandonment

Wars are frequent and can affect land use substantially, but the effects of wars can vary greatly depending on their characteristics, such as intensity or duration. Furthermore, the spatial scale of the effects can differ. The effects of wars may be localized and thus close to conflict locations if direct mechanisms matter most (e.g., abandonment because active fighting precludes farming), or wide-ranging, e.g., farther away from conflict locations, if indirect mechanisms predominate (e.g., no access to agricultural inputs). Our goal was to quantify how the very different wars in the Caucasus region during post-Soviet times most likely affected agricultural abandonment at different scales. We analyzed data on conflict locations plus Landsat-derived land-cover data from 1987 to 2015, and applied matching statistics, difference-in-differences estimators, and logistic panel regressions. We examined the localized versus wide-ranging effects of the different wars on permanent agricultural abandonment and inferred to direct and indirect mechanisms that may have resulted in agricultural abandonment. While permanent agricultural abandonment was overall surprisingly limited across the Caucasus, up to one third of abandonment was most likely related to the wars. Among the wars, the war in Chechnya was by far the most intense and longest, but its effect on abandonment was similar to the less intense and relatively short war in Abkhazia. 47 % and 45 % of agricultural abandonment was related to each war, respectively. The reason was that the effect of the war in Chechnya was more localized, and abandonment occurred near conflict locations, in contrast to Abkhazia, where the effect was wide-ranging and abandonment occurred farther away from conflict locations. In contrast, the war in South Ossetia showed no significant effect on abandonment, and the war in Nagorno-Karabakh had the surprising pattern that abandonment was higher where no war had occurred. For each of the wars, abandonment was predominately related to the nearest conflict locations, but in Abkhazia additional conflict locations within 10 km further increased the probability of abandonment. We infer that the direct mechanisms of the war such as bombing, and active fighting most likely resulted in a localized effect close to conflict locations in Chechnya and in Nagorno-Karabakh. However, in Nagorno-Karabakh subsidies for new settlers after the war, (i.e., a positive wide-ranging effect), potentially reduced the amount of abandonment there. In contrast, negative wide-ranging effects such as refugee movements and post-war restrictions on their return is related to broad-scale abandonment in Abkhazia. In summary, permanent agricultural abandonment was not necessarily higher in a war with a high overall intensity. Instead, the effect of a given war varied in scale, and was related to the relative importance of direct and localized versus indirect and wide-ranging mechanisms, including postwar events and policies, which is likely the case for other wars, too.

Türk Devletleri Teşkilatı ve Dağlık Karabağ Zaferinin Yarattığı Fırsatlar

1992 yılında Ural-Altay dil ailesinden gelen ve birbirleriyle dil birliği olan Türkiye ile birlikte Güney Kafkasya’da Azerbaycan, Orta Asya’da Kazakistan, Özbekistan ve Kırgızistan’ın bir araya gelmesiyle kültürel birlikteliği sağlamak, ekonomik ve politik problemleri çözmek amacıyla Türk Dili Konuşan Ülkeler İşbirliği Zirveleri süreci başlatılmıştır. Bu süreç 2009 yılında Türk Konseyi’ne dönüşerek örgütsel bütünleşmenin temeli atılmıştır. Ancak söz konusu devletler arasındaki ilişkilerde beklenti sadece ortak dil ya da tarihsel veya kültürel bütünleşme olmamakla birlikte, ortak siyasi ve ekonomik bir birlikteliktir. Bu noktada tam olarak bir örgütsel bütünleşme ise ancak 2021 yılında Türk Devletleri Teşkilatı ile olabilmiştir. Söz konusu örgütsel bütünleşmeye giden süreci etkileyen en önemli gelişme ise İkinci Dağlık Karabağ Savaşı’dır. Söz konusu savaşın Azerbaycan lehine sonuçlanması, Türk Devletleri Teşkilatı ile birlikte Türk entegrasyonuna doğru büyük bir adıma da kapı aralamıştır. Bu çalışmanın konusu Türk Devletleri Teşkilatı olmakla birlikte, çalışmanın ana amacı İkinci Dağlık Karabağ Savaşı’nın bu örgütsel bütünleşmeyi nasıl etkilediğidir.

STUDY OF PSYCHOPATHOLOGICAL MANIFESTATIONS OF WAR VETERANS

In recent years the world has witnessed many armed conflicts, such as the war in Nagorno-Karabakh (Artsakh), the war in Ukraine and others. Along with the physical destruction of infrastructures, human casualties and other obvious consequences, the consequences of war include long-term psychological harm to the people directly or indirectly involved in the armed conflicts, and even to their family members. This article summarizes the results of a psychological study conducted among servicemen who participated in the second Artsakh War (2020). In particular, the degree of expression and combination of PTSD, symptoms of anxiety and depression were revealed. The research was conducted with 300 servicemen approximately 6 months after the end of the war. The obtained results allow us to conclude that a considerable majority of the servicemen had a pronounced degree of the above clinical manifestations, which is connected with a simultaneous effect of different factors. Another important practical conclusion is that the overwhelming majority of the conscripts had a clinical degree of anxiety, depression, or a combination thereof, which unequivocally points to their need for psychological support. It is also indicative that a high level of anxiety and depression is more typical for the group of non-injured soldiers, which might suggest that physical trauma alone is not a sufficient factor for psychological problems, and the absence of a combat wound cannot insure against psychological traumatization. The results point to the necessity of PTSD-oriented psychological assistance to servicemen with the obligatory involvement of non-injured persons.