Myanmar Government Research Articles

An Analysis of Indian Commercial Dynamism in International Trade: 2000-2021

The study first looks at the fundamentals of growth rate, trade balance, coverage rate, openness rate, and the share of global indicators before presenting each of them in more detail. It thus assesses India's overall commercial dynamism. A thorough analysis is made using data gathered from the World Bank's databank in order to carry out this study. An analysis of time series data isperformed using data from 2000 to 2021. MS Excel is then used to analyze the data and provide a suitable interpretation. The results show that India has an average growth rate of 12.16 for imports and 12.02 for exports, a deficit tradebalance over the years, a coverage rate that ranges from 78.49 (2012) to 97.97 (2020), trade openness that ranges from 26 (2001) to 56 (2012) percent, and a total global market share of 2.52 (2021) and 0.79. (2000). Researchers, other stakeholders in the field, and policymakers in nearby counties, specifically mentioning Bangladeshi, Pakistani, Myanmar and Indian governments, could all benefit from this study's findings.

Diplomasi Indonesia Sebagai Negara Demokrasi Mayoritas Muslim dalam Merespon Pelanggaran HAM di Myanmar

<p>This research aims to analyze Indonesia's diplomacy as a majority Muslim democratic country in responding to human rights violations in Myanmar. The conflict in Myanmar, particularly concerning the treatment of the Muslim Rohingya minority, has raised international concerns. As a country with the largest Muslim population in the world and a strong democratic tradition, Indonesia plays a crucial role in responding to this situation. The research methodology employed in this study is the analysis of Indonesia's foreign policy towards Myanmar and human rights violations in that country. Data were obtained through document studies, including official government statements, political speeches, and relevant news sources. The research findings indicate that Indonesia has taken several steps in responding to human rights violations in Myanmar. The Indonesian government consistently condemns the acts of violence and human rights abuses occurring in Myanmar, including the treatment of the Rohingya. Indonesia has also utilized international forums, such as the United Nations (UN) and the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), to advocate for human rights in Myanmar. However, this research also reveals some challenges faced by Indonesia in conducting diplomacy related to Myanmar. The limited influence of Indonesia over the Myanmar government and disagreements among ASEAN member states pose constraints on Indonesia's efforts to respond to human rights violations in its neighboring country. In conclusion, Indonesia's diplomacy as a majority Muslim democratic country in responding to human rights violations in Myanmar has resulted in several constructive steps. However, the challenges encountered indicate that Indonesia's efforts still need improvement.<em></em></p>

Six long years: exploring resettlement as a durable solution for Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh

Rohingya refugees from Myanmar have been living in Bangladesh since the 1970s. Although some successful negotiations with the Myanmar government resulted in repatriation in the 1970s and 1990s, some refugees remained in Bangladesh. In 2017, after their large-scale exodus from Myanmar, Rohingya refugees have been living in Bangladesh for nearly 6 years. So far, none of the refugees have had a chance to go back to their motherland. This study constitutes an exploratory research endeavor using qualitative research methodologies. It explores resettlement as a durable solution option and provides a set of recommendations for ensuring the protection and upholding the dignity of refugees. It argues that any solution options should be based on consultations with the refugee population. The findings of this research also illustrate why resettlement pathways for the vulnerable members of the refugee community should be open to ensure protection and for providing opportunities in a third country in the absence of a viable repatriation process.

‘On the Border, I Learned How to Advocate’: Borderlands as Political Spaces for Burmese Women’s Activism

Abstract This article explores the political space of the border through the experiences of women activists from Myanmar, for whom the borderlands in Thailand have provided refuge as well as a conducive environment for political mobilization. At the same time, the border renders refugee activists insecure and precarious. Drawing on life history interviews, our analysis expands conceptualizations of the border as a dynamic political space by illustrating its dual capacity to both facilitate and constrain the political agency of refugee women from Myanmar. In particular, the spatial and temporal fluidity and in-betweenness of the border is shown to foster both repression and resistance. Exploring the character and salience of the border as a space for activism over time, we demonstrate how the political space of the border is relational, constituted in interaction with other political spaces, such as politics and governance in Myanmar, transnational activist networks, and the politics of international aid.

Double Standards in International Legal Politics in the Settlement of Violations of Human Rights to the Rohingya Ethnic

This article aims to identify the resolution of gross human rights violations against the Rohingya ethnic group who have been discriminated of the Myanmar Military Junta Government. The international community and political response are giving pressure and criticism about upheaval against the settlement of violations against the Rohingya. The Myanmar government rejection of accusations of gross human rights violations can be seen from the international double standards towards the settlement of the Rohingya case. This article uses the library research method, and critical analysis to understand the settlement of human rights violations against the Rohingya. The conclusion is Discrimination against this ethnic can be considered by international human rights law as a gross violation of human rights, even though Myanmar has legal arrangements for protecting human rights in force in its country. International human rights law as a political instrument has powerful in efforts to create quality international policy products including guaranteeing the implementation of respect for human rights in the world through the role of international institutions as guardians in the process of enforcing human rights violations committed by a country through various strategic steps both repressive, preventive and curative. Discrimination against the Rohingya can be seen in the application of double standards by several countries such as the Western block countries, where they seem to keep quiet about these human rights violations.

Between COVID-19, Coup, and Conflict: Multi-dimensional Threats to Human Security in Myanmar

Conflict and civil wars are ongoing in Myanmar. Internal displaced persons of Rohingya are now more than one million people, according to United Nations. Even during the COVID-19 pandemic, the Myanmar government continue using military approaches against its people, especially after the coup. This article will elaborates on the condition of Myanmar during the COVID-19 pandemic amid conflicts and military coups. It is essential to see how these three phenomena represent a multi-dimensional threat to the security of the people in Myanmar. This article uses a qualitative method with literature review as a data collection technique. Perspective of human security is used to analyse the issues regarding conflict, COVID-19, and coup in Myanmar with several dimensions of approach. The findings of this article show that the COVID-19 pandemic has further exacerbated the human security for the people of Myanmar during conditions of conflict and continuous repression from the junta regime.
 Keywords: COVID-19, conflict, coup, military regime, human security

THE ROLE OF INDONESIA'S FOREIGN POLICY AS A RESOLUTION OF NON-LEGAL CONFLICT IN THE ASEAN REGION: THE HUMANITARIAN CRISIS IN MYANMAR

The problem of humanitarian crisis is a serious problem that must finally be resolved as soon as possible and in the best possible way. This paper aims to explain how the role of the Government of Indonesia in solving humanitarian problems between the Government of Myanmar and Rohingya society that occur throughout the world, especially in the Southeast Asia region. By using an international legal approach as well as the practice of mediation and negotiation, this paper tries to reveal the role of Indonesia and its foreign policy towards stability and struggle in solving problems in Myanmar. This paper argues that what Indonesia has done has had a good impact on the conflict resolution process that occurred in Myanmar, but Indonesia has also encountered various kinds of obstacles that ultimately could not immediately solve the problems that occurred in Myanmar. Indonesia needs more affirmation related to international law that is applied in ASEAN member countries and also assistance from various parties to finally be able to actually provide a resolution to create positive peace against the humanitarian conflict that occurred in Myanmar.

Addressing Crisis in Myanmar: The Role of NGOs in Promoting International Human Rights Standards

The Rohingya people have been victims of alleged severe human rights violations committed by the Myanmar government. In response to this situation, the United Nations (UN) has adopted some measures, including a United Nations General Assembly Resolution (UNGAR) A/RES/74/246 of 2019 that, inter alia, determines Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) as one of the key players in implementing its mandate. In practice, the NGOs' lack of international legal standing resulted in challenges in their operation. This paper examines the legal standing of NGOs' operations under international law. Specifically, it investigates NGOs' contributions to implementing UNGAR 74/246 in dealing with human rights violations in Myanmar. This article is based on legal research that combines library study and field research. The result indicated that Article 71 of the UN Charter needs to clarify the legal standing of NGOs’ operation in the international sphere, mainly to implement international human rights norms. In the context of the crisis in Myanmar, the NGOs have played a role as mandated by the UNGAR, including investigating gross human rights violations, providing gender-based protection and assistance, and assisting Myanmar in providing humanitarian assistance to all internally displaced persons within Rakhine. This paper recommends that all stakeholders cooperate to support the effectiveness of NGOs' contributions and peace-building efforts in Rakhine to achieve justice for all people in Myanmar.

THE ROLE OF MILITARISM IN THE POLITICAL AND SOCIAL DYNAMICS OF MYANMAR SOCIETY

This paper discusses how the Myanmar military took back power from the government, the democratic efforts built by the Myanmar government returned to a dream after the coup on 1 February 2021. The conflict between civil society and militarism became something that could not be avoided, people took to the streets and made a ceasefire, thousands of civilians were killed in the democracy they aspired to, some-ASEAN communities condemned the conflict that occurred. The purpose of this paper, to see how the dynamics of the Myanmar state in building a complete democracy with a military coup, as well as the role of the Military in the socio-political dynamics in Myanmar, the methodology used is a qualitative method, with the approach of conflict theory, welfare theory.

Myanmar's Land Cover Change and Its Driving Factors during 2000-2020.

Land use/cover change (LUCC) research occupies an important place in the study of global change. It is important for the ecological protection and long-term development of a place. Current research is lacking in the study of dynamic changes at the national level in Myanmar over long time periods and sequences. Quantitative research on the driving factors of LUCC is also lacking. This paper uses the GLC_FCS30 (Global Land-Cover product with Fine Classification System) dataset and socio-economic statistical data in Myanmar to conduct the study. The dynamic change process of LUC (land use/cover) was investigated using the land use dynamic degree, land use transfer matrix, and Sankey diagram. Principal component analysis was used to derive the main drivers of LUCC. The drivers were quantified using multiple linear stepwise regression analysis and specific factors were analyzed. The spatial scope of the study is Myanmar, and the temporal scope is 2000-2020. Results: (1) In 2020, the spatial distribution of LUC in Myanmar shows predominantly forests and croplands. Forests account for 56.64% of the country's total area. Agricultural land accounts for 25.59% of the country's total area. (2) Over the time scale of the study, the trend of LUCC in Myanmar showed significant shrinkage of evergreen broad-leaved forest and deciduous broad-leaved forest (a total shrinkage of -3.34 × 104 km2) and expansion of the other land types. (3) Over the time scale of the study, the dynamic changes in LUCC in Myanmar most occurred as an interconversion between two land types, such as between cropland and deciduous broad-leaved forest, evergreen broad-leaved forest and shrubland, deciduous broad-leaved forest and shrubland, evergreen broad-leaved forest and evergreen needle-leaved forest, and evergreen broad-leaved forest and deciduous broad-leaved forest. (4) The dynamics of LUC in Myanmar is mainly influenced by the socio-economic level of the country. Among them, the impact of agricultural level is the most obvious. Specifically, Myanmar's LUCC is mainly driven by urban population, urbanization rate, industrial value added, food production, and total population. Our research will enable the Myanmar government to make more scientific and rational land management and planning and to make more informed decisions. After understanding the basic situation of LUCC in Myanmar, the hydrological effects, biodiversity changes, and ecological service function changes due to land change in the region can be explored. This is the direction of future research.

Analisis Lambannya Adopsi Rencana Aksi Nasional Resolusi Dewan Keamanan PBB 1325 sebagai Implementasi Women, Peace and Security (WPS) Agenda di Myanmar

Gender in conflict is obscured in the mainstream of conflict analysis to date. The complexity of conflict is simplified by focusing on men as the sole actor and leaves the experiences and perspectives of women behind. This dynamic has been happening in Myanmar during the civil war and under the military regime which causes insecurity among Myanmar women. Unfortunately, Myanmar has not successfully translated UN Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325 into National Action Plan (NAP) as a policy that ensures the safety of women in conflict situations. Their adoption process has been only at the initial stage. Meanwhile, Myanmar still refers to National Strategic Plan for the Advancement of Women (NSPAW) which is irrelevant to the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda implementation. Therefore, this qualitative-explanatory research aims to understand the reasons for the slow adoption of NAP on UNSCR 1325 in Myanmar using the gender regime concept from Feminist Institutionalism and the positionality concept from Feminist Security Studies. Based on the analysis, there are two factors causing the slow adoption. First, Myanmar institution from 2011 to 2022 is not friendly to gender issues and there is a regression in Myanmar institution from feminist presence and masculinist backlash regime to masculine hegemony regime that produces gender-blind policies. Second, Myanmar government’s positionality on security is contrary to the norms contained in Resolution 1325. They reflect on NSPAW 2013-2022 implementation which encourages them to ensure their compliance with regard to women in conflict situations.

THE IMPACT OF ONE BELT ONE ROAD (OBOR) INITIATIVE ON MYANMAR

China’s One Belt One Road (OBOR) Initiative is a comprehensive economic interdependent relation which aims to increase regional connectivity and is an enhancement of its geopolitical interest for the benefits of herself, Asia, as well as in European states. Chinese and Myanmar government has invested a significant amount of investment in overcoming the energy technology deficiencies and cultivate the industry to a whole new level of self-reliance. Energy and manufacturing modernisation were made possible through constant cooperation between China and Myanmar. This paper is an attempt to analyze One Belt One Road Initiative and implication towards Myanmar. This paper h employed the qualitative method of analysis. The findings of this paper is Myanmar able to enhance its export earnings of the agriculture, fishery and aquaculture, increase countryside employment as well as reduce poverty. Seven advantages experienced by China and Myanmar through 21st MSR Initiative are (1) the modernisation of energy sector, (2) serve as a gateway between Indian Ocean and Bay of Bengal, (3) employment opportunities for the local people, (4) increase in manufacturing industries, (5) transfer of technology involving all joint venture industries, (6) exploitation of land for infrastructure and industrial development projects and lastly (7) improved Myanmar financial institution. With all the advantages, Myanmar and China need to maintain a strong political commitment for 21st MSR Initiative long term sustainability. There are certain areas such as structural and organisational integration, project management and institutional problems that may act as barriers. As such, these barriers are to be continuously reviewed to ensure smooth decision-making process, regulation, the flow of financial and protect geopolitical rights in Myanmar concerning 21st MSR Initiative.

Evaluation on Humanitarian Intervention in Myanmar: Is It a Placebo Effect?

Historically, humanitarian intervention has been used to support political and economic interests. As the globalization effect, humanitarian intervention was carried out sincerely to deal with a humanitarian crisis by providing assistance. Myanmar is a country that experienced a humanitarian crisis a long time ago. Various humanitarian intervention methods have been done in Myanmar to handle the humanitarian crisis. Since the military coup in February 2021, the crisis has escalated and the effectiveness of the humanitarian assistance is still questionable in dealing with the crisis. This article will evaluate the governance of humanitarian interventions provided by INGOs and how they resolve the humanitarian crisis. The analytical methods used were qualitative research that used theory of domestication policy. In evaluating the effectiveness of humanitarian intervention governance, the authors analyze it from the point of view of the international humanitarian agency and the Myanmar government. This study found that due to the domestic policy made by the junta, which seem not want to empower the people. Further evaluation is on the humanitarian assistance to Myanmar that is not covered the needs and only temporary or placebo effect.

Review on Present Status of Rohingya People in Bangladesh: Effects on Social, Economic, Environment and Wildlife Habitat

The Rohingya peoples are an ethnic Muslim minority group who are the most ill-treated and persecuted refugee groups in the World. The present study is designed to reveal the present situation of Rohingyas in Bangladesh. We also focused on the socio-economic impact of the Rohingyas on the local population as well as their impact on the environment and wildlife of Bangladesh. More than 9,00,000 Rohingya have recently fled from Myanmar to Bangladesh and are now residing in refugee camps in Cox's Bazar District. In the majority of cases, the forest and hills have been replaced by the Rohinga to create the accommodations in this area. Forestland is therefore being destroyed to make camps for this enormous inflow of refugees, posing a serious threat to ecosystems, biodiversity, and wildlife habitats in this area. We reviewed recently published papers about Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh. There is broad agreement that the high speed of refugee settlements and their engagement with antisocial activities with other malpractices are major drivers for making the huge socio-economic crisis and environmental threat in that area. The current study concluded that the decades-long presence of refugees in Bangladesh has created a natural disaster for wildlife habitats in these areas. There is only one way that Bangladesh's government must implement various strategies for liaising with the international community to compel Myanmar's government to begin repatriating the Rohingya to their own country.

Assessing the determinants of Myanmar government employees’ job satisfaction through Herzberg’s two-factor theory

Studies on Myanmar public employees’ job satisfaction are very limited. To understand which factors affect these employees’ job satisfaction, this study adopted Herzberg’s two-factor theory and tested its applicability in assessing self-administered survey data ( N = 1,225). Results showed that Herzberg’s original sets of motivators and hygiene factors can measure government employees’ job satisfaction and that both motivators and factors are important in explaining job satisfaction. Specifically, public service motivation and religiosity contribute to job satisfaction, and family orientation’s negative effect on job satisfaction is statistically significant. Formulating flexible work schedules and dependent care programs can reduce employees’ work-family conflicts.

Equity of Maintenance Hemodialysis in Myanmar: Cross-Sectional Descriptive Study

Background: Maintenance hemodialysis has been the commonest Renal Replacement Therapy (RRT) in Myanmar. The equity is questionable in Myanmar, a developing country, as developed countries reported inequities of dialysis in various aspects. Methods: A cross-sectional descriptive study was conducted in selected Hemodialysis Centers (HDC) which are under the care of government of Myanmar in August 2022. Data were collected by using standardized forms and analysis was done. Results: A total of 168 cases from 5 HDC situated in Yangon (lower part of Myanmar), Nay Pyi Taw (central part of Myanmar), Aung Ban (Eastern part of Myanmar), Lashio (North eastern part of Myanmar) and Kyaing Ton (near Golden Triangle) were included. The age range was 21-79 years; old age was not excluded for maintenance hemodialysis. Male to female ratio was 1:1.2 revealing accessibility of both sex to maintenance hemodialysis. The proportion of ethnic groups was Burmese (139/168), Rakhine (8/168), Karen (7/168), Shan (6/168), Danu (2/168), Paoh (1/168), Chin (1/168), Kachin (1/168), inlay (1/168), Lesue (1/168) and Larhu (1/168); it was in accordance with normal ethnic distribution in Myanmar. Regarding religion, the majority were Buddhist (158/168); Nine patients were Christian. One patient was Islam. It was proportionate with percentage of population by religion in 2014 Census. Only 38 patients were graduates and four patients were illiterate; therefore, illiterates were accessible to maintenance hemodialysis. Ninety-eight percent of patients had comorbidities; and, 5% had 5 comorbid diseases revealing patients with multiple comorbid status were not left behind. Half of the patients were unemployed pointing that the jobless were not excluded for hemodialysis. Median travel time to HD center was 45 minutes (IQR 26-120 minutes). The maximum was 3 hours (180 minutes) in 3 patients. Half of the patients required 60 minutes travel time to HDC. Fifty percent of patients had booster vaccination to COVID-19. Most of the patients, over 90%, were doing their daily routine activity without assistance. Ninety-eight percent of patients were satisfied with treatments in their corresponding HDC. Conclusion: There was no difference in age, sex, race, religion, comorbidity, employment status, underlying etiology and education in terms of accessibility to maintenance hemodialysis. Although they were dealing with long travel time of more than one hour in 50% of cases, their attitude was positive. As half of the patients had travel time of more than an hour, we need new HDC in Aung Ban. Resource allocation to renal replacement therapy should be encouraged at ministry level.

Natural Resources and Ethnic Conflict: A Geo-strategic Understanding of the Rohingya Crisis in Myanmar

Since the enactment of the 1982 Burmese Citizenship Law, the Rohingya Muslims have been stateless, and they are attempting to become Burmese citizens. In Myanmar, ethnic identity continues to be the most politically significant marker stratified by government policy. Despite Myanmar’s official recognition of 135 minority groups, ethnic identities are fixed in exclusionary terms like Buddhist or non-Buddhist, Bamar or non-Bamar. Ethnicity and religion, therefore, have played a significant role in the formation of Myanmar’s national identity, that systematically excludes the Rohingyas. Hence, religion and ethnic identities are often contemplated as the major reason for the Rohingya crisis. However, contrary to the popular perception, this article argues that, along with the ethnic and religious aspects of the Rohingya conflict, the geo-strategic and economic aspects of the conflict must also be addressed with seriousness, as the conflict has occurred under a variety of political and economic conditions. It investigates the role of resource geo-economics of the Myanmar government and military forces in the recent conflict. Furthermore, this article examines China’s and India’s vested geo-strategic and economic interests in Rakhine. Findings from the research imply that the persecution and displacement of the Rohingyas may be linked to the resources and geo-strategic factors present in Rakhine.

KUDETA JUNTA MILITER MYANMAR TERHADAP AUNG SAN SUU KYI 2021

This paper aims to find out and analyze how the coup carried out by the Myanmar military junta against Aung San Suu Kyi. This research began on November 8, 2022, the Government of Myanmar held a presidential election. The election was won by Aung San Suu Kyi through the National League Democracy (NLD) party. The election was won by Aung San Suu Kyi through the National League Democracy (NLD) party. The opposition through the Union Solidarity and Development did not recognize the election results. They claim that Aung San Suu Kyi's victory in Myanmar's election was carried out by fraud. This made the opposition party reject and the military junta supported the decision. Through the Myanmar military junta, Aung San Suu Kyi was arrested and the election was deemed invalid. The coup by the military junta against Aung San Suu Kyi was carried out so that Myanmar was declared a state of emergency after the military coup led by the military junta in Myanmar. Based on this the author tries to analyze how the military junta carried out a coup against Aung San Suu Kyi.

Emergence and Development of Health Risk Communication Networks Among Street-Level Health Bureaucrats During the COVID-19 Pandemic Crisis in Myanmar

Street-level health bureaucrats have actively contributed to implementing the COVID-19 prevention, control, and treatment policies of the Myanmar government. However, the need for bureaucrats on the frontlines of policy implementation to maintain a safe distance from others to prevent the spread of COVID-19 has posed challenges for the sharing and exchange of information related to health risks. In this context, this study examined what health risk communication patterns have emerged and developed among street-level health bureaucrats during the COVID-19 pandemic, and how this risk communication has been affected by street-level health bureaucrats’ perceptions of client meaningfulness and willingness to implement COVID-19 policies. The results reveal that street-level health bureaucrats in the health risk communication network are embedded in reciprocally or transitively connected discussion relationships that sustain their health risk communication over time. Moreover, when specific healthcare staff members perceive more benefits of COVID-19 policies for their patients and are more willing to care for patients, other healthcare staff avoid them to protect themselves from COVID-19 infection. Due to their higher level of understanding of the adopted measures, healthcare staff members who are highly willing to implement COVID-19 policies are frequently approached by other staff members to communicate about COVID-19 issues. This study empirically contributes to the literature on street-level bureaucrats in times of pandemic crisis by examining the formation of health risk communications in the context of street-level health bureaucrats’ responses to and participation in public healthcare policy implementation processes.

IMPLEMENTASI HAL ASASI MANUSIA INTERNASIONAL DALAM PEMENUHAN ASAS MEMBERSHIP OLEH MYANMAR KEPADA ETNIS ROHINGYA

The state is obliged to ensure that every citizen gets basic rights, however, in practice the state can fail to fulfill the basic rights of citizens. In Myanmar, cases of human rights violations have occurred for years, namely cases of human rights violations against the Rohingya. Current developments, the Rohingya are still in refugee camps in Bangladesh, because the Myanmar government has not given a sign to accept the Rohingyas back. The research methodology used is qualitative observation with a literature study approach. The observations used in our research use natural setting theory which aims to explore and explore in depth a meaning or problem. During the time the researcher made observations, the research understood and rewrote material related to important and interesting events or phenomena in the context of our group's research. The Rohingya group experienced discrimination from the government and civil society of Myanmar, namely in the form of restrictions on the right to marry and have children, not providing birth certificates, to destroying school buildings as well as mosques and prayer rooms. Myanmar also has the 1982 Citizenship Act to revoke Rohingya citizenship. Myanmar fulfills two important elements in the Internationally Wrongful Act, namely violations of international obligations and these actions can be attributed to Myanmar. The first settlement effort is through the establishment of the International Criminal Court to reconcile human rights violations. Second, efforts to determine the fate of the Rohingya ethnicity in terms of international law, researchers propose that Myanmar provide a membership principle, so that they gain access to education, the economy, and health or the Myanmar government can provide options for the Rohingya ethnic group to continue to join on condition that they are granted special autonomy or grant independence in a voluntary manner. absolute to them.