Mutilation Of Children Research Articles

Determinants of Female Genital Mutilation Among Under Five-Year Children in Motta Town, Northwest Ethiopia, 2022: Unmatched Case Control Study.

Female genital mutilation is the removal of a woman's external genitalia in whole or in part for a non-obvious medical reason. Female genital mutilation causes short- and long-term complications like bleeding, pain, infection and exposes girls to sexually transmitted diseases. The determinants of female genital mutilation among children under the age of five have received less attention. As a result, the purpose of this study was to determine the factors that influence female genital mutilation in children under the age of five. A community-based unmatched case control study design was used. The study participants were chosen using computer-generated simple random sampling technique. With a ratio of 1:4 between cases and controls, 323 participants were recruited. Data were collected using an interviewer-administered questionnaire. The association between each independent variable and the dependent variable was determined using binary logistic regression. In a multivariable analysis, variables were considered statistically significant if they had a P-value of less than 0.05 at a 95% confidence interval. In this study, mothers' circumcision status (AOR = 4.6; 95% CI: 2.29-9.25), mothers who had an unfavorable attitude (AOR = 4.15; 95% CI: 1.96-8.82), households in the poorest wealth quintile (AOR = 3.65; 95% CI: 1.2-11.54), mothers who had inadequate knowledge (AOR = 3.31; 95% CI: 1.51-7.25) and antenatal care visit of mothers (AOR = 2.46; 95% CI: 1.03-5.83) were found to be determinant factors of female genital mutilation. Mothers' circumcision status, mother's attitude, wealth quintile, knowledge of mothers, and number of antenatal care visits were factors associated with female genital mutilation. Regular awareness-building on the impacts of the practice and special attention to the mother's attitude are important to eliminate female genital mutilation.

Female Perpetrators of Ritually Motivated Pedicide and Mutilation of Children

Ritually motivated pedicide is among contemporary Africa’s most severe crimes against children. Most of these crimes involve brutal acts of violence or mutilation of the victim. While men are most often the perpetrators of violent crimes, ritually motivated pedicide and mutilation equally attract women. The role of women in these crimes is not restricted to the less violent aspects of the crimes; instead, they also extend to the most brutal elements, often involving mutilation, decapitation or outright murder of the victim. This article explored the involvement of women in these crimes that target children for mutilation and pedicide. The article draws on case examples of incidents involving brutality and murder of children by women selected from academic reports and reports by media and non-governmental organisations to demonstrate the nature of involvement in these crimes. The article demonstrates that women also engage in the most serious roles with or without the company of men in ritually motivated pedicide and mutilation. These include mutilation and violent murder of children who are used for rituals. The author argues that the high degree of violence in ritually motivated mutilation and pedicide means that these crimes against children deviate from the established female patterns of aggression that are typically less violent.

Features of the clinical course and treatment of osteosarcoma in children

The clinical course and treatment of osteosarcoma in 500 patients under the age of 16 are analyzed. The features of the disease at the indicated age include early metastasis and significant local spread of the tumor. The average time to detect metastases was 3.3 months. The epiphyseal cartilage plate is not an obstacle to tumor growth. The defeat of the knee joint was found in 65% of patients. The results of the primary amputation are unsatisfactory. Immediate amputation is indicated only in case of intoxication and the impossibility of carrying out combined treatment. In 52% of children, as a result of irradiation, tumor growth stopped. Radiation treatment at a dose of 60-90 Gy was used only in combination with surgery and chemotherapy, which was used before and after surgery and radiation. In connection with the early dissemination and significant spread of the tumor, a two-stage complex treatment was used.At the first stage, chemotherapy and radiation therapy were performed. In case of refusal of the operation or detection of metastases, such treatment became the main and final one. The second stage is a radical operation performed after 3-6 months in the absence of metastases and stabilization of tumor growth. This tactic facilitates the selection of patients for surgical treatment and avoids mutilation in children with an unfavorable course of the disease.

The silence of the ‘I’: Legal and social implications of intersex genital mutilation of children

While often lumped under the umbrella of the initialism LGBTQI+, issues pertaining to intersex individuals are often overlooked. Intersex people are the silent minority within a minority. While South African law, on the face of it, appears to offer infinite protections for those who are intersex, a culture of silence has allowed for a number of human rights abuses to be perpetrated against the intersex community. The impacts of these gross violations of human rights unfortunately begin at infancy. Children are subjected to non-essential, cosmetic surgery in order to comply with the cisnormative standard that sexual traits only belong within the binary construct of ‘male’ and ‘female’. These surgeries are performed without the consent of the child and often result in life-long medical complications and mental trauma. This article investigates the extent to which the rights of intersex children are being violated. It investigates whether harmful practices are in the best interests of the child in accordance with, inter alia, the South African Constitution. Furthermore, the article will examine the extent to which the incongruence of the Births and Deaths Registration Act, Children’s Act, National Health Act and Alterations of Sex Description and Sex Status Act further exacerbate the problem.

“When Something Is Wrong We Write It”: The Portrayal of Female Genital Mutilation in Children’s Literature

© 2019 BY BOOKBIRD, INC. Focusing on Williams-Garcia’s No Laughter Here (2004) and Craigie’s What Was Never Said (2015), this article questions their representation of female genital mutilation (FGM). It considers the use of voice, writing, and sisterhood in promoting awareness of FGM, and the tactics used to speak of it, while simultaneously sheltering the reader from graphic descriptions. Further, it explores the ways in which they reveal, well intentioned as they undoubtedly are, very Western constructions of African traditions.

Re: Tackling female genital mutilation in the UK

As a result of the diaspora of communities that practise female genital mutilation, many more women are now living with genital mutilation in the United Kingdom, and many more girls are at risk. The campaign to end the practice in the UK has been spearheaded by committed and experienced activists (www. forwarduk.org.uk, www.equalitynow.org with wide institutional endorsement), as reflected in recent intercollegiate recommendations for dealing with the problem. The document results from collaboration between the Royal College of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists, the Royal College of Midwives, the Royal College of Nursing, Equality Now, and the Unite union. It merges key points from several existing guidelines into a single paper that reiterates the core message: female genital mutilation is a form of child abuse. It points to the importance of data collection and sharing between relevant agencies for effective action. It stipulates appropriate professional care for girls and young women affected by the practice. For the recommendations to be implemented (we hope urgently), a strategic implementation plan with a tight time frame is needed. Disappointingly, this gap remains unfilled. It has been suggested that female genital mutilation should be part of the mandatory training in child protection for NHS staff, implementation has been inconsistent. Being born into a community that practises genital mutilation is themost important risk factor for girls, so pregnancy presents an opportunity for prevention. However, this remains unexplored. Most pregnant women receive antenatal care in the UK, but maternity staff need knowledge and skills to identify genital mutilation. Thus far there has been little impetus for methodical research on attitudes, knowledge, skills, and confidence among maternity staff in relation to this practice. Even if there is a stronger drive to improve training, there is no evidence base on which effective training methods can be formulated. Currently, whether a pregnant woman is asked about genital mutilation—and what to do if it is identified—depend entirely on the awareness and confidence of the booking midwife. It is therefore not surprising that this practice is under-detected in pregnant women and that follow-up action is haphazard. This failure can be remedied by including routine questions about the practice in a minimum maternity dataset for every pregnant woman, regardless of ethnicity or country of origin. However, currently no designated codes, diagnostic or procedural, can record or identify female genital mutilation from NHS activity data. An international classification of diseases code for a history of female genital mutilation and an Office of Population Censuses and Surveys code for deinfibulation should be introduced without delay. Care providers need to know what to do when female genital mutilation is identified and the intercollegiate document is inconsistent with regard to this. It states that “all girls and women presenting with female genital mutilation within the NHS should be referred to the police and support services.” Yet it also recommends considering referral of pregnant women who have undergone the practice to the police “with the woman’s consent.” Individual practitioners continue to be responsible for deciding whether to refer, with no criteria to help them weigh up each situation. Half of women would have undergone genital mutilation under 5 years of age and might not remember the details. It is neither helpful nor fair to expect maternity staff to guess which families are likely to practise female genital mutilation. Routine referral of all identified women to designated social services personnel could provide an opportunity for preventive education. The service pathway should also include psychological care for women who report serious or enduring distress in relation to the practice. This would require investment. There is no guidance for the police and social services on follow-up action. For example, for how long should an unaffected girl who remains at risk be followed up, how often, and by whom?Or, if information is to be collected on all women with genital mutilation where no crime has been committed, who should have stewardship of the information? These major decisions should not be left to the discretion of individual practitioners or services. Criminal prosecution is considered central to prevention, and the UK has been compared unfavourably to France, where identification of female genital mutilation in children has resulted in more than 100 prosecutions since 1979. Without a single prosecution in the UK, the people who procure or perform female genital mutilation remain unpunished and girls remain

Mandatory reporting of female genital mutilation in children in the UK

Background While female genital mutilation (FGM) has been illegal in the UK since 1985, research estimated that in 2015 there were over 100 000 women and girls resident in the UK subjected to FGM. Aims To determine the effect of changes in the legislation of 2015, which made reporting of FGM in girls under 18 mandatory. Methods Freedom of Information requests were sent to all 45 UK police authorities, asking the number of cases of FGM reported between specific dates, victims' ages, the occupation of the person reporting and the age and gender breakdown of the police force. Similar requests were sent to health and social care organisations. Findings Of 45 police authorities in the UK, six initially responded, with three stating that no cases of FGM had been reported. The remaining police authorities either provided partial information or declined the request. However, other sources indicated over 6000 reported cases between October 2014 and October 2015. Conclusions The ability of frontline professionals and policymakers to obtain, interpret and use data is affected by the secrecy that surrounds FGM, the complexities of investigation and the absence of a significant numbers of prosecutions.

Tackling FGM in the UK

Journal of Health VisitingVol. 5, No. 7 EditorialTackling FGM in the UKPolly MoffatPolly MoffatSearch for more papers by this authorPolly MoffatPublished Online:19 Jul 2017https://doi.org/10.12968/johv.2017.5.7.317AboutSectionsView articleView Full TextPDF/EPUB ToolsAdd to favoritesDownload CitationsTrack CitationsPermissions ShareShare onFacebookTwitterLinked InEmail View article References HM Government. Multi-agency statutory guidance on female genital mutilation [Internet] 2016. Available from https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/512906/Multi_Agency_Statutory_Guidance_on_FGM__-_FINAL.pdf Google ScholarInstitute of Health Visiting. Good Practice Points for Health Visitors: Combating Female Genital Mutilation (FGM). London: IHV; 2014. Google ScholarNHS Digital. Annual statistical publication for FGM shows 5,391 newly recorded cases during 2016-17 [Internet] 2017. https://www.digital.nhs.uk/article/6941 Google ScholarTownley L. Female genital mutilation: The legal framework. Journal of Health Visiting. 2014;2(4):184-185. Link, Google Scholar FiguresReferencesRelatedDetailsCited byMandatory reporting of female genital mutilation in children in the UKYusuf Malik, Andrew Rowland, Felicity Gerry, Fiona MacVane Phipps6 June 2018 | British Journal of Midwifery, Vol. 26, No. 6 2 July 2017Volume 5Issue 7ISSN (print): 2050-8719ISSN (online): 2052-2908 Metrics History Published online 19 July 2017 Published in print 2 July 2017 Information© MA Healthcare LimitedPDF download

Female genital mutilation in children presenting to Australian paediatricians

ObjectiveThe WHO reports that female genital mutilation/cutting (FGM/C) is an ancient cultural practice prevalent in many countries. FGM/C has been reported among women resident in Australia. Our paper provides the...

Female genital mutilation in children presenting to a London safeguarding clinic: a case series

ObjectiveTo describe the presentation and management of children referred with suspected female genital mutilation (FGM) to a UK safeguarding clinic.Design and settingCase series of all children under 18 years of...

The African Conception of Sacrifice and its Relationship with Child Sacrifice

Although the practice of human sacrifice is not new in the mythology around sacrifice in Africa, the practice of child mutilation and sacrifice at least in Uganda was just spoken about as fairytale. However events that have unraveled since the late 1990s have shocked the country with real cases of children being mutilated and killed in the context of what is commonly referred to as child sacrifice in Uganda. This paper presents the “African” meaning of the concept sacrifice and how demonstrates how the in African religious theology disassociates itself from murder and mutilation of children‟s body parts as part of the rituals for healing, dealing misfortunes or even prevention of unfortunate events. There was consensus from our study participants that although historically, there has been human and child sacrifice in the African and Uganda cultural mythology, the actual practice of these vices is a new phenomenon, not recognized and accepted in indigenous/traditional religious theology and practice of African religion and culture.

Organ Theft Narratives

Organ Thet Narratives* Organ-theft narratives express a unified set of beliefs in organized criminal groups of organ traffickers who use kidnapping and murder, often of children and infants, to procure human organs for a vast network of medical professionals engaged in covert transplants that yield huge sums of money for both the criminal traffickers and the medical professionals. narratives occur in three categories, baby parts, sacaojos, and stolen kidney. 1. Baby Parts. Many of these narratives relate alleged cases of large-scale criminal diversion of infants from the network of international adoption agencies. These texts, which first appeared in Latin America around 1985, have since spread to other parts of the globe and have spawned many rumors that have led to incriminatng accusations and passionate denials. An official controversy emerged when a motion condemning the traffic in organs of Third World babies was initiated by French Representative Danielle de March (affiliated with French Communist Party) and was adopted by the European Parliament by majority vote on 15 September 1988. This document reiterated accusations against the United States and Israel that had appeared in 1987 in popular media throughout Latin America when clandestine orphanages housing children to be adopted internationally (and often obtained by devious means, which included outright kidnapping) were dismantled in Honduras and Guatemala. Israel did not react to the European Parliament's, action, but on 8 October 1988, the American Under Secretary of State Richard Schiffer wrote an official letter to Karel de Gutch, Chair of the European Parliament's Human Rights' Committee, protesting the Parliament's action (Campion-Vincent 1990). These official protests to the accusations have continued ever since to characterize American diplomacy. United States Information Agency (USIA), which is linked to the State Department, continues to campaign vigorously against these accusations while eliciting denials from American authorities. From 1987 to 1996, Todd Leventhal, a USIA officer, identified himself openly with the fight against The Baby Parts Myth (Leventhal 1992) which he later designated as The Child Organ Trafficking Rumor (Leventhal 1994). Narrative accounts of this alleged trafficking appeared in popular media of various countries from 1987. Then in 1992 a new variation occurred, when after the collapse of the Iron Curtain, the stories were set in eastern Europe. emergence of a surge of international adoptions of eastern European orphans generated popular suspicion of the criminal diversion of children for their body parts; the rumors soon led to official action by several involved nations. Bulgaria, for example, required prospective foreign adoptive parents to pledge (by signing a form) that I will not permit my child to be an organ donor nor allow the child to give organs or be a part of any medical experiment (Leventhal 1994:6). Such actions were, above all, the result of beliefs in and tales about human body parts that arose from popular fears that were first elaborated in the media and then adopted by government authorities and other elite segments of society. 2. Sacaojos. A parallel belief tradition about organ theft from children became prevalent in Latin America in these same years. In documenting the criminal activities of alleged Sacaojos `eye thieves,' these beliefs provided the raw materials for authentic folk tales. A plethora of such stories soon were in circulation telling of the kidnapping and mutilation of children. They quickly assumed a mawkish-tragic tone in telling of the reappearance of a lost child, now mutilated, blind, or missing one kidney. In his pocket is an important or ridiculous sum of money and a scribbled note, e.g., Thank you for your eyes. They are powerful horror stories in which the kidnappers are described as foreigners, dressed in black leather and armed with sub-machine guns, who suddenly pop out of big shiny black (red, blue, or yellow) cars or ambulances to kidnap children whom they later release with missing body parts. …