Munich Conference Research Articles

Data Laws Around the Globe – Insights, Frictions and Opportunities. Highlights from the African Data Protection Laws Conference in Accra, Ghana, 13-15 September 2022 and Comparative Data Law Conference in Munich, Germany, 7-8 December 2023

Abstract With sheer petabytes of data being transferred, re-used, and analysed daily on a global scale, data sharing ecosystems worldwide – bearing economic and societal benefits at the same time – have become hyper-complex. Lawmakers and enforcement agencies have to match the speed of the ‘moving target’ data-related regulation and cope with the challenge of not only sticking to a domestic view, but (by design) also take account of the international and comparative effects of their respective policies. Globally, we see processes of convergence and divergence alike. Taking it therefore a step further: Are we already on the verge of a truly Global Data Law or are competing legal regimes rather bound to exacerbate the geopolitical claims to digital sovereignty? This two-fold report presents the findings of two conferences which examined the issues arising from this question. The conferences featured distinguished experts from multi-disciplinary legal backgrounds on data policy and law. While the first conference in Accra, Ghana, was devoted to data protection architectures and cultures on the African continent, the second – in Munich, Germany – provided holistic insights into comparative research and highlighted the interdependencies of data (protection) law regimes worldwide.

Medieval and Renaissance Music Conference in Munich

Medieval and Renaissance Music Conference in Munich

О СУЩНОСТИ И КЛАССИФИКАЦИИ СОБСТВЕННОСТИ: ФАКТЫ И МИФЫ

After Vladimir Putin’s speech at the Munich Conference in 2008 and his statement to Financial Times reporters in 2019 that the liberal idea had outlived its purpose and exhausted itself, it became clear that the world would never be the same again. The purpose of the conducted fundamental research was “property”. It won’t be the same in the fi rst place. What will it be like? The historically transient series of types, kinds and forms of ownership should synergistically integrate the natural and artifi cial types of property in the format of the associated partial ownership of citizens for all natural resources and basic means of production. This approach is radically diff erent from Schwab’s fantasies of stakeholder capitalism, when “ownership” of all resources is declared common, and “disposition” and “use” are appropriated by members of the capitalist governing subsystem. The model proposed by Western apologists is not nature-appropriate, and therefore it is not viable. Solving the issue of property lies at the heart of the new future world order. The development of an embryonal new formation is a complex theoretical issue that is worthy of a federal discussion. To answer it, the methodology of studying complex social systems — cybernetic epistemology was applied. As a result, there appeared: the ideological Concept and practical Model of the future Sovereign Harmonious Society of GOODNESS CREATION. The size of the journal article does not allow this material to be presented to the readers. Therefore, only one, but the fundamental question of the fate of property in a world that will never be the same will be considered here.

Liberale Theologie heute – Liberal Theology Today. Edited by Jörg Lauster, Ulrich Schmiedel, and Peter Schüz.

Liberalism has so many forms and appears in various manifestations in different disciplines and areas of life: economics, ethics, philosophy, politics, religion, theology. Beyond that, its forms are shaped geographically too. Neo-liberal economics might play out relatively uniformly in terms of global capitalism, but religious and theological liberalism can be very different in the USA when compared with Europe. And then European liberalism is not a single thing. To talk of ‘liberalism’ at all, even in theology, as if it were possible to capture it in any sense as a narrowly definable, identifiable phenomenon, may be doomed to failure. This collection of essays, which began life in a conference in Munich in 2018, finds 31 writers (24 men, 7 women; 22 writing in German, 9 in English) reflecting from different perspectives on liberal theology’s past, present, and future. After a short scene-setting editorial from Jörg Lauster, the book is divided into four unequal parts. The first offers six international perspectives (five of the essays in English). Gary Dorrien fuses the work he has done on both liberal and liberationist theology, with Hegel as a constant conversation partner, to provide a bracing beginning. It is sobering to be reminded by a well-known academic that he ‘came through the door of social activism’ and ‘was a solidarity organiser’ long before he became a cleric and an academic (p. 20). Scandinavia (meriting two essays), the Netherlands, and England are European case studies. Mark Chapman’s chapter on the English scene could perhaps have made a slight nod towards forms of liberalism other than Anglican. Further afield, Sung Kim poses the question whether liberal Christian theology can be found at all in Asia, though sketches ways in which it might yet be fruitful.

The French communists on the results of the Munich conference of 1938

The article is devoted to the reaction of the leading figures of the French Communist Party (PCF) to the results of the Munich Conference of 1938. The Communists became one of the few forces that unequivocally condemned the transfer of the Sudetenland to Germany. Their opponents very often blamed them for trying to ignite a large-scale European conflict, which was, however, far from the truth. The leaders of the PCF had their own clear vision of how the French government should have acted during the events of September 1938. Only by the combined forces of democratic countries, by their resolute resistance to the aggressor, a new European war could be prevented. The author examines what impact, according to the communists, the results of the conference had on the domestic and foreign policy of France. Particular attention the author pays to the actions the leaders of the Communist Party considered necessary to resolve the Czechoslovak crisis.

Олимпиады по истории как маркёр современных научных интересов студенчества (на примере олимпиад ОмГУ им. Ф. М. Достоевского) 2017-2022 гг.

The Olympic movement has become a priority activity of the Government of the Russian Federation. It is considered as the first stage of introducing students to the profession, as an important form of popularization of scientific knowledge, as one of the ways to form a successful young person. In this regard, the all-Russian History Olympiad for students of higher educational institutions, which is held by Dostoevsky Omsk State University, is in line with the current directions of youth policy. This Olympiad has been held since 2017 and is dedicated to discussing a landmark event in the history of Russia. The Olympiad consists of two stages: qualifying and final. At the qualifying stage, participants write a historical essay on the declared topic and attribute images related to this event. At the final stage, students complete written assignments and take part in the discussion of the problematic issue of the designated event in the form of a round table with the participation of a visiting scientist who is an expert in this field. In 2017-2022, issues related to the revolution of 1917, the Munich Conference of 1938, the Great Patriotic War, the Kronstadt Uprising of 1921 and the creation of the USSR were raised at the Olympics. The features of the all-Russian History Olympiad are highlighted. Organizationally, the Olympiad moved to the online space, which allowed students to more actively realize their scientific interest in such events. The permanent participants of the historical Olympiad have been identified in the face of universities that encourage scientific research, passion for the history of the Fatherland and competitive excitement in their students. The preferences of students in the study and discussion of certain events in the history of Russia of the twentieth century are emerging. For some students, the Olympiad has become a kind of springboard in their successful intellectual activity, which finds its further embodiment in conferences, travel grants, scientific projects.

ІСТОРІЯ ПОВТОРЮЄТЬСЯ: НЕСПРОМОЖНІСТЬ СВІТОВИХ СИЛ МИРУ Й ДЕМОКРАТІЇ ЗАПОБІГТИ РОЗВ'ЯЗУВАННЮ ПЛАНЕТАРНОЇ ВІЙНИ В 2-Й ПОЛОВИНІ 1930-Х РОКІВ

In this paper the international political situation, which was established in Europe and in the world in the latter half of the 30s of the 20th century, is investigated. The authors draw a comparison between the 20s and 30s of the 20th century, pointing out that the 30s brought a series of military conflicts, as well as say that the fear of a new great war has been appeared throughout the world. Attention is drawn to the inactivity of the League of Nations, which failed to ensure a collective security policy between 1936 and 1938. Special attention has been drawn to the appeasement policy and the role of Great Britain and France in this policy, who did not want to bring the situation to military confrontation. It is pointed out that by the mid-1930s Germany went on the offensive and set itself the goal of achieving supremacy in Europe. Special attention is drawn to the reaction of Western countries to Hitler’s aggressive policy, as well as the actions of the Soviet Union and the policy carried out by Moscow on the eve of World War II are assessed. It is stated that in 1938-1939 the world policy increasingly focused on particular regions, where the conflict number and intensity were increasing sharply. The role of the Munich Conference in September 1938 and the fact that the initiative in international affairs was completely transferred to A. Hitler upon the signing of the agreement are determined. The policy of Great Britain and France after the Munich Conspiracy is analysed; it is explained why London and Paris thought primarily about personal security. A special place in this paper is given to the explanation of why the existing international system could no longer ensure the world order and why war becomes inevitable. The authors come to the conclusion that although Hitler managed to win the diplomatic struggle on the eve of World War II, but he did not finally become a triumphant.

Georgia and the International Treaties of 1918–1921 by Andersen Andrew (review)

REVIEWS 373 Throughout his study, Lorman returns time and again to a key and significant term, namely, ‘ambiguity’, in describing the objectives and platforms of the SLS movement and party, especially after 1918. Lorman identifies two factors which held the party together: the cult of the leader Hlinka, and an ambiguous ideology which could reach both supporters of autonomy within the Czechoslovak state or dissolution of the republic (pp. 179–85). Finally in chapter six, Lorman thoughtfully and carefully dissects the question of clerical fascism and the fascistic policies of the SLS, again using the ambiguity of platform versus the actions of individual leaders who were oriented in that direction. These voices placed the party ‘on a path to fascism even though it never reached that destination’ (p. 188). The diversity of sources and the balanced analysis makes this work an interesting and valuable contribution to the study of Slovak history. Department of History Susan Mikula Benedictine University, Lisle, IL Andersen, Andrew. Georgia and the International Treaties of 1918–1921. Asteroid Publishing Inc., Toronto, 2018. 472 pp. Maps. Illustrations. Notes. Appendix. Glossary. Bibliography. Index. $86.95 (paperback). History can often become political, while politics can be driven by historical perceptions. This is true especially with both modern and contemporary histories, which are open to manipulation by political regimes which, in their turn, can instrumentalize history for manipulating their people. The history of the Caucasus has become a highly contested and debated topic both across the region and in Putin’s Russia. For example, on 16 July 2019, Putin lectured journalists on the historic legitimacy of Abkhazia and South Ossetia having been forcibly torn away from Georgia (https://www. youtube.com/watch?v=Z6kLp8FktlY), and on 16 February 2020 the leaders of Armenia and Azerbaijan, Nikol Pashinyan and Ilham Aliyev, met for the first time ever at a public debate at the Security Conference in Munich, where they shocked the audience by debating remote historical facts for over 30 of the 45 minutes of the discussion (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7_ VXEhG6hmQ). The political use and abuse of the history of the Caucasus has caused considerable confusion, making it hard for the general public, and even experienced scholars to distinguish between truth and politicized propaganda. Against this background, Andrew Andersen’s book, Georgia and the International Treaties of 1918–1921, is refreshing, providing a concise, well- SEER, 99, 2, APRIL 2021 374 documented and visual overview of three decisive years in the history of the South Caucasus in general, and of Georgia in particular. This short period of Georgian independence, as well as that of her two South Caucasian neighbours, Armenia and Azerbaijan, has been largely understudied, if not ignored and forgotten by Western scholars and politicians, despite the fact that the three current nations of the South Caucasus are not only the heirs of their recent past but also its hostages, keeping in mind that they still face many similar challenges to which they respond very much in the same way as they did a century ago. Andrew Andersen’s book presents the original texts of eleven key treaties that shaped the political map of the region, from the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk of 3 March 1918 to the Treaty of Kars of 13 October 1921, and which were to determine the very existence of the Democratic Republic of Georgia (DRG). Based on both the treaties themselves and the political and military events that preceded the conclusion of each of them, Andersen, in cooperation with his colleague, George Partskhaladze, has created fifty-three high-quality full-colour maps that cover not only the subtle local entanglements of the Transcaucasian republics, but also global geopolitical considerations, the economic life of the region and demographical developments. Andersen’s book can therefore claim to be the first atlas of the DRG. In his commentary, Andersen smoothly navigates from one treaty to the next, assembling the pieces of a complex puzzle of Transcaucasian geopolitics between 1918 and 1921, setting his narrative against the historical and geographical backdrops to the numerous conflicts which the treaties were intended to resolve. In the first half of the book, he critically, but at the same time...

Transnationality and Modes of Production in Theatre Studies

ABSTRACT Transnationality and Modes of Production in Theatre Studies - This paper presents an argument in favor of a transnational approach which also examines modes of production within theatre studies in Brazil. Drawing on discussions that took place in July, 2018, at the Philanthropy, Development and the Arts international conference in Munich, we point to new possibilities that may enrich various fields of theatre research. In several cases discussed at the conference and summarized in this article, seemingly local issues and practices revealed their recurrence in other parts of the world (Brazil included), thus demonstrating their interconnection within transnational networks and circuits. In conclusion, it is suggested that the study of theatre from the perspective of transnationality and modes of production may also constitute an action in defense of research, and of the cultural milieu itself, particularly in countries that are living through reactionary periods, as is the case for Brazil today.

Чехословакия, Польша, Венгрия и Подкарпатская Русь в контексте предыстории и последствий Мюнхенской конференции 1938 г.

The article examines the circumstances, details, and elements of the struggle among Poland, Hungary and the ruling circles of Czechoslovakia for the influence on Subcarpathian Rus to use it in their own political expediency. Since Subcarpathian Rus was faced with the German military threat and involved in the “small collective security system” along with France and the Soviet Union in May 1935, it had to solve the problem of strategic interaction with the latter. As there were no common border between Subcarpathian Rus and the Soviet Union, the problem was solved by constructing a strategic railroad through the territory of Romania. As a result, Subcarpathian Rus, which located in the east of Czechoslovakia, found itself at the forefront of the interaction, largely forced, yet vitally necessary for the political leadership of Prague. The activity of Warsaw and Budapest, which intensified after the Munich conference, together with some other factors ended up in mid-March of 1939 with the proclamation of the independent “Subcarpathian Ukraine” and its immediate occupation by Hungary with the tacit permission of Germany.

The Rise of Counterrevolutionary Anti-Fascism in the United States from the Munich Conference to the Fall of France

Anti-fascism makes working or fighting against fscism the top priority, and two basic types of anti-fascism emerged in Europe and North America from 1936 to 1945. The first was revolutionary; the second was conservative and even counterrevolutionary. From the Munich Agreement to the fall of France, and in the face of strong isolationist opposition, US counterrevolutionary anti-fascists—who are usually labeled “interventionists” in the historiography—articulated to an increasingly sympathetic public how fascist regimes jeopardized the United States’ national security and way of life.

Sir Alexander Cadogan and the Steward-Hesse Affair: Assessments of British Cabinet Politics and Future British Policy, 1938

Neville Chamberlain’s practice of appeasement reached its peak during the aftermath of the Munich conference. In October and November, he tried through several channels to influence Adolf Hitler to follow up on the prospect of Anglo-German understanding that Chamberlain thought underpinned the Anglo-German declaration signed at Munich on 30 September 1938. As part of this process, an unofficial emissary, George Steward, Chamberlain’s Press Secretary, met with Fritz Hesse, the Head of the Dienstelle Ribbentrop and the Nachrichtenbüro in the German Embassy in London. The Security Service, MI5, learned of this approach and informed the Foreign Office. Sir Alexander Cadogan, the Permanent Undersecretary of State at the Foreign Office wrote a memorandum discussing the pros and cons of telling Viscount Halifax about Steward’s activity. Cadogan feared that Chamberlain was responsible for Steward’s actions and that the Prime minister’s interference in the business of the Foreign Office could provoke Viscount Halifax, the Foreign Secretary, to resign, potentially splitting the government and leading to a general election. The memorandum, largely overlooked in the literature, showed a senior civil servant’s assessment of British foreign policy and Cabinet politics and discussed possible directions for future British policy. Cadogan’s discussion foreshadowed the future turn in British policy emphasizing resistance and establishing tighter conditions on future appeasement of Nazi Germany.

The Change in Attitude of the Lithuanian Political Elite towards Poland in 1934–1939

The Change in Attitude of the Lithuanian Political Elite towards Poland in 1934–1939 The present article analyses the efforts of the political elite of Lithuania to change the policy towards Poland in 1934–1939. The beginning of the changes is related to geopolitical changes, first of all, the coming of the National Socialists to power in Germany in 1933 and the German-Polish Agreement in 1934. Reacting to this, President Antanas Smetona appointed Stasys Lozoraits as the new Minister of Foreign Affairs, who did not have a negative attitude towards Poland. In addition, other famous society members expressed the opinion to soften the attitude towards Poland; after Stasys Raštikis was appointed as the Commander-in-Chief in 1935, a large number of officials supported this opinion. Still, the processes were not changing immediately: the Lithuanian press was still dominated by the image of a Pole as an enemy despite the fact that diplomats and officials saw Germany, which was getting increasingly stronger, as the main threat. The political elite gradually perceived that Lithuania could not regain Vilnius in the nearest future, but there was a real threat to lose Klaipėda, the gate to the sea.These factors preconditioned the first changes. In 1937, in the plans of the Lith-uanian army, Germany was viewed as the main threat, and questions were raised that an agreement with Poland had to be made. It was difficult to achieve this; there-fore, the relations were established by an unpleasant way, after the Polish ultima-tum. This situation provoked a considerable moral and political crisis in Lithuania. The first Lithuanian Army volunteer, an officer, and diplomat Kazys Škirpa, who was renowned as the supporter of the “hard line” towards Poland, was appointed as the first envoy to Poland, while Aloyzas Valušis, the son-in-law of President Anta-nas Smetona was appointed as a military attaché. K. Škirpa attempted to change the relations with the Polish colleagues towards a more constructive direction and warned them about the aggression of Germany and its real plans. The heads of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs sometimes had to stop the initiatives of the envoy, being afraid that society could understand them in a wrong way. For instance, the arrival of the influential members of the Polish political elite to Kaunas was post-poned due to the start of winter, as it was explained.After the Munich Conference, Germany posed even more threat to Europe, particularly to Klaipėda. Poland was not interested in Lithuania losing the port, and this was one more reason for closer contacts. In order to soften the pressure from Germany, Lithuania sent K. Škirpa to Berlin, as he had many acquaintances among the authorities of the Third Reich. For the sake of strengthening relations with Poland, it transferred the diplomat and the signatory of February 16 Act, Jurgis Šaulys, to Warsaw, who was a strong supporter of renewing relations with Po-land. Despite this, Germany annexed Klaipėda, while a closer connection between Lithuania and Poland was not created. Still, especially after the annexation of Klaipėda Region, Lithuanian society was much more favourable towards Poland. This was highlighted by the Lithuanian and Polish media, which described the visit of the Commander-in-Chief of the Lithuanian Army General, Stasys Raštikis, who was particularly popular in society, in a very warm way. The visit, which took place in May, 1939, was possibly the warmest episode in the Polish-Lithuanian relations during the whole interwar period.

THE CZECHOSLOVAK CRISIS ISSUE OF 1938 (BASED ON THE PERIODICALS OF SUBCARPATHIAN RUS’)

The purpose of the reseach is to analyze the materials of the periodicals of Subcarpathian Rus’, which contain some information and interpretations of the essence of the Czechoslovak crisis of 1938, with regard to the peculiarities of interstate and international relations, and the formation of new political realities in Eastern Europe. The research methodology is based on a combination of principles (historicism and objectivity) and methods (general scientific and special-historical) of scientific work. The scientific novelty of the article consists in an attempt to interpret the factors influencing the deployment of the Czechoslovak crisis and the position of the public and informal policies of European states in action and their contribution to the formation of Carpathian Ukraine as an autonomous part of Czechoslovakia. The Conclusions. The public assessment of the political events of the autumn of 1938 is best demonstrated by the press, which is the subject of this article research. Based on some periodicals of Subcarpathian Rus’ (Ruthenia), the development of international relations is shown for key world powers, which played a diplomatic game with each other, seeking to turn a political vector in a direction that would be safe for them. During August-November 1938 in the newspapers “Slovo” (Word), “Ukrainske Slovo” (Ukrainian Word), “Svoboda” (Freedom), “Nova Svoboda” (New Freedom), “Vpered” (Forward), “Karpato-Russkoye Slovo” (Carpathian-Russian Word), “Nash Put’” (Our Way), “Karpatorusskiy Holos” (Carpathian-Russian Voice) and “Rusyn” (Ruthenian) reported about different aspects of international relations. In early September 1938, the newspapers noted that Germany was suggesting that the support of Czechoslovakia by the United Kingdom and France could lead to a military conflict. The public concern of Subcarpathian Rus’ regarding Germany’s aggressive plans was revealed by the press as was the appeasement of the world powers. The crisis raised the visor of Great Britain and France, which virtually agreed with every next aggressive step of Hitler. Public despair is demonstrated by the title of one article of the newspaper “Vpered” – “New borders or national death”. The headline about the second Czechoslovak crisis carried the slogan “The great Success of World Politics” and led to a conference in Munich on September 29–30, 1938. The research of the Munich conference revealed the true aspirations and demands of Europe economic opponents. Following the Munich conference, the Czechoslovak crisis faced internal political conflicts and complex international claims. Territorial claims of Poland and Hungary allowed Hitler to justify a subsequent annexation of the Sudetenland by an international nature of the demands advanced on the Czechoslovak Republic.Analyzing materials of the press of Subcarpathian Rus’, covering international relations in the autumn of 1938, we found out that the publications under review had a wide access to information regarding diplomatic negotiations, a political game of world powers, gave an estimation of the events and analyzed their cause-and-effect relations.

Losing the Periphery: The British Foreign Office and Policy Towards Yugoslavia, 1935-1938

ABSTRACT Between the 1935–1936 Abyssinian crisis and the 1938 Munich conference, Britain’s interests in the Balkans and its relationship with other Great Powers limited British policy towards Yugoslavia. This analysis points to a higher level of British influence in Belgrade in the mid-1930s than is usually recognised in the historiography and argues that by not responding adequately to security challenges in the Balkans after the withdrawal of French influence from the region, Britain contributed to a power-vacuum for Germany to fill. As the British position in Southeastern Europe weakened after summer 1936 due to advancing Italian and German penetration, Yugoslavia’s importance grew in the eyes of Foreign Office officials. However, Britain’s position in Belgrade eroded to such a degree by late 1938 that Yugoslavia was no longer willing or able to offer any assistance in the event of war. This examination provides a better understanding of Britain’s interests in Southeastern Europe by highlighting the geo-strategic importance of Yugoslavia and the Balkans as a buffer zone to Central Europe and a flank of Britain’s Mediterranean routes when the balance of power in the continent was disturbed to British disadvantage.

The Evolution of the Munich Betrayal Myth: Analysis of the Munich Conference Interpretation in Czech Textbooks Before and After the Velvet Revolution

ABSTRACTThis article focuses on the evolution of the narrative of the Munich Myth, which interprets the Munich Conference and the capitulation of Czechoslovakia in 1938, as it was constructed and distributed by state authorities in Czechoslovakia, and later the Czech Republic, between 1945 and 2015. The article frames the evolution of the narrative in the context of political and social changes to examine how deeply such changes affected the narrative. The results demonstrate that changes in external conditions projected remarkably into the evolution of the narrative. However, the key message of the Munich Myth — the message of Czech smallness, which determined not only defeatism in this particular case but also general passivity in IR — endured, basically intact, for 70 years.

Карпатська Україна як фактор у процесі формування політичної конфігурації Центральної Європи напередодні Другої світової війни

The article studies the Carpathian Ukraine’s factor in the policy of European countries according to the political configuration in the Central Europe in late 1930s after the Munich Conference, 30 September — 2 October, 1938. The author has used both historical research methods and methodological techniques of jurisprudence. It is analysed international legal documents, in particular, the Treaties of Saint-Germain and Trianon determining the Central Europe’s policy after the end of World War I. The provisions of the Czechoslovak Constitution of 1920 are also analysed. The process of revising the Treaty of Saint-Germain and initiating the revision of the Treaty of Trianon determining the Carpathian Ukraine’s status iss analysed. It is underlined the German and Italian positions on the Carpathian Ruthenia’s situation. Diplomatic correspondence of the German Ministry of Foreign Affairs, covering the position of not only Germany but also Italy, Poland, Hungary, and Romania appealing to the Central Europe’s policy after launching the procedure of revising the peace treaties summing up the results of World War I, is used to address that problem. It is analysed the political and legal conditions of the Ukrainian state-established forces triying to realize the right to self-determination of the Ukrainian people in the Carpathian Ruthenia. The study of the problem of the Carpathian Ukraine’s factor in the policies of big European states with respect to structuring the Central Europe’s policy reveals that the strengthening of the policies of Poland and Italy towards the regional bloc foundation became possible after the Munich Conference of 1938. Such bloc provided for strategic consolidation of such Central European countries as Poland (which was expected to play a leading role in that bloc), Hungary, and Romania, while Italy assigned itself the role of a strategic partner of the bloc. However, the fact of existence of the Carpathian Ukraine (initially, as an autonomous territory within Czechoslovakia) obstructed such geopolitical formation. The bloc in the Central Europe with Polish domination and Italian strategic partnership was wholly at odds with geopolitical interests of Germany. Actually, that was the reason behind German support to the Carpathian Ukraine. However, the change in the German strategic plans regarding the future of Poland caused the revision of the policy to support the Carpathian Ukraine.

European Regional Conflicts of the Second Half of the 1930s and the Evolution of the National-Socialist Image of Enemy

Regional conflicts in West and Central Europe, in the second half of the 1930s symbolized the collapse of the Versailles system, polarizing the situation and affecting the balance of power on the continent. All of them had international aspects, including propaganda aspect. European regional conflicts (1936-1939) have become a convenient case for approbation of the "old" Nazi ideological postulates as well as for development of "new" ones. The result of such propaganda work was the formation of an "enemy image", actively used in the future on the fronts of World War II. The article deals with the design and implementation by the Nazis in the German and European environment proper of the image of an "external" enemy, on example of the introduction of Hitler troops into the Rhine zone (1936), the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939), the Anschluss of Austria (1938) and Munich conference (1938).

Daija, Pauls Literary History and Popular Enlightenment in Latvian Culture (review)

REVIEWS 569 Any collected volume must answer the question of to what extent the individually admirable essays hang together as a collection. This volume grew out of an international conference in Munich in 2010. Its contents were already published in 2012 in a special issue of The Journal of Ukrainian Studies (volume 37). Given that that volume is readily available and modestly priced, one wonders whether it was necessary to have it appear as a free-standing book. To best accomplish that end, and to make the book more broadly useful to nonEastern Europeanists who work on religion, the book would have benefited from a substantial theoretical introduction to notions of nation and secularism — and, for that matter, to Ukraine’s tumultuous modern history. As it is, it will be of interest to anyone who works on Polish and Ukrainian Catholics in their encounters with one another, and for anyone interested in the role of Greek Catholics in Ukrainian cultural history. Department of History Nadieszda Kizenko University at Albany Daija, Pauls. Literary History and Popular Enlightenment in Latvian Culture. Cambridge Scholars Publishing, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, 2017. ix + 152 pp. Notes. Bibliography. £58.99. Pauls Daija’s work, translated from Latvian, uses literature to explore aspects of the history of Latvia’s peasant population in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. It ‘follows the process during which the Enlightenment of peasants mobilized local Baltic German elites to launch a literary culture in Latvian and to build the preconditions for Latvian emancipation in the nineteenth century’ (p. vii). It seeks to contribute to the European scholarship on popular Enlightenment, peasant culture and emancipation movements; but it downplays traditional emphases on serfdom and political reform in Livonia in favour of researching Latvian-language literary production and reflections of peasant identity. ‘Popular Enlightenment’ (German Volksaufklärung) is here defined to cover liberal but not radical Baltic German authors who wished to enlighten but not necessarily to emancipate the peasantry. The modern form of the Latvian language only crystallized in the nineteenth century; the earliest Latvian-language productions were for religious purposes, the first printed text appeared in 1525, and the Bible was translated by Ernst Glück in 1685. In the eighteenth century the economic and social theories of cameralism and Physiocracy brought a new focus on the peasantry as primary producer and workerinagriculture,nowacknowledgedastheessentialsectoroftheeconomy: as elsewhere in Europe, the view of the peasant as feckless and ignorant began SEER, 96, 3, JULY 2018 570 to give way to idealized images of the wise and virtuous peasant, as the Baltic German Popular Enlightenment projected German bourgeois values onto the Latvian population. From the mid-century Baltic Germans, often pastors, began to write in Latvian for the country folk; Daija follows the development of such writing into the mid-nineteenth century, when the first Latvian university graduates formed the Young Latvian movement and Latvian literature became national. The book consists of five chapters. The first studies eighteenth-century Baltic German interest in the common people and peasant education; the second and third deal with the literary history of the Popular Enlightenment in Latvian and its literary practice and spread. The fourth analyses the idealization and Germanization of peasant identity, while the last examines the ideology of the Enlightenment and such topics as serfdom, patriotism and historical understanding. The moderate writers of Daija’s Popular Enlightenment wanted to enlighten the (usually servile) peasants but not to make them discontented with their class or their lot: to change their mentality but not their relationship with their Baltic German master. This was a different approach from more radical voices such as J. G. Eisen in Estland (referenced here pp. 19–20), or Garlieb Merkel. Daija points out the dilemmas of some of those involved — for instance, the weighty pastor Gustav von Bergmann wrote a ‘happy peasant’ text in Latvian, but criticized serfdom in German. These writers’ aspirations raised problems of language choice, social status and ethnic identity, but as the French Revolution unfolded at the end of the century issues of security also arose. While focusing on Latvian culture, Daija takes care to refer occasionally to Estland/Estonia, where similar processes were taking place, and his concluding proposals for...

Jornalista por vocação: algumas considerações sobre a percepção de Max Weber a respeito da profissão

O interesse de Max Weber pelo jornalismo está expresso tanto no plano de pesquisa que ele propôs sobre a imprensa em 1910, como nos seus escritos políticos, especialmente na conferência de 1919, em Munique, Política como vocação. A fim de abordar esse tema pouco discutido do pensamento weberiano, optou-se por seguir a trilha da figura do jornalista para refletir, primeiro, sobre qual é o seu lugar e a sua importância em um estudo sociológico da imprensa, tendo em mente a epistemologia weberiana; e, segundo, sobre as qualidades e atributos relacionados por Weber ao jornalista a partir da sua perspectiva política.