Multinational Peacekeeping Research Articles

Major Issues and Response Strategies of UNC’s Revitalization

Purpose: This study is to identify major issues related to the revitalization of the US-led UNC and to suggest an appropriate approach strategy for Republic of Korea(ROK).
 Method: In this research, the history of the United Nations Command(UNC) was reviewed in accordance with the UN Security Council Resolution(UNSCR) enacted in response to the Korean War, which broke out due to North Korea's illegal and surprise invasion of the ROK. A literature review was conducted to identify major issues related to UNC’s revitalization, and the reliability of the study was increased by using the Delphi technique in a qualitative way through a group of experts.
 Results: Major issues for UNC revitalization were derived as follows. 1. United States' commitment to revitalize UNC, 2. Sustainability of UNC, 3. Establishment of chain of command between UNC and Future Combined Forces Command, 4. Scope of UNC member countries and participation of ROK forces in UNC Staff, 5. Declaration of the end of the Korean War, 6. Future UNC mission and role innovation.
 Conclusion: Republic of Korea should actively participate in the revitalization of the UNC for the national interests based on strategic clarity even though the ROK is not a founding country of the UNC. The United States is willing to innovate the future mission and role of the UNC as a multinational peacekeeper capable of supporting a peace regime on the Korean Peninsula while maintaining its influence in East Asia. In conclusion, it is important that the UNC continue to support liberal democracy in the Republic of Korea and develop into a multinational peacekeeping force in East Asia.

Resenha do livro Intelligence Sharing, Transnational Organized Crime and Multinational Peacekeeping

Resenha de: Chido, Diane E., 2018. Intelligence Sharing, Transnational Organized Crime and Multinational Peacekeeping. Palgrave MacMillan. 110p. ISBN: 9783319711829. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-71183-6

Международно-правовые рамки участия региональных организаций в операциях по поддержанию мира

The article analyzes the international legal framework for the participation of regional organizations in peacekeeping operations. Based on a review of scientific literature, the author examines the evolution of the legal approaches of the United Nations to international peacekeeping operations, considering the changes in their content in recent decades. The author explores the coupling between the peacekeeping mechanisms of the UN and regional organizations. The main object of the study is the peacekeeping activity of the Collective Security Treaty Organization based on the relevant international treaty. The article is an attempt to assess the political capabilities of a regional organization to expand its influence in the world using formal legal research methods. Three possible formats of a peacekeeping operation based on the Agreement on Peacekeeping Activities of the CSTO are revealed by the author. First, a peacekeeping operation by decision of the Organization within the borders of its member states. Its parameters correspond to the traditional (first generation) peacekeeping missions. Secondly, a peacekeeping operation by decision of the UN Security Council. Its deployment requires a mandate of the international community to endow the CSTO, which allows the implementation of multidimensional (second generation) peacekeeping operation by the forces of a regional organization. The third format of the CSTO peacekeeping operations is the participation of the CSTO in UN peacekeeping operations. The necessary legal framework is established by the recent Protocol on Amendments to the Agreement on the Peacekeeping Activities of the CSTO. The Organization is to endow one of the member states with the mandate to apply its multinational (consolidated) peacekeeping forces to the UN Peacekeeping Capability Readiness System. Thus applied CSTO peacekeeping forces can be involved in solving tasks during the UN peacekeeping operations under the CSTO flag. Based on the analysis of the legal framework for interaction between the United Nations and regional organizations in the field of peacekeeping, the author concludes that the potential for regional organizations to independently conduct multidimensional peacekeeping missions without direct violating state sovereignty or the UN Security Council mandate is significantly limited. The main opportunity for the collective use of the CSTO peacekeeping potential lies in its involvement in UN peacekeeping operations based on the approaches applied within the UN system to the organization of international peacekeeping activities.

Examining officers’ readiness for foreign language intercourse in international operations

With the increase in the number of multinational peacekeeping, antiterrorist, search and rescue operations, it is significant for faculty members to understand the essence and structure of an officer’s readiness for foreign language professional intercourse. In this study, we examine Ukrainian cadets’ (future officers’) perceptions on importance of the studied phenomena and personality traits necessary for effective foreign language professional intercourse. Analysis of theoretical and practical foundations of an officers’ readiness for foreign language professional intercourse has been carried out. The motivational-emotional, cognitive-conceptual and functional criteria, their indicators and characteristics of the levels of its formation (initial, medium and sufficient) are specified. The total number of participants involved through questionnaires and interviews is 524 persons. The obtained data were subjected to statistical analysis, followed by qualitative interpretation and meaningful generalization. Recommendations for the faculty members are provided. This study has implications for both future educational decisions and potential areas of research.

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The features of the implementation of peacekeeping activities of Ukraine in the framework of the Strategy for International Peacekeeping Activities of Ukraine, approved in 15.06.2009 by № 435/2009 by the President of Ukraine, are examined and the international legal practice of participation of Ukraine in UN peacekeeping operations is analyzed. Taking into account the legal traditions, an assessment of the importance of the participation of Ukrainian Armed forces in peacekeeping operations under the auspices of the UN for Ukraine was made and recommendations were developed to improve the mechanism for legal regulation of the participation of the Armed Forces of Ukraine in peacekeeping operations. In 2009, the Decree of the President of Ukraine approved the Strategy of International Peacekeeping Activity of Ukraine, a document that outlines a prospective, strategic vision of further peacekeeping activities of the state and defines “priority goals of state participation in international peacekeeping activities, tasks and mechanisms of realization of national interests in this process”. The experience gained in peacekeeping operations abroad over the years has contributed to maintaining the combat capability of the Ukrainian military to gain experience. Ukraine earns political and image dividends by participating in peacekeeping operations, which include support for bilateral relations with coalition members and countries in the region; the opportunity to promote their military equipment and equipment in international markets and more. Today it is necessary to review the Strategy for Peacekeeping Activities of Ukraine and pay attention to the following issues: increasing the level of involvement in the System for creation and determination of the readiness of forces for participation in the UN peacekeeping and security operations; expanding the use and creation of multinational peacekeeping contingents; participation of Ukraine in EU peacekeeping operations; issues of peacekeeping training of international contingents on the territory of Ukraine. The research in the article is devoted to the issue of prospects of Ukrainian peacekeeping activities and ways of improving the mechanism of legal regulation of the participation of the Armed Forces of Ukraine in peacekeeping operations.

The Muslim Middle East and Northeast Africa: The Interaction of Geopolitics, Economic Interests, and Regional Rivalry

Over the last few decades, Turkey, Iran, and Saudi Arabia have become very active in Northeast Africa. In addition to developing bilateral relations with countries in the region, they regard the area as the gateway to connections with the rest of the continent, although they are guided by different motivations. Turkey's expansion of its interests in Africa is both a reaction to the European Union's rejection of its membership and an opportunity to expand its trade, which has been hindered by instability in the Middle East in recent years. Like Saudi Arabia, it views Northeast Africa as a place to extend its cultural influence with that region's indigenous Sunni population. Saudi Arabia has used its wealth to curtail Iran's attempts to expand its influence in the region, while Turkey has provided on-the-ground technical assistance to enhance its political and economic connections in the region. In recent years the two countries have been drawn together by Iran's involvement in Yemen, although Turkey has sought to avoid becoming involved in local political disputes. Rather, it has served in multinational peacekeeping efforts and actions to prevent piracy in the sea lanes off the coast of Africa and the Arabian Peninsula. However, since the dispute between Saudi Arabia and Qatar over the latter country's relations with Iran that began in June 2017, some tension has arisen between Turkey and Saudi Arabia. While Iran also wants those sea lanes to be freely open to traffic—as they were during the time of Shah Muhammad Reza Pahlavi—it also wants to counteract Israeli involvement in Northeast Africa. Turkey has made great inroads politically and economically in Northeast Africa in recent years, while Saudi Arabia has gained the upper hand in its rivalry with Iran.

ДІАЛЕКТИКА МИРОТВОРЧИХ, ПРАВОВИХ ТА ВОЄННО-ПОЛІТИЧНИХ АСПЕКТІВ ПРОБЛЕМИ ДЕОКУПАЦІЇ ДОНБАСУ

The article provides reflexive analysis of the key factors of the cessation of armed conflict in the East of Ukraine and the return of the temporarily occupied regions of Donetsk to Lugansk oblasts under the authority and jurisdiction of our sovereign state. As the oldest works on war and peace (Sun Tzu) are known, the longer the armed struggle is, the more difficult it ends with a just world, therefore, a wide range of approaches are usually proposed for resolving the armed conflict in the Donbass: from a compromise with the aggressor to victorious plans and strategies for a military solution to the liberation of captured territories. In the pre-election period, Ukrainian political parties, without theoretical justification, propose such populist approaches to solving difficult military-political problems. Our approach is based on the identification of the causes and consequences of the occupation of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the ORD and LO, the importance of adhering to the principles of international law, humanism and progress in the conduct of state policy, recognition of the factors of the key - activity factor of the peacemaking of multinational forces whose phenomenon is not explicated, theoretically unclear as to the peculiarities of the socio-political and humanitarian situation in the Donbass. Peacekeeping as a relatively new international legal and humanitarian phenomenon is attributed to the peaceful measures of the world community, which, according to the UN Charter, is taking "other measures" for the restoration of peace and the prevention of humanitarian catastrophes. His controversial nature follows from the fact that, on the one hand, the United Nations does not interpret its Statute, as "the right to intervene in cases that are essentially within the competence of any state, and on the other hand, it must take all measures for the establishment and preservation of peace. He peculiarity of the use of multinational peacekeeping forces in the East of Ukraine is its work on the basis of the UN Charter, the synthesis of humanitarian, political, social missions, military and civilian control over the humanitarian situation, which could lead to disaster.

How does the involvement of a multinational peacekeeping force affect the classification of a situation?

The ‘debate’ section of the Review aims at contributing to the reflection on current ethical, legal, or practical controversies around humanitarian issues.In this issue of the Review, we invited two experts in international humanitarian law (IHL) and multinational peace operations –Professor Eric DavidandProfessor Ola Engdahl– to debate on the way in which the involvement of a multinational force may affect the classification of a situation. This question is particularly relevant to establishing whether the situation amounts to an armed conflict or not and, if so, whether the conflict is international or non-international in nature. This in turn will determine the rights and obligations of each party, especially in a context in which multinational forces are increasingly likely to participate in the hostilities.

Ending the War in Iraq: The Third Option

Since the war in Iraq began in 2003, public debate over the war has centered on two options: either increase the number of US troops to defeat the insurgency, or withdraw US forces to reduce US losses. Empirical research on civil war termination suggests that neither of these two options is likely to produce a favorable outcome for the US or the Iraqi government. That same research points to the third option – negotiated settlement – that has been the most frequent manner in which civil wars have terminated in the post-Cold War era. I analyze what existing research on civil war termination suggests about how the civil war in Iraq can be brought to an end. Military victory over the insurgents is unlikely, but withdrawal increases the risk of state failure. A negotiated settlement would require a credible third-party mediator to broker an agreement between the government, Sunni insurgents, and Shiite militias, thereby isolating foreign jihadists to spoiler status. Implementation of the settlement and the durability of the peace would be enhanced by multinational peacekeeping forces.

Historical dictionary of multinational peacekeeping

Historical dictionary of multinational peacekeeping

A New Moral Hazard? Military Intervention, Peacekeeping and Ratification of the International Criminal Court

The newly established International Criminal Court (ICC) promises justice to the victims of genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity. Past offenders can be punished, while future potential offenders may be deterred by the prospect of punishment. Yet, justice is no substitute for intervention for the benefit of people at acute risk of being victimized. The Court may create a new moral hazard problem if the promise of ex post justice makes it easier for states to shy away from incurring the costs of intervention. This article indirectly tests for the relevance of this potential problem by estimating the determinants of ratification delay to the Rome Statute of the ICC. If the Court represents an excuse for inaction, then countries that are unwilling or unable to intervene in foreign conflicts should be among its prime supporters. Results show instead that countries that in the past have been more willing to intervene in foreign civil wars and more willing to contribute troops to multinational peacekeeping missions are more likely to have ratified the Statute (early on). This suggests that the Court is a complement to, not a substitute for intervention.

The Internal Legal Order of the European Union as a Complementary Framework for its Obligations under IHL

When exploring the sources of International Humanitarian Law (IHL) obligations of multinational peacekeeping forces, legal scholars have thus far focused mainly on the UN (and, to a lesser extent, NATO), whilst other organizations have remained largely in the shadows. Whereas the UN Secretary-General's Bulletin on the Observance by UN Forces of International Humanitarian Law has been widely debated and extensively investigated, little or no attention has been paid to self-regulatory solutions adopted by other international and regional organizations.This Article focuses on the European Union (EU), holding that this regional organization—by virtue of its sui generis nature and of its increasing engagement in the field of crisis management—can be regarded as one of the most interesting newcomers to the realm of jus in bello. More specifically, it looks at the EU's internal legal order with a view to verifying whether and to what extent it may complement customary IHL in regulating the conduct of the EU as a military actor. The Article surveys the primary and secondary sources of EU legislation which may prima facie spell out obligations for the EU-led troops engaged in European Security and Defence Policy military operations. Finally, the Article seeks to draw some broader conclusions on the nature of the relationship between EU law and IHL, as well as on the complementarity and inherent normative value of their sources.

Keeping Middle East Peace?

US policy on peacekeeping in the Middle East is not unitary but derives from the intersection between US strategic policy in the Middle East and US attitudes to peacekeeping in general. During the cold war, the United States supported UN and multinational peacekeeping and observer missions as a means of stabilizing conflicts and avoiding superpower confrontation. In the period between the end of the cold war and 9/11, peacekeeping was minimally relevant in the region. Since 9/11, counter-terrorism concerns and broader efforts to stabilize the region have led the United States to support ambitious NATO, UN and European Union peace operations in the region.

New Challenges and Old Concepts: Understanding 21st Century Insurgency

This article was first published in the Winter 2007-08 issue of Parameters. From the 1960s to the 1980s stopping Communist-backed insurgents was an important part of American strategy, so counterinsurgency was an important mission for the US military, particularly the Army. Even when most of the Army turned its attention to large-scale warfighting and the operational art following Vietnam, special operation forces preserved some degree of capability. In the 1980s American involvement in El Salvador and a spate of insurgencies around the world linked to the Soviets and Chinese sparked renewed interest in counterinsurgency operations (as a component of low-intensity conflict). By 1990 what could be called the El Salvador model of counterinsurgency, based on a limited US military footprint in conjunction with the strengthening of local security forces, became codified in strategy and doctrine. (1) Interest then faded. Policymakers, military leaders, and defense experts assumed that insurgency was a relic of the Cold War, posing little challenge in the world order. With the demise of the Soviet Union and the mellowing of China, insurgency--even though it persisted in the far corners of the world--was not viewed as a strategic challenge to the world's sole superpower. With American involvement in Somalia, Bosnia, Kosovo, and Haiti, multinational peacekeeping--a previously unimportant role for the military--moved to the fore. In a burst of energy, the military revamped its peacekeeping doctrine and concepts. Professional military education and training shifted to accommodate these missions. Wargames, conferences, and seminars proliferated. Counterinsurgency was forgotten by all but a tiny handful of scholars. Then, one clear September morning, the world turned. Al Qaeda and its affiliates adopted a strategy relying heavily on the methods of insurgency--both national insurgency and a transnational one? Insurgency was again viewed as a strategic threat and the fear grew that insurgent success would create regimes willing to support and protect organizations like al Qaeda. The global campaign against violent Islamic extremists forced the United States military to undertake counterinsurgency missions in Iraq and Afghanistan. Once again, the Department of Defense was required to respond to a major strategic shift. The military services scrambled to develop new concepts and doctrine. (3) Counterinsurgency reentered the curriculum of the professional military educational system in a big way. It became a centerpiece for Army and Marine Corps training. Classic assessments of the conflicts in and Algeria became required reading for military leaders. Like the mythical phoenix, counterinsurgency had emerged from the ashes of its earlier death to become not just a concern of the US military but the central focus. This is all to the good. Augmenting capabilities to respond to new strategic threats is exactly what the Department of Defense is supposed to do. There is a problem, however: As the American military relearned counterinsurgency strategy and doctrine, it may not have gotten them right. During the 1970s America's national security strategy was shaped by what became known as the Vietnam syndrome--a reluctance to intervene in internal conflicts based on the assumption that some disaster would ensue. Ironically, while the United States eventually overcame the syndrome, a new one emerged. has been treated as a universal model, the Viet Cong as the archetypical foe. Defense experts even concluded that insurgents who did not use the Vietnamese approach (derived from the teaching of Mao Zedong) stood little chance of success. (4) This tendency to look back to the classic insurgencies of the twentieth century was pervasive. For instance, as the Army sought to understand the conflict in Iraq, the books most recommended for its officers were John Nagl's Learning to Eat Soup with a Knife (which dealt with the British involvement in Malaya and the American experience in Vietnam) and David Galula's Counterinsurgency Warfare (drawn from the French campaigns in Indochina and Algeria). …

Human Rights and the Military: Legal Rules

It has been said that international humanitarian law exists for the purpose of humanizing war. It could be said that the purpose of The Impact of Human Rights Law on Armed Forces by Peter Rowe is to explore whether human rights law (and secondarily humanitarian law) has humanized the military. Rowe, a professor of law at the University of Lancaster, considers, from a human rights perspective, the position of members of... armed forces and those with whom they will come into contact during some form of military operation (p. ix). Given Rowe's position in a British law faculty, it is not very surprising that his approach is analytical and descriptive rather than theoretical. Although he covers much formal legal material (in particular, treaties and case law), he does not often draw on broader material from the social sciences. His introductory chapter identifies several different categories of people who are members of the armed forces (volunteers, conscripts, non-nationals, ethnic minorities, women, those with disabilities, and child soldiers) and discusses how their status might lead to human rights issues. Subsequent chapters explore the human rights issues that might arise with respect to military establishments (the right to life, torture and degrading treatment, deprivation of liberty, privacy, other civil rights), human rights and military discipline, civilians being tried before military courts, the rules of international armed conflict, the application of those rules to internal wars and civil disorder, and finally multinational peacekeeping operations. The book does not have a general conclusion. From the start (pp. 1-3), Rowe raises a point of contemporary significance, namely whether detained people in a conflict situation can use international humanitarian law, especially the 1949 Geneva Conventions, to seek legal remedies in court. In this discussion, Rowe clearly blends considerations of international humanitarian law with human rights law. He concludes that, in general, international humanitarian law does not give rise to legal action and legal remedies directly for individuals in a court of law. Thus, British prisoners of war were not able to sue Japanese officials for mistreatment after World War II. International humanitarian

Historical Dictionary of Multinational Peacekeeping (2nd edition)

Historical Dictionary of Multinational Peacekeeping (2nd edition)

Historical dictionary of multinational peacekeeping

Historical dictionary of multinational peacekeeping

Special Operators: A Key Ingredient for Successful Peacekeeping Operations Management

As an integral component of the Military Observer Mission Ecuador and Peru (MOMEP), 1995–99, Special Operations Forces (SOF) performed as a true confidence-building measure (CBM). They succeeded in changing the behaviour of states, helping to resolve a longstanding conflict. MOMEP consequently serves as an example of risk management and reduction measures that insure regional stability. Further, it is an example of a regional multi-national military peacekeeping effort (PKO), conducted by conventional forces from various nations with influence and guidance from SOF, that succeeded without the reliance upon the United Nations.

Child Soldiers-An Integral Element in New, Irregular Wars?

At present, 300,000 child soldiers are involved in armed conflicts around the world, and their numbers are growing. They are employed in more than thirty countries, most often in Africa, Asia, and Latin America. But they are also brought into action in Europe (in the Balkans) and in the successor states of the former Soviet Union (e.g., in Chechnya). At the same time, unknown numbers of children participate in military training or are called upon for tasks like guard and patrol duty, as laborers or kitchen helpers, or are abused as “sex slaves” and human minesweepers. It is indeed true that in some Western European countries it is possible for adolescents under the age of eighteen to join their countries’ armies; these young recruits can therefore be formally called “child soldiers.” The phenomenon that I wish to call attention to, however, is an entirely different one: it is the systematic and mostly violent utilization of children and adolescents as a cheap and flexible recruiting pool for so-called “small wars” and irregular armed conflicts. These wars are typically being fought as irregular conflicts with massive participation of civilians. Their aims are often the persecution, expulsion, and even extermination of particular ethnic groups within the population. These kinds of conflicts have considerably increased in number since the end of the Cold War. Why are so many children and adolescents involved in these conflicts? Why is their number still increasing? What is the rationale behind the employment of child soldiers? Moreover, how can this phenomenon be evaluated in the light of peacekeeping and peace enforcement missions, and how are the troops that are to be deployed to such combat zones to deal with it? This essay aims to provide a brief overview of the current situation. To classify the phenomenon, I will first explore some key elements of the settings in which the use of child soldiers is organized today; these elements can be attributed to the changing patterns of warfare as well as the predominant forms of weapons proliferation. Secondly, I will give an outline of the legal and social conditions of child soldiers. And third, a final estimation aims to offer a political consideration of the phenomenon, as well as to shed some light on the involvement of multinational peacekeeping forces in conflict regions.

PRIVATE MILITARY FIRMS IN AFRICA

fictional scenario in which a private military firm (PMF), in response to a genocide unfolding in the shadow of international inertia, steps forward with an offer to secure safe havens for refugees. Fiction moved a step closer to reality recently when the United States pledged more than US $200 million in the form of private contracts in support of the African Union Mission in Sudan. In August of this year, Lieutenant Colonel Michael Bittrick, the US State Department’s deputy director of regional security affairs for Africa flew to Addis Ababa to work out the details of an agreement by which two private firms, Dyncorp Corporation and Pacific Architects and Engineers will provide housing, office equipment, transport and communications equipment in support of African Union troops. Although the nature of the support is logistical and may therefore seem innocuous, it nonetheless enables scarce military resources to be concentrated where they are most needed. True to the new mantra of north-south peacekeeping collaboration, it also spares the donor country the risk of putting its soldiers’ lives at risk in a conflict that is, for the moment, of marginal interest to its foreign policy goals. This is not the first time that the support of a multi-national peacekeeping force has been contracted out to PMFs. Firms such as Lifeguard provided security for the staff of humanitarian agencies in Sierra Leone, the PMFs Pacific Architects and Engineers and ICI Oregon supported ECOMOG forces in West Africa and currently both UNMIL (Liberia) and UNAMSIL (Sierra Leone). More than a decade ago, the American firm Brown and Root (now Kellogg, Brown and Root, employed in support of American troops in Iraq) was contracted by the US Department of Defence to support American military peacekeeping interventions (a time when the US still sent troops on African peace missions) in both Somalia and Rwanda. There has been great deal of involvement of the sector in protecting infrastructures and industries in conflict areas, as well as in supporting governments in the training, equipping and restructuring of armed forces, intelligence gathering, ad infinitum. Private military firms are as pervasive in Africa as security problems themselves. According to the watchdog organization Public Integrity, there are few African states that have not, at some time or another, engaged the services of a private military firm in some capacity, either in the handling of crises or more often, in the more mundane training, support and equipping of armed forces. Furthermore, the transmutations and permutations of companies, some of which have been remained in place before, during and after conflicts, defy static typologies. PRIVATE MILITARY FIRMS IN AFRICA Rogue or regulated?