Multiparty System Research Articles

Priorities of Political Communication in Armenia’s Internal Politics

Currently, the effective use of political communication to confront internal threats to national security is an important issue in the Republic of Armenia (RA). Among the internal threats, the author singled out the absence of a stable civil society, the non-establishment of the multi-party system, the neglect of the feedback mechanism in the state’s political communication, etc. In particular, the following are the main reasons for the weakness of the multi-party system in RA:  weak connection with voters, being active only during election periods,  unclear ideological orientation,  personnel policy, the weak structure of internal democracy and autonomy.  not sufficient representation in all provinces  non-transparency of political and financial activities,  weak control over the activity of parties.

Is Negative Campaigning a Response to a Dynamic Polling Environment? Evidence from Facebook and Twitter Posts by German Party Leaders in the 2021 German Federal Election

ABSTRACT Do negative campaigning strategies evolve in sync with a party leader’s position in public opinion polls? In Germany’s multi-party system, previous research during the traditional media era found that a chancellor candidate’s drop in the polls did not impact negativity. This study focuses on the dynamic campaign in the 2021 Federal Election, which is the most competitive campaign to date in the social media era as there was no incumbent chancellor candidate. The prevalence of negative campaigning by six major party leaders who made a total of n = 3580 posts on Facebook and Twitter from 1 March to Election Day on 25 September 2021 is studied here. Negative posts accounted for 7.7 per cent of total posts. Results also show that a chancellor candidate’s position in the polls matters: Front-runners are less likely to rely on negative campaigning, but as candidates drop down in the polls from being the main challenger to rank third or lower, their negative campaigning increases. During the official six-week campaign or the hot phase, the number of negative posts increases overall as Election Day approaches. Variation in the use of negative campaigning among the individual chancellor candidates is discussed as is evidence of negative campaigning prior to the hot phase.

Made to measure: interest group message customization in a multi-party system

Made to measure: interest group message customization in a multi-party system

Политические партии в процессе осуществления политической модернизации России

The article analyzes the place and role of political parties in the process of political modernization of the Russian Federation, in the formation of a unified system of public power and in the functioning of the political system of society. Attention is focused on the historical background and stages of the development of the multiparty system in Russia, from the end of the XIX century to the present. It is concluded that in the context of foreign policy challenges and internal transformations, Russian political parties have demonstrated their maturity and ability to consolidate society around the priorities of state policy. The process of Russia's political modernization cannot be imagined without the active participation and development of political parties, which, despite all the challenges and deviations, continue to be an important factor in strengthening democratic institutions and state sovereignty.

Enhancing Task-Oriented Dialogue Systems through Synchronous Multi-Party Interaction and Multi-Group Virtual Simulation

This paper presents two innovative approaches: a synchronous multi-party dialogue system that engages in simultaneous interactions with multiple users, and multi-group simulations involving virtual user groups to evaluate the resilience of this system. Unlike most other chatbots that communicate with each user independently, our system facilitates information gathering from multiple users and executes 17 administrative tasks for group requests adeptly by leveraging a state machine-based framework for complete control over dialogue flow and a large language model (LLM) for robust context understanding. Assessing such a unique dialogue system poses challenges, as it requires many groups of users to interact with the system concurrently for an extended duration. To address this, we simulate various virtual groups using an LLM, each comprising 10–30 users who may belong to multiple groups, in order to evaluate the efficacy of our system; each user is assigned a persona and allowed to interact freely without scripts. As a result, our system shows average success rates of 87% for task completion and 89% for natural language understanding. Comparatively, our virtual simulation, which has an average success rate of 80%, is juxtaposed with a group of 15 human users, depicting similar task diversity and error trends. To our knowledge, it is the first work to show the LLM’s potential in both task execution and the simulation of a synchronous dialogue system to fully automate administrative tasks.

THE EVOLUTION OF MULTIPARTY POLITICS IN UZBEKISTAN: CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES FOR POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT

This article examines the development of the multiparty system in Uzbekistan, highlighting the key stages and milestones since independence. It outlines the role of political parties in fostering democratic governance and representing the interests of diverse social groups in society. The paper explores the historical formation of political parties in Uzbekistan, from the cessation of the one-party system to the establishment of legal frameworks that empower political parties in shaping state power. The emergence of the Ecological Party of Uzbekistan is discussed as a significant event in the country’s evolving political landscape. Furthermore, the article addresses the current challenges faced by political parties, including the lack of political ideology, limited public awareness of political rights, and the need for improved competition among parties. The author argues that enhancing the legal foundation of parties and increasing their involvement in governance is essential for deepening democratic reforms. The article concludes with recommendations to strengthen political party participation, foster public trust, and promote active competition in Uzbekistan’s political system.

Qualitative comparative analysis of policies implemented by 26 European countries during the 2020 great lockdown.

During the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic in Europe, from March 1 to April 15, 2020, significant variations emerged among countries regarding the implementation of lockdown policies. During this period, viewed strictly from an epidemiological perspective, lockdown measures are considered the most effective means of containing a pandemic. However, the adoption of such measures varied, raising questions about whether the reluctance or failure of countries to implement lockdown policies reflected a disregard for epidemiological knowledge or stemmed from an inability to enforce these measures. This article employs Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA) with 26 European countries as case studies to investigate under what combination of conditions a country would implement lockdown policies. The QCA results identify three distinct combinations of conditions that lead countries to implement lockdown measures. First, countries with relatively concentrated political power are more likely to implement lockdown policies. Among the 10 countries governed by a majority party or majority coalition within a two-party or moderate multi-party system, seven implemented lockdown policies. Second, in cases of relatively dispersed political power, countries facing state fragility risks are more likely to implement lockdown policies. Among the eight countries that meet both conditions, five implemented lockdown policies. Finally, factors such as political heritage, severity of the pandemic, demographic composition, healthcare access, quality standards, and the ruling party's ideology play a lesser role in the decision to enact lockdown measures. This article offers a novel perspective on the dynamics of party politics and state capacity in the context of decision-making during the COVID-19 pandemic. It contributes to a deeper understanding of the intricate relationship between political systems and public health crisis management, highlighting how various political and governance factors influence the adoption of public health interventions during crises.

Why has Europe become the concentration area of multi-party states: A novel explanatory model of multifactorial mechanism

The existence of a multi-party system is one of the most important criterion for assessing the degree of democratization of a state. In contemporary democratic republics, the multi-party system has become a formalistic representation. However, in Europe, the de facto multi-party systems are extensively retained, making Europe a veritable concentration area of multi-party states. This research delved into the phenomenon and conducted a qualitative comparative analysis on the cases of 44 European countries to explore the factors contributing to multi-party states’ agglomeration in Europe. The findings demonstrate a novel explanatory model of multifactorial mechanism of Europe becoming the concentration area of multi-party states, whose solution coverage is 0.7 and solution consistency is 0.954545. According to the model, a developed country with a tradition of parliamentary government is more likely to possess a well-established multi-party system in a non-religious environment. High levels of educational attainment and political participation of the population allow a multi-party system to emerge and continue. Furthermore, the model indicates that a strong Christian culture hinders the development of multi-party systems to some extent, while economy growth has a direct and positive relationship with the formation and continuation of multi-party systems.

Is a “Responsible Prime Minister” Impossible under Presidentialism? The Weak Constitutional Premiership and the Political Conditions for an Exception to Emerge in South Korea

This paper explores under what political conditions a “responsible prime minister” can emerge in a presidential system, focusing on South Korea after the 1987 democratization. Under presidentialism, premiers lack the constitutional resources to make themselves into a “responsible prime minister” independent from the president. Even such political resources as high popularity, deep trust from the president, and influence over the legislature are not enough to make them a “responsible prime minister”. Thus, most premiers remain a highly compliant subordinate of their president in Korea. By contrast, in a multi-party system Kim Dae-jung (DJ) sought to invite a third party, the United Liberal Democrats, into the “DJP Alliance” in order to win a highly competitive presidential election and therefore had to yield the prime-ministerial post to the head of the coalition partner party, Kim Jong-pil (JP). Under these political conditions, JP could be a “responsible prime minister” as an exception.

Blockchain-Enabled Secure Data Sharing with Honey Encryption and DSNN-Based Key Generation

Ensuring data confidentiality is a critical requirement for modern security systems globally. Despite the implementation of various access-control policies to enhance system security, significant threats persist due to insecure and inadequate access management. To address this, Multi-Party Authorization (MPA) systems employ multiple authorities for authorization and authentication, utilizing blockchain technology to store and access data securely, ensuring immutable and trusted audit trails. In this work, we propose a hybrid key-generation approach called the Identity and Attribute-Based Honey Encryption (IABHE) Algorithm combined with Deep Spiking Neural Network (DSNN) denoted by IABHE+DSNN for secure data sharing in a multi-party blockchain-based system. This approach incorporates various entities and multiple security functionalities to ensure data security. The data-sharing process involves several steps: initialization, authentication, initial registration, data protection, validation, and data sharing. Data protection is executed within the MapReduce framework, with data encryption performed using IABHE and key generation managed by DSNN. Experimental results demonstrate that the proposed IABHE+DSNN approach achieves a decryption time of 10.786 s, an encryption time of 15.765 s, and a key complexity of 0.887, outperforming existing methods.

THE SECOND CONSTITUTIONAL ERA IN THE CONTEXT OF MULTI-PARTY SYSTEM IN TURKIYE

There is no consensus among authors as to when the multi-party system started in Turkiye. While some authors state that the multi-party system in Turkiye started in the Second Constitutional Era, many authors generally accept that the multi-party system in Turkiye started after the Second World War. The second position has become so common that it has come to affect authors’ perceptions; whenever the transition to multi-party system in Turkiye is mentioned, the process that started in 1945 first comes to mind. This study argues that the multi-party system in Turkiye started in the Second Constitutional Era, a view that is contrary to which is widely known and accepted. The Second Constitutional Era was a period that started in 1908 when Abdulhamid II was forced to restore the Constitution of 1976 and continued until the end of 1918. It is necessary to divide this ten-year period into two parts: the period until 1913 when the Committee of Union and Progress was not the only authority and the following period which was marked by the Committee’s unchallenged rule. The second period under the authoritarian rule of the Committee can not be regarded as a multi-party regime, but rather a period of single-party rule. For this reason, the multi-party system is a phenomenon that we encounter in the first part of the Second Constitutional Era. In this context, the current study aims to reveal this multi-party regime by focusing on political life, especially the cabinets, political parties, and elections of the period, and also to change the common opinion in literature.

A mechanism design approach for multi-party machine learning

In a multi-party machine learning system, different parties cooperate on optimizing towards better models by sharing data in a privacy-preserving way. A major challenge in learning is the incentive issue. For example, if there is competition among the parties, one may strategically hide their data to prevent other parties from getting better models.In this paper, we study the problem through the lens of mechanism design and incorporate the features of multi-party learning in our setting. First, each agent's valuation has externalities that depend on others' types and actions. Second, each agent can only misreport a type lower than his true type, but not the other way round. We provide the optimal truthful mechanism in the separable utility setting, as well as necessary and sufficient conditions for truthful mechanisms in general cases. Finally, we propose an algorithm to find the desirable mechanism that is truthful, individually rational, efficient and weakly budget-balanced, and analyze the computational complexity of the algorithm.

Voice, access, and ownership: enabling environments for nutrition advocacy in India and Nigeria

What constitutes an enabling environment for nutrition advocacy in low- and middle-income countries? While a sizeable body of scholarship considers the enabling environment for nutrition policy, we focus specifically on the necessary conditions for advocacy. We argue that three factors—voice, access, and ownership—provide a useful lens into the advocacy enabling environment. These are operationalized, respectively, as the space to articulate and frame policy positions, entry points to interact with policy decision makers, and the existence of committed decision makers rather than those responding to pressures from external actors. These three factors are explored vis-à-vis a comparative analysis of two federal democracies—India and Nigeria—that each have vibrant advocacy communities confronting persistent malnutrition. Drawing on more than 100 structured interviews with nutrition advocates, government actors, donors, and researchers in the two countries, we highlight the ways in which voice, access, and ownership interactively shape advocacy efforts. In doing so, we find that Nigeria has a less ideological approach to certain nutrition issues than in India but also perceived to be more beholden to external actors in defining its nutrition actions. Recent restrictions on freedom of speech and association shrunk the civic space in India but these were less problematic in Nigeria. In both countries, the multi-tiered, multi-party system offers many different points of access into the policy arena, with sometimes negative implications for coordination. Overall, the paper contributes more broadly to the literature on enabling environments by highlighting potential indicators to guide nutrition advocates in other settings.

A Comparison of Legislative Election Systems in Indonesia and Malaysia

The article aimed to analyze the comparison of electoral systems in Indonesia and Malaysia due to relevant differences and similarities. In Malaysia, the legislative election system was implemented to elect members of the People Council using a district platform. Meanwhile, Indonesia used an Open Proportional system to elect members of the National and Regional Representative Councils. A total of three aspects were also compared between both countries through a legal research and comparative approach, namely Government, Election, and Party Systems. Data collection was subsequently carried out through empirical studies, including interviews and literature reviews. The results showed that differences in government systems, state forms, and administration were observed between Indonesia and Malaysia, where proportional and district electoral platforms were implemented, respectively. Despite the differences, the two countries still had various similarities, such as the implementation of a multiparty system using different party coalition platforms. Variations were also observed in the implementation of voting rights by soldiers and convicts within both countries.

GOVERNMENT COALITION PARTIES' INTEREST CONFLICT AND THEIR ETHICS BASED ON SURAH AL-MUMTAHANAH

A multi-party system of governance, which is based on idiosyncratically and culturally diverse identities, is so prone to disintegration that it will erode public trust. Government confidence and authority declined as a result of problems that emerged as government coalitions were formed. The most notable of these included the rejection of influence, the politicization of the law, the arrogance of officials, the repudiation of offices, and the accumulation of wealth in unwarranted ways. The author's motivation to solve the formula problem, "What is the ethics of coalition multi-party government from the perspective of the Quran's interpretation of Surah Al-Mumtahanah verses eight and nine?" stems from the aforementioned issue. Descriptive and qualitative analysis research on the ethical normative analysis conducted in the Republic of Indonesia's cabinet between 2019 and 2024 is associated with the principles of Quranic ethics, which call for cooperation. The novel observation made by the author is that the coalition is a close-knit political organization that does not marginalize friends and instead stands tall and sits low, unlike a two-legged, power-sharing political party. Coalitions also foster cooperation, which advances mankind, fosters justice, and unites people.

Fairy-tale prince or voivode? Royalist propaganda and theories of monarchy under Carol II of Romania

ABSTRACT The article discusses the self-portrayal of the ‘Royal Dictatorship’ of Carol II of Romania and analyses four theories of monarchy produced or published under his regime. It shows that the Romanian ‘Royal Dictatorship’ relied on leitmotifs targeting the multiparty system, territorial revisionism, and the Iron Guard, but that it lacked a coherent official doctrine. The article argues that this void allowed for Romanian theorists of monarchy to draw divergent, Western or (pseudo-)autochthonous genealogies for the regime. To this effect, it examines theories of monarchy by Mihail Fărcășanu, Paul Negulescu, Cezar Petrescu, and Theodor Vlădescu.

Television in the Republic of Moldova: a decade of transformation (1988 – 1998)

The initial years of this decade marked the transition from totalitarianism to democracy. During this time, the pluralism of opinions, the establishment of a multiparty system, and the embrace of freedom of expression became legally recognized realities, even within the remnants of Soviet society. This shift laid the foundation for the emergence of independent journalism. Following the Republic of Moldova, s declaration of sovereignty in 1990 and its subsequent independence in 1991, significant changes took place. State Television evolved into National Television, introducing programs that addressed pressing societal issues. However, after 1993, there were noticeable regressions. The media landscape began reverting to some of its former practices, such as increasing the number of broadcasts that solely highlighted the activities of state bodies. These reports often lacked diverse perspectives, echoing the onesided narratives of the totalitarian era. By the close of the decade, funding for television was slashed, leading to a reduction in broadcast hours (to as few as 6 hours daily). This limited coverage hindered a comprehensive discussion of the myriad challenges facing society.

Affective Polarization Between Opinion-Based Groups in a Context of Low Partisan Discord: Measuring Its Prevalence and Consequences

Abstract Affective polarization has been primarily studied as a phenomenon between partisans. Recently, Hobolt, Leeper, & Tilley (2021) showed in the context of Brexit that affective polarization can also materialize around opinion-based groups, that is, political identities that form around extraordinary issues and cut through partisan lines. We generalize their findings by documenting the emergence of affective polarization around a new political conflict in a national context of low partisan discord. Specifically, we study divisions around the government response to the COVID-19 pandemic in Germany, a multiparty system where all established parties supported certain freedom restrictions to contain the pandemic. Drawing on numerous indicators and a survey experiment from a representative online panel study, we explored the (a) prevalence, (b) consequences, and (c) context of affective polarization between supporters and opponents of COVID-19 containment policies. We found that the majority of supporters and a minority of opponents showed indications of affective polarization. Affectively polarized citizens showed various group biases that make productive political and social interactions less likely. Affective polarization was stable over time and different from partisan and sociostructural conflicts. We raise questions for future research and discuss what it means for democracy when deep political rifts are not captured by main parties in a party system.

STURSHEL SATIRICAL NEWSPAPER – POLITICAL TRANSITION AND HUMOUR STANDARDS

The article focuses primarily on the Bulgarian satirical newspaper Sturshel (Hornet) – the most famous and one of the longest-lasting humorous editions in Bulgaria, which was first published in 1946. During the communist regime in the country the Sturshel was an edition of the Central Committee of the Bulgarian Communist party, which was the ruling party for 45 years. The political transformations in 1989 led to dramatical changes in the public life and the freedom of speech that had not been allowed during the previous historical period. The editors of the newspaper started their fight for independence and a few months after November 1989 the Sturshel was free from the Party’s guardianship and became one of the most trusted editions according to the statistical data and market results. Some of the short sentences, caricatures’ captions, and anecdotes published in the newspaper achieved huge popularity and many of them were turned into slogans born by people during political rallies and strikes. On the other hand, the Sturshel published many short reports from different street events and encouraged people to fight for new ethical values, based on the principles of political freedom, multiparty system and personal dignity. Laughter was used as a powerful instrument by the journalists and caricaturist to help people overcome the fear imposed by the totalitarian regime. Some of the mechanisms of this process are also analyzed in the article.

Does the Reform of the Parliamentary and Presidential Threshold Strengthen the Presidential System in Indonesia?

The attempt to purify Indonesia's multiparty presidential system was only reflected after the Third Amendment to the 1945 Constitution. However, it took work to implement it. In practice. Various measures have been taken, including party alliances and introducing voting barriers in parliamentary elections. Therefore, analysing the relationship between electoral thresholds and their ideal proportions in the form of legal-political reforms to strengthen the Indonesian presidential system is interesting. This is in line with the purpose of this study, which is to uncover and analyse the legal politics of electoral thresholds in an attempt to strengthen the presidential system of government in Indonesia. The approach adopted in this study is a theoretical approach with legal, conceptual, comparative and historical approaches. This study concludes that the legitimate political renewal of the electoral vote threshold is not closely related to efforts to strengthen Indonesia's system of multiparty presidential government. The ideal way to reform the legal, political threshold for electoral votes would be to set the parliamentary threshold at 2.5%, but at the same time tighten controls over the parties participating in the election, and the 2.5% threshold serves as President to maintain a balance between the parliamentary and presidential thresholds. In addition, it is also important to strengthen consensus (consensus democracy) among coalition political parties. There is still a desire to abolish the presidential threshold through the People's Representative Council (DPR) instead of the Constitutional Court (MK).