Party Movement Research Articles

Economic Democracy as Political Theology: The British Anglican Socialist Tradition

The richest tradition of Christian socialism is the British Anglican one. In the beginning it was cooperative and ecumenical in the fashion of its founders, F. D. Maurice and John Ludlow. Later it became predominantly Anglo-Catholic, politically activist, and ideologically diffuse, but always with a strong social-ethical basis. Many Anglican socialists stuck to the cooperative tradition, some joined the Fabian movement after it arose in 1884, some joined the Social Union reformers who came out of Oxford, some gave highest priority to socializing land, many joined the workers party movement after it arose in 1893, and some became leaders of the guild socialist movement that took off in 1912. But British Anglican socialism had an ethical well-spring that qualified its commitment to all these ideologies, and at its best it was powerfully anti-imperialist. Anglican socialists denied that a Fabian, Syndical, Social Unionist, or Marxist ideology should be more binding than their commitment to an ethic of equality, freedom, and cooperative community. This conviction helped them play a distinct role in British politics, especially as exemplified by William Temple and R. H. Tawney. Temple's model of social-funded guild socialism was far ahead of its time and remains the most promising model of big-scale economic democracy.

Ideal point estimation of deputy voting in the twenty-sixth legislative period of the Turkish Grand National Assembly, 17 November 2015–24 June 2018

ABSTRACT In this study, the legal proposals of the Turkish Republic governments, which were voted by the TGNA (Turkish Grand National Assembly) during the twenty-sixth legislative period between 17 November 2015 and 24 June 2018, are discussed with reference to ideal point analysis. Although there was a military coup attempt on 15 July 2016 against the elected government, it is noteworthy that parliament continues to function. The transformation of nearly a hundred years of the parliamentary regime into a presidential system is another remarkable feature of this period. Four parties have representatives in the parliament, including AK Party (AKP), the Republican People’s Party (CHP), the Peoples Democratic Party (HDP), and the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP). The proposals are assessed under fourheadings, and it is found that the voting results differed accordingly. While HDP has a moderate line in the first group of proposals, it is noteworthy that HDP has opposed quite radically to other group proposals. When the logic of Bayesian analysis is used, it is concluded that AKP is the pro-change party, and the other three are conservative or resisting. Here, the power of the ruling party and the discipline of the party group should not be disregarded.

Westermeyer, William H, 2019. Back to America: Identity, Political Culture, and the Tea Party Movement. University of Nebraska Press

Westermeyer, William H, 2019. Back to America: Identity, Political Culture, and the Tea Party Movement. University of Nebraska Press

The knowledge-oriented and relationship-oriented roles of popular education in labour movement parties in Sweden

ABSTRACT Political parties are essential for the functioning of parliamentary democracy, yet parties have not received much attention in contemporary research on popular education. The aim of this article is to analyse the contemporary role of party-political education as a form of popular education in two labour movement parties in Sweden. The study is based on semi-structured interviews focusing on the reasoning behind the organisation of education in political parties. The interviews were conducted with ten interviewees who represented ABF (the Swedish workers’ educational association), the Left Party, and the Social Democratic Party. The thematic analysis resulted in four categories of roles ascribed to education in political parties: ideological training, training skilled members and leaders, training for a social infrastructure, and training for internal positioning and distinction. The first two categories correspond to knowledge-oriented roles, while the two last represent relationship-oriented roles. Findings show that party-political popular education still plays a significant role in contemporary Sweden. The shrinking member base of political parties creates challenges when new members and prospective representatives cannot be expected to have as extensive popular movement experience as previous representatives. In this situation, study activities are, to some extent, attributed more significance than previously.

New municipalism in action or urban neoliberalisation reloaded? An analysis of governance change, stability and path dependence in Madrid (2015–2019)

Local politics in Spain has triggered iconic shifts over the last few years, and the electoral success of new ‘movement parties’ in particular has dramatically challenged the political establishment. Between 2015 and 2019, many municipalities – including, crucially, the two biggest cities, Madrid and Barcelona – were governed by coalitions originating from anti-austerity, anti-eviction and pro-democracy struggles. This has significantly affected hegemonic and widely normalised discourses supporting the neoliberalisation of urban politics, and to some extent has also prompted novel governance approaches. Based on empirical research undertaken with local councillors, officials, consultants and activists, the article develops an in-depth analysis of governance transformations in the Spanish capital of Madrid. By doing so, it evaluates the ambiguities and contradictions that the government coalition Ahora Madrid was facing during the 2015–2019 legislative term. The debate stimulates critical reflections for academics, practitioners and movements on the transformative capacities that new municipalisms may enact, as well as the constraints faced by established multi-level urban governance regimes.

The Dynamics of Religious Political Assertiveness of President Soeharto

History of Indonesia has recorded the name Soeharto as the second president and president with the longest term in Indonesia. The dynamics of Soeharto's religious-political struggle experienced ups and downs where at the beginning of independence Soeahrto tried to embrace the power of Islam, so that Indonesia would be able to rise from the events of the thirty-September party movement of Indonesian communists. Whereat the beginning of the new order Suharto was very responsive to the political power of Islam regardless of the political content he wanted but at least, there was a strong desire to get Islam involved in it. But unfortunately in the middle phase of Soeharto's leadership began to turn towards the Islamic group, many policies did not benefit Islam, including a single principle policy towards Islamic parties and Islamic mass organizations, where all organizations must use the single principle of Pancasila. So that when not using a single principle is considered not recognized by the government, in addition there is no freedom for the scholars to laugh because they are considered to spread political movements, the use of headscarves is limited, religious education will be removed even if it is not successful. Soeharto's unreasonable attitude changed. Because in 1990 a lot of Soeharto's policies benefited Islam such as building mosques, establishing ICMI (Indonesian Muslim Scholars Association), awarding clerics and clerics, even Suharto was very religious in nature, where religious activities were very concerned, even he often used the name of the pilgrimage. The fact explained that Suharto was a devout president.

Protesting Parties in Europe: A comparative analysis

The article provides the first large-scale study of protest activities by political parties. The empirical analysis draws on original protest event data for 30 European countries based on semi-automated coding of news agencies. The article innovates by (a) proposing a standardized indicator for the extent to which protest and electoral politics relate to each other, (b) showing that parties’ involvement in protests differs across political contexts, and (c) mapping the profile of a typical party-sponsored event and a typical protesting party. Despite long-term trends toward differentiated modes of interest intermediation, the results indicate that a wide range of parties does protest. However, in highly differentiated contexts, the typical protesting party mirrors the outsider image of movement parties: it does not belong to a mainstream party family and has no government experience. By contrast, more strategic factors, such as opposition status, drive parties to the streets in less differentiated contexts.

7 Haziran ve 1 Kasım 2015 Genel Seçimleri Bağlamında Cumhuriyet Halk Partisine Yönelik Bir Karşılaştırma

Türkiye’de 2015 yılında yapılan 7 Haziran 2015 genel seçimleri, hükümetin kurulamaması nedeniyle 1 Kasım 2015 tarihinde tekrarlanmıştır. Muhalefet partilerinden Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi (CHP), Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi (MHP) ve Halkların Demokratik Partisi (HDP) aldıkları oy oranı ve kazandıkları milletvekili sayılarıyla koalisyon hükümeti çıkartabilecek bir parlamento dağılımı ortaya çıkarmışlardır. Koalisyon görüşmelerinin olumlu sonuçlanmaması ve hükümet kurulamayacağı kanaati ile Cumhurbaşkanı tarafından seçimlerin tekrarlanmasına karar verilmiştir. 1 Kasım 2015 tarihinde tekrarlanan genel seçimlerde önceki seçime göre oy kaybını telafi eden AK Parti tek başına iktidar olanağını elde etmiştir. MHP ve HDP önemli oranlarda oy kaybına rağmen Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi (TBMM)’ne girmeyi başarmıştır. Çalışmaya konu edilen Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi (CHP)’nde ise tekrarlanan genel seçimlerde oransal bir artışın sağlanamadığı görülmüştür. 7 Haziran 2015 genel seçimlerinde etkili bir kampanya yürüten ve koalisyon görüşmelerine de katılan CHP’nin 1 Kasım 2015 genel seçim sürecindeki kampanya stratejisi, kullandığı mesaj ve mecraların incelenmesi ve karşılaştırmalar yapılması siyasal iletişim bağlamında önemli veriler sunacaktır.

The logic and development of the trend towards “nonmaterial” political affiliation in the midst of stagnation in the civil rights party movement in Meiji Japan

The logic and development of the trend towards “nonmaterial” political affiliation in the midst of stagnation in the civil rights party movement in Meiji Japan

When guns govern public health: Examining the implications of the militarised COVID-19 pandemic response for democratisation and human rights in Uganda

The article is premised on the hypothesis that the Uganda Peoples' Defence Force (UPDF) and the attendant auxiliary forces are not an ideal force for domestic deployment in contending with public health pandemics such as COVID-19. The UPDF has been the main architectural tool that has been deployed by the National Resistance Movement party, a former guerilla movement, to perpetuate militarisation in the country for the past 30 years. The conduct, power, authority and prominent position accorded to the UPDF in the management of COVID-19 and the enforcement of the prevention measures laid bare this reality. Thus, unlike in other jurisdictions where the militaries were deployed because of their superior capability to adapt and provide extra and immediate professional services to support the civilian authorities, in Uganda this deployment was different. It was informed by the long-held and widely-documented belief by the President of Uganda, Museveni, that the UPDF, which developed from his personal guerrilla army of the National Resistance Army (NRA), only holds a legitimate vision for the country and is far more reliable. The COVID-19 pandemic, therefore, was an opportunity to continue the deliberate build-up and normalisation of the infiltration of the military in what have hitherto been spheres of operation for the civil and public servants. Thus, a critical question arises as to whether the primary motivation factor for the UPDF deployment was political, to accentuate the presidency of Museveni in power through militarisation. The question is also whether any positive harvests from the deployment of the military in the fight against COVID-19 were unintended consequences and, if they did materialise, how they were used to further glorify the centrality of the military in dealing with societal crises, further entrenching militarism. The article concludes with some recommendations emphasising the need for accountability - more so, parliamentary oversight in the deployment of the military in such situations to counter a breach of rights and freedoms. Additionally, this would check the current trend of the executive having the exclusive power to deploy the military, making it susceptible to hijacking and eventual politicisation and militarisation.

31 MARCH LOCAL ELECTIONS FROM ALLIANCES TO BLOC POLITICS

Türkiye’nin başkanlık sistemine geçişinin ardından yapılan ilk seçim olan 31 Mart yerel seçimleri, Türkiye yerel seçim tarihi açısından pek çok ilki barındırmıştır. 24 Haziran seçimlerinin aksine partilerin yasal bir çerçeve olmadan ittifak kurduğu seçimlerde iki ittifak blokunun adayları yarışmıştır. Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (AK Parti) ve Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi (MHP) Cumhur İttifakı’nı, Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi (CHP) ve İyi Parti ise Millet İttifakı’nı oluşturmuştur. Doğrudan Millet İttifakı’nın içerisinde yer almasa da Halkların Demokratik Partisi (HDP) 11 büyükşehir ve ilde Millet İttifakı lehine aday çıkarmayarak bu ittifaka destek vermiştir. Aynı ittifak blokunda yer alan partiler belirli seçim çevrelerinde ittifak ortaklarının lehine aday çıkarmamıştır. Dolayısıyla oy pusulalarında sadece aday çıkaran partilerin amblemi yer almıştır. Ayrıca aynı ittifaktan tek bir adayın yarıştığı seçim bölgelerinin önemli bir bölümünde belediye meclisi seçimlerinde de partiler ortak listeler oluşturarak seçimlere katılmıştır.Bu çalışma, 31 Mart yerel seçim sonuçlarını, hem yeni siyasal alanın özellikleri bakımından hem de ampirik açıdan karşılaştırmalı bir şekilde ele almaktadır. Çalışmada ilk olarak 24 Haziran seçimlerinin sonuçlarını da dikkate alarak, 31 Mart yerel seçim sonuçları üzerinden ittifak siyasetinin Türkiye’nin yeni siyasal alanını nasıl şekillendirdiğine odaklanılmıştır. Bu bölümde ayrıca seçim ittifaklarının ve buna bağlı olarak partiler arasında oy geçişkenliğini sağlayan stratejik ya da taktiksel oy verme davranışının siyasal alanın yeniden şekillenmesine ve 31 Mart seçimlerinin sonuçlarına ne ölçüde etki ettiği tartışılmıştır. Ardından Cumhur İttifakı ve Millet İttifakı üzerinden, blok siyaseti merkeze konularak, AK Parti, MHP, CHP, İyi Parti ve HDP açısından seçim sonuçları analiz edilmiştir. Sayısal veriler üzerinden karşılaştırmalı olarak yapılan bu analiz, yeni siyasal alanın oluşmasına etki eden dinamiklerin seçim sonuçları üzerindeki etkisinin daha net anlaşılmasını sağlamaktadır.

Azerbaijan Democratic Party: Ups and Downs (1945-1946)

Democratic Party of Azerbaijan's movement is one of the most important events in the history of Iran and the world. It was for the first time in the history of Iran that a political party seriously stressed the issue of autonomy. In addition, this movement as liberation movement prioritized several decisive and fundamental reform. Most important of all, Iran's complaints of the Soviet Union in the Security Council and the confrontation of superpowers led to the Cold War. This study attempts to analyze this issue using several Persian, English, Russian and Turkish resources. The present paper concludes that the emergence of the Democratic Party movement was the result of internal and external in addition, objective and subjective factors.

The Politics of Manufactured Crisis

It is a widely used assumption in the literature on political decision-making that leaders ‘choose their battles’ according to their interests. This strategic approach often results in seemingly ‘fake crises’; crises which are – as opposed to natural disasters – not exogenous in nature. These crises are exceptional in that they are avoidable and are the product of political entrepreneurs following deliberate agendas. In this paper, the logic of crisis manufacturing is illustrated by a case study of the ‘fiscal wars’ of 2011–2013. The case study shows how, given the right institutional environment, political entrepreneurs, even those outside the political mainstream, can use crisis manufacturing to their advantage. In order to exploit the institutional veto points related to fiscal policy in the U.S. constitutional system, various actors associated with the Republican Party and the Tea Party movement used a networked, coalition-based approach to reach these goals. Although their quest to instill a regime of fiscal conservatism was eventually unsuccessful, they did manage to raise their national profile and set the policy agenda for an extended period.

Hollow parties and their movement-ization: The populist conundrum

This article focuses on the relationship between social movements and political parties in the context of populist challenges to constitutional democracy. There are many reasons for the current plight of democracy but I focus here on one aspect: the decline of mainstream political parties, the emergence of new forms of populist movement parties and the general crisis of political representation in long consolidated Western democracies. This article analyses the specific political logic and dynamics of social movements – the logic of influence, and distinguishes it from that of political parties – the logic of power. It addresses transformations in movements, parties and their relationships. It looks at the shifts in movement and party types that constitute the political opportunity structure for the emergence of new populist movement party forms and relationships, focusing on the hollowing out and movement-ization of political parties. Contemporary populist movement parties are not the cause of the hollowing out or movement-ization of political parties. Rather they are a response to the crisis of political representation exemplified by hollow parties and cartel parties. But it is my thesis that thanks to its specific logic, populism fosters the worst version of movement party relationships, undermining the democratic functions of both.

Book review: Movement Parties Against Austerity and Far-Right Politics in Europe (trans. Jane Marie Todd)

Book review: Movement Parties Against Austerity and Far-Right Politics in Europe (trans. Jane Marie Todd)

The rise and endurance of radical right movements

This article reviews the scholarship on radical right movements in Europe. It focuses on three strands of this literature: first, the macro-level contextual opportunities-based explanations for the fortunes of these movements; second, internal supply-side approaches, referring to the internal organizational resources – leadership, communication and propaganda – that support the mobilization; and third, the individual (micro-level) factors of the emergence and the rise of radical right movements. The goal is to shed light on all these different approaches to explain the ‘Who’, ‘When’, ‘How’ and ‘Why’ of the emergence and (violent) mobilization of radical right groups, using empirical evidence drawn from various case studies in Western, Eastern and Central Europe. This is a topic often neglected in the academic literature on the radical right, which still focuses mainly on political parties and elections. The article concludes by discussing possible future directions for radical right movement research, including the transnationalization of the radical right, the usage of the Internet and radical right ‘movement parties’.

마이너리티의 부상과 미국 지배담론의 분열 -티파티운동과 커피파티운동을 중심으로-

마이너리티의 부상과 미국 지배담론의 분열 -티파티운동과 커피파티운동을 중심으로-

The challenges of public service broadcasting: A study of the Empresa Brasil de Comunicação

In this article, we study the creation and later deconstruction of Brazil’s public broadcasting project. We analyse the contradictions between Brazil Communication Company’s public communication mandate and its internal organization focused on government control. We show how the social and political context surrounding the 2007–2008 debate influenced both the wording of the Brazil Communication Company law and the way it was effectively applied. We also discuss President Michel Temer’s (from the Brazilian Democratic Movement Party) proposed dismantling of Brazil Communication Company as a public service broadcaster and how the current government now has full editorial and administrative control of the company.

Provision of food of Soviet partisans in Belarus during the Great Patriotic War

The article is devoted to one of the main problem in the organization and development of the guerrilla movement in the territory of Belarus during the Great Patriotic War. This is a problem provision of food. On the basis of published and archival documents, sources of supply of partisans with food are analyzed, aspects of relations between the civilians and partisans, the role of the Belarusian headquarters of the guerrilla movement and Soviet party authorities in the organization and supply of partisans are considered. The main role in providing partisans with food belonged to civilians. In addition to mutually beneficial cooperation between partisans and the local population, there were frequent cases of confrontation, which did not contribute to the formation of trusting relations, often led to violence and killings. Prevention and suppression of looting, robbery and coercion by partisans was an intractable problem for guiding the partisan movement throughout the entire period of occupation.

Digital movement parties: a comparative analysis of the technopolitical cultures and the participation platforms of the Movimento 5 Stelle and the Piratenpartei

ABSTRACT The Pirate Party of Germany (PPG) and the Italian 5-Star Movement (5SM) are two digital movement parties that share several ideological features, including their roots in anti-establishment movements, their refusal to position themselves on the Left-Right spectrum, and their belief that the Internet increases the capacity of ordinary citizens for self-government and self-representation. To this end, both parties have adopted online participation platforms, which allow their members to contribute to the development of the party program, vote on strategic decisions, and propose policy initiatives. Given these affinities and given that both parties begun their political ascendancy in the same years, their antipodal political destinies – ascendency to power for the 5SM, downfall for the PPG – are all the more striking. This article accounts for this divergence by showing how the technopopulist orientation of both parties conceals in fact radically different conceptions of political participation and internal party democracy. To this end, it considers the role that different technopolitical cultures have played in shaping the organization of these two parties in their early stages, and how the subsequent adoption and use of online participation platforms has led to internal strife and bitter disputes within the PPG and increasing centralization within the 5SM.