Movement Organizations Research Articles

Historical Background of the Overview in the Co-operatives

This contributed to their success and spread to other co-operatives around the world. But profoundly transformed the traditional producer/ consumer relationship and created a pathway for small and large-scale communities based economic and social development. Originally founded by co-operative organizations from 12 countries, today over 200 national co-operative organizations representing 92 nations belong to the ICA: the apex organization of all national co-operative movements. Henry David Thoreau the pioneering Boston reformer was preparing to build a cabin on Walden Pond, Robert Owen (1771–1858) was a social reformer and a pioneer of the cooperative movement. Rochdale Society of Equitable Pioneers, (RCEP) founded in 1844, is usually considered the first successful cooperative enterprise, Another milestone in the continued expansion of the co-operative movement came only 51 years later with the establishment of the International Co-operative Alliance (ICA) in 1895. Co-operative Movement acquired structure and shape with the British enactment of the Cooperative Credit Societies Act, 1904. The research study revealed that the fishery co-operative societies.

Guest Editorial Special Issue on Social Computing and Societies 5.0: Toward Social Intelligence via Cyber Movement Organizations

Guest Editorial Special Issue on Social Computing and Societies 5.0: Toward Social Intelligence via Cyber Movement Organizations

Training and Assistance in Financial Administration Report Preparation Using Microsoft Excel

This article presents the outcomes of the Program Pengabdian Kepada Masyarakat (PKM) undertaken by a social movement organization in Indonesia. The program aimed to enhance the financial reporting capabilities of its leadership through a three-phase approach comprising training, mentoring, and evaluation of financial administration records. Virtual pre-training equipped participants with essential Excel and financial application skills. The results showed a significant improvement in financial reporting, ensuring transparency and accountability. Moreover, the financial administration training facilitated better planning and informed decision-making, fostering sustainable development. These implications resonate globally, encouraging similar community engagement initiatives to advance financial transparency and effectiveness.
 Highlights:
 
 
 Enhanced Financial Reporting: The three-phase approach led to a significant improvement in the organization's financial reporting capabilities, ensuring greater transparency and accountability.
 
 
 Empowered Decision-Making: The financial administration training enabled better planning and informed decision-making, contributing to the sustainable development of the social movement organization.
 
 
 Global Implications: The program's success inspires related scientists and organizations worldwide to implement similar community engagement initiatives, advancing financial transparency and effectiveness on a broader scale.
 
 
 Keywords: Financial reporting, Community engagement, Sustainable development, Training, Transparency

Nationalism Education: Dialectical Relations Between Darussalam Islamic Boarding School Education and Tradition of the Manokwari Society of West Papua

Research refutes the opinion of Francis Fukuyama, in his book The End of History and the Last Man (2006) which states that nationalism is dead and does not need to be taught. This thesis was written to strengthen previous research which also questioned the existence of nationalism in the world of education such as Coulby and Zambeta (2007) which stated that the old ideology of nationalism which in certain aspects was universalistic, humanistic conceptualized by intellectuals, lost "truth" and the power to captivated many people in the west. A new concept is needed to strengthen nationalism education which strengthens 'national stability' in areas transitioning towards industrial culture. Dewey ( 2010 ) stated that nationalism education for students forms the characteristics of a democratic life that cannot be separated from learning. Maksu>d (2008) states that nationalism education is an effort to raise national personality and pride in the homeland. Efforts to strengthen these values cannot be denied through teaching at all levels of education. This research shows that (1 ) the ideology of nationalism needs to be taught in formal education because it is considered dead; (2) Nationalism education is the basis for strengthening the spirit of unity and nationality; (3) Strengthening nationalism through formal education (schools and Islamic boarding schools) is one of the effective steps to suppress national disintegration. The main sources of this thesis are various research results and documentation relating to the dynamics of the pesantren in Manokwari which are synonymous with Islamic studies and traditionalism, with a pluralistic society adhering to the majority Christian religion and the strength of the Free Papua Organization movement. the dealektics of the educational tradition of nationalism in the Darussalam Islamic Boarding School and the cultural traditions of the local community which are implemented in behavior and attitudes within the people of West Papua. To obtain these data, observations, interviews and documentation were carried out which were analyzed through qualitative research with a phenomenological approach.

Caring for the whole: Spatial organization at the G20 protests in Hamburg

Recounting the events of the #NoG20 protests in Hamburg in 2017, particularly the effects of the ban of one large scale protest camp by the authorities, this paper investigates how the protest was re-organized after the ban. Within a wide variety of existing forms of social movement organization (SMO), protest camps are increasingly visible and important, occurring on all continents and with increasing frequency. It appears that making a camp can be a strategy for network-based organization to materialize spatially where formal organizing is absent or eschewed. Based on interviews with participants and document analysis, the paper analyses the emergence of alternative hospitality structures, and of a new antagonism helping to forge a collective identity of the #NoG20 mobilisation. We structure our analysis through the notion of “care for the whole,” in which Rodrigo Nunes describes parameters of strategic action in networked SMO. We advance organizational thinking by extending this notion with two further dimensions: the literal caring for participants needs and its infrastructures; and the creation of a sense of community in narrative and representation. This can be applied in the analysis in any networked organization aspiring to be more democratic and open.

Contentious Institutionalization of Protests under Democracy: The Evidence from Taiwan, 1986–2016

AbstractWhile many scholarly works are concerned with how social protests promote democratization, this article addresses the causally reverse question: how democratization shapes the landscape of street protests. We use a unique database of 31 years of protest events in Taiwan, a smooth and successful case of authoritarianism-to-democracy transition, to engage in a dialogue with political transition theory, the institutionalization thesis and networked movement theory. The logistic regression analysis indicates that protest violence persists under consolidated democracy, but it is marginalized. We find an indirect effect from the growth of social movement organizations that foster the adaptation of festive and performative tactics, which are less confrontational in nature. Politicians' involvement, however, remains a constant source of disruptiveness. Our conclusion of contentious institutionalization finds that late-democratizing countries also gravitate towards becoming a ‘social movement society’ as advanced democracies do, but in a highly compressed period of time.

Hybrid protest logics and relational dynamics against institutional decay: networked movements in Asia

ABSTRACT This introductory essay surveys a wave of mass movements in contemporary East and Southeast Asia. We identify three main aspects that drove and sustained this wave of societal pushback amidst institutional decay. We first discuss how democratic backsliding shapes the spread of mass mobilization in polities that are seen as regulated by the interest of power elites and their machinery of coercion and adaptation. We then critically examine the continued relevance of protest leadership by highlighting the relational dynamics between organizing with and without (formal) organizations. We further examine how network and coalition building in political and civil societies shaped the long-term trajectory of movement organizations to facilitate large-scale protests at critical times. This review draws on the contributions to this special issue and the recent literature on democratic backsliding and political activism. It provides a holistic survey of defensive mobilizations and the interactive mechanisms among the masses in the region and beyond.

Chile’s Inclusion Law: the arduous drive to regulate an unequal education system, 2006–19

ABSTRACT Chile’s Inclusion Law, passed in 2015, significantly increased government regulation of one of the most privatised education systems in the world and provided major redistributive benefits. How did Chile’s government succeed in passing and implementing this legislation in the face of a powerful and cohesive opposition? Our study finds that student protesters served as the initial impetus, shaping the education debate and increasing the political salience and urgency of education reform. In line with power resource theory, other left movement organisations and voters used their power to support redistributive education reform, and Bachelet’s centre-left coalition followed through on its mandate by proposing the Inclusion Law. Also, a well-connected policy network helped articulate problems with the status quo and shaped the specifics of the education bill. To develop this argument, the paper draws on historical information on the student movement in Chile, quantitative data on education stakeholder appearances in the press, public opinion surveys, and detailed analysis of the 13-month legislative proceedings – to explain the law’s passage in congress. To underscore the significance of the Inclusion Law and to contextualise the Chilean case, the paper also compares Chile to other countries with nation-wide school choice systems.

Spaces of Anti-Ableist, Feminist Resistance

This article describes how Las FemiDiskas, an anti-ableist, feminist social movement organization, develops virtual engagement strategies to resist ableist and sexist violence experienced in individual homes and public spaces. How do women with disabilities organize against patriarchal violence in private and public spaces during pandemic times in the global south? I explore this question through ethnographic participative audiovisual methods. As a transnational feminist and member of Las FemiDiskas, I use participatory observations to identify how members of this collective are raising awareness of violence inflicted against women with disabilities in Bolivia. The spaces of resistance created by Las FemiDiskas are made through transnational networks of feminist solidarities. The transformation of private spaces is affected as much as online spaces and public ones. The COVID-19 crisis pushed for the creation of a safe space to discuss and create a collective voice for women with disabilities. Online activism has opened a door to new inclusive spaces, where location is not an obstacle to collectively organizing, as long as there is internet accessibility. The creation of these new virtual spaces transforms existing material spaces and shapes the collective identity of women with disabilities and challenges and reconstructs notions of disability and gender. Exploring how digital and remote activism is deployed by women with disabilities and allies shines a light on future, kinder, non-discriminatory, and transnational practices within social movements.

WALHI DAN #SAVEMERATUS (MOBILISASI SUMBERDAYA GERAKAN SOSIAL)

The #SaveMeratus movement is an environmental initiative aimed at protecting the Meratus Mountains from harmful exploitation and preserving all aspects within it. The movement involves various efforts, such as protest demonstrations, petition gathering, online campaigns, and legal actions. One organization contributing to this movement is Walhi Kalsel, actively participating in activities related to the #SaveMeratus cause. The key factor in this movement is resource mobilization, and this research aims to describe how Walhi Kalsel mobilizes resources in its contribution to the #SaveMeratus movement. The theoretical framework employed is resource mobilization theory. This study adopts a qualitative-descriptive method and a case study approach. The findings reveal significant factors supporting the #SaveMeratus movement. In the context of social movement organizations, Walhi Kalsel aligns its values and principles with the struggle to #SaveMeratus. Leadership plays a crucial role, and Walhi Kalsel's leaders actively engage in the #SaveMeratus movement. Additionally, Walhi Kalsel successfully mobilizes various resources, including moral, cultural, human, organizational-social, and material resources to support the #SaveMeratus movement.

Practices of health citizenship in South Africa: a case study of the Treatment Action Campaign (TAC) in Khayelitsha, Cape Town

This article examines the Treatment Action Campaign’s (TAC) evolution and attrition as a social movement organisation to discern its implications for practices of health citizenship at the grassroots level. A qualitative approach to case study research was used to collect and analyse data. Practices of health citizenship were framed around the integration of biomedical knowledge and people’s experiences of grassroots activism. By exploring how the TAC’s brand of activism filtered down to the community level, the findings reveal the importance of diverse forms of activist-led collective action in promoting health-seeking behaviour. These comprise activist-led branch meetings, community workshops, health promotion talks at clinics and community radio stations, as well as protest action at community clinics. Findings indicate that participation in TAC-led activism in Khayelitsha is not a passive form of responsible HIV citizenship. Rather, it is an active process through which TAC members integrate their lived experiences with biomedical knowledge to construct meanings and articulate grievances to enhance the quality of health service delivery in their community. Also, although the TAC’s practices of health citizenship have not changed significantly over time, its campaigns have evolved based on contextual factors. These practices have entrenched ways of being, doing and knowing that have become an important resource for activist-led health promotion. Key stakeholders in government and civil society can harness these practices to strengthen health systems.

사회적 자본으로서 종교계의 통일운동

The purpose of this study is to examine how the religious community has formed and developed the unification movement and unification network in Korean society as social capital. To this end, looking at the preceding studies, it was found that research on the unification movement of domestic religious organizations was insufficient. This study examined the view of unification and the theory of unification in the religious community using social capital and social trust as a theoretical framework.
 As a result of this study, the tasks necessary for the religious community to fulfill its role are as follows. First, it is the revitalization of unification education in the religious community. Second, it is the establishment of a cooperative network with the religious community and the government. Third, it is necessary to increase the unification solidarity of the religious community and the spread and utilization of international networks. Through this, it is possible to expect unification public diplomacy in which the domestic religious community can promote cooperation and support with religious organizations.

Plantationocene and Contemporary Agrarian Struggles

Wolford’s (2021) article on the Plantationocene compels us to reexamine the state of agrarian struggles today in relation to struggles within and against capitalism. Although contemporary agrarian movements are relatively vibrant overall, their movement organizations and alliances tend to be sectoral and localized, and plantation workers remain weakly organized. This commentary argues that agrarian struggles can become more relevant if they are better embedded within broader anticapitalist struggles; conversely, broad anticapitalist struggles are better grounded if they are linked to contemporary agrarian struggles. The Plantationocene scholarship validates this point; moreover, scholarship on the Plantationocene can be enriched by engagement with studies on agrarian struggles.

Examining the decision-making style of managers and its effectiveness in the country's insurance industry

Undoubtedly, the main essence of any organization is the managers of that organization, and their decision-making has a significant impact on the movement and progress of organizations and forms the main foundation of the organization. The decision-making style of managers in the insurance industry is not only part of the vital pulses of this industry and insurance companies, but with these decisions facing a new cycle of the economic situation and the growing attitude of digitalization and developments, the importance and attention to this the issue has been noticed before and the future of insurance companies is influenced by the decision-making process of managers and determines its growth or decline. Therefore, in this regard, our hypothesis originates from the fact that the effectiveness of these decisions is so effective that it determines the achievement or non-achievement of the organization's mission, and we believe that in this article while taking a general look at the views of elders and let's examine the decision-making styles of managers and the effectiveness of general decision-making styles in the country's insurance industry. For this purpose, a sample consisting of 74 managers of the country's insurance industry was formed in 2022-2023 at different levels. And the sampling method is the general decision-making styles questionnaire of GDMS Scott and Bruce, 1995, according to the test reliability and validity of sample data and related analyzes based on the approach and effective performance of the decision-making style, which is considered a valid tool in this field. The results obtained in the insurance industry are the result of the insurance industry managers using Intuitive and rational decision-making styles are more confident in their decisions than dependence and avoidance styles, although with the rise of organizational levels, due to the type of facing the issues, these decisions become preferable with an immediate approach.

The Limits of Social Media Mobilization: How Protest Movements Adapt to Social Media Logic

The emergence of social networking sites offers protest movements new ways to mobilize for action and draw attention to their issues. However, relying on social media also creates challenges, as social media follow their own principles. If protest movements want to be visible in news feeds, they have to adapt to so-called social media logic, as originally postulated in mediatization research. The principles of social media have been conceptualized. However, there is a lack of empirical research on how political actors perceive and orient to this logic, how they learn about it, and the consequences for mobilization (i.e., communicating protest issues as well as taking protest action). As protest movements are an integral part of modern democracies, use social media somewhat intensively, and usually build on a fluid network structure that allows us to examine adaptation processes in greater detail, they are particularly suitable for addressing these questions. Semi-structured interviews with activists organizing protest actions or managing social media accounts from 29 movement organizations in Germany (<em>N</em> = 33) revealed that protest movements have internalized social media logic and paid attention to not only the design but also the timing of posts to suit algorithms. The protest organizations generally built on their experience with social media. The degree to which they followed these principles was based on available resources. Limits of this adaptation arose, for example, if sensitive or negative content rarely produced likes or, increasingly, personalization evoked a presumed hierarchy within the movements.

Where the Great Cities Go, Do Other Cities Follow? Divergent Trajectories of LGBTQ Organizational Growth Across the United States During the AIDS Crisis

ABSTRACT Numerous studies examine how LGBTQ life differs between large, cosmopolitan cities like San Francisco and other, less prominent cities. Nevertheless, most of this research is done through case studies of one or a handful of LGBTQ communities, making it unclear how unique the large hubs of LGBTQ life truly are. This study leverages nationally complete data from the U.S. Gayellow Pages, a historical listing of local LGBTQ organizations, to evaluate how the organizational response of LGBTQ communities to the AIDS crisis—arguably the most prolific era of organizational creation in LGBTQ history—differed between large hubs and other cities. Findings make clear the risks of generalizing about LGBTQ life from large hubs alone. Although AIDS stimulated the creation of health-related and social movement organizations in large hubs, AIDS was more strongly associated with organizational creation outside of rather than within large hubs. The types of organizations created due to AIDS tended to be more varied outside of rather than within large hubs as well. These differences highlight the value of decentering the large hubs of LGBTQ life as units of analysis in the study of sexuality and space.

Disconnective action: Online activism against a corporate sponsorship at WorldPride 2021

Disconnective action, this article argues, is an important supplement to the logic of connective action, which enables social movements to organize informally online. Through the (threat of) disconnection, members may (re)assert their agency in relation to social movement organizations. In conducting a case study of LGBTI+ community members’ protests of a corporate sponsorship of WorldPride 2021, we establish disconnective action as a particular form of within-movement activism that relies both on social media affordances and the conditions of possibility of hybrid media ecologies. Thus, we explore how individual members of the LGBTI+ community were able to influence the formal organization of WorldPride 2021, as the threat of community members’ disconnection from the event led the organizers to terminate a corporate sponsorship. On this basis, we conceptualize disconnective action as a central means for individual activists to shape the movements of which they are part.

Exploring the Relationship Between Social Movement Organizations and the State in Latin America

Under conditions of weak statehood, societal actors are supposed to assume functions usually attributed to the state. Social self-organization is expected to emerge when the state leaves important social problems unattended. Should social self-organization, therefore, be regarded as a reaction to state weakness and as compensation for state failure in the provision of basic services? Does society organize itself on its own in areas where the state is absent or ineffective? By the example of two Latin American social movements, this article aims to show that social self-organization—at least on a larger scale—is not independent of the state, but rather a result of a dynamic interaction with the state. The two examples this article explores are the middle-class Venezuelan neighborhood movement and the Argentine piquetero movement of unemployed workers. Both movements emerged as reactions to the state’s failure and retreat from essential social functions and both developed into extensive and influential social actors. For that reason, they can be regarded as crucial cases for observing the patterns and conditions of social self-organization and autonomous collective action within the specific Latin American context. Despite their different backgrounds and social bases, the two cases reveal remarkable similarities. They show that the emergence and development of self-organized social groups cannot be conceived simply as a reaction to state weakness, but rather should be viewed as a dynamic interaction with the state.

Corporate concessions: Opportunity or liability for climate advocacy groups?

When social movements achieve some success in meeting goals, elite opponents may see compromise and collaboration with movement organizations as a desirable option. The consequences for advocacy organizations of elite concessions are contested. Some highlight the political opportunities created by elite support, such as increased access to financial resources, political processes, and new audiences. Others identify potential liabilities, including demobilization, bureaucratization, and the co-optation of advocacy frames. Herein is presented a framework for analyzing the pathways through which realignments among elite opponents influence social movement struggles, using the first fifteen years of the international climate negotiations as a historical case. After years of pressure from environmental advocacy organizations, some global oil corporations shifted their climate policy stance from obstruction to collaboration. These realignments in turn affected the activities, framing strategies, policy access, and cross-group relations of climate advocacy groups, benefiting some to the detriment of others.

About the Contributors

About the Contributors